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DIODORUS OF SICILY

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
C. BRADFORD WELLES

r E

PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY, YALE UNIVERSITY

IN TWELVE VOLUMES
VIII

BOOKS xvI. 66-95 AND XVII

LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

MCMLXIII

TO
THE GENERATIONS OF SCHOLARS
ANCIENT AND MODERN
WHO HAVE TRIED TO UNDERSTAND

ALEXANDER

Printed in Great Britain

INTRODUCTION

BOOK xvI (cHaPs. 66-95)

BOOK

XVII .

ADDENDA .

INDEX . .

MAPS

MAP OF GREECE AND SICILY

CONTENTS

PAGE
5 1
` 21
. 105
. 473
. 475
At end

MAP TO ILLUSTRATE ALEXANDER’S CONQUESTS

INTRODUCTION

Dioporus’s CHRONOLOGY

Tue parts of Diodorus’s Library of History which are
covered in this volume offer few serious chronological
problems. As elsewhere, Diodorus identifies each
year by the Attic archon and the Roman consuls,
adding the number of the Olympiad every four years.
As elsewhere, he tries to complete the narrative of
each event at one time, and this often leads him to
continue a story beyond the year to which it belongs,
or to begin its account later than would be strictly
correct. Specific dates as an aid to the reader are
here added in footnotes, when they are known.

Consuls’ and archons’ names differ not infrequently
from those which are attested otherwise, either in
part or in whole, and these latter are supplied in foot-
notes, the archons from J. Kirchner’s Prosopographia
Attica (Vol. 2 (1903), 635) and the consuls from T. R. S.
Broughton’s The Magistrates of the Roman Republic
(Vol. 1, 1951). The manuscript form of the names is
kept in text and translation. For the consuls, it is
enough to refer to the study of the problem by G.
Perl, Kritische Untersuchungen zu Diodors römischer
Jahrzählung (1957). The years covered by this vo-
lume, 345 to 323 B.c., offer fewer problems than else-
where. Since he lacks the so-called dictator years,
one of which (333 s.c.) falls within this period, the
consuls are dated by Diodorus two or three years
later than in the Varronian chronology.

VOL. VIII B 1

INTRODUCTION

For some reason, the consuls of 345 B.c. are placed
three years earlier than in other lists.

The problems of the calendar year employed by
Diodorus to date events in the Alexander story has
recently been investigated by M. J. Fontana, Kokalos,
2. 1 (1956), 37-49. His conclusion that Diodorus here
follows the Macedonian year which began in the
autumn, but identified it by the names of the archon
and the consuls who took office up to eight or nine
months later, seems well founded. In the later years
of Alexander’s life, Diodorus’s chronology becomes
quite confused.:

Earlier, in Book 16, on the other hand, the assign-
ment of the battle of Chaeronea to 338/7 B.c. (chaps.
84-87) shows that Diodorus was there not following
the Macedonian calendar. His choice in each case
was presumably made for him in his source. His
assignment of the sieges of Perinthus and Byzantium
to 341/0 s.c. (chaps. 74-76), while they were narrated
by Philochorus under 340/39 s.c. (F. Jacoby, Frag-
mente der griechischen Historiker, no. 328, F 54), is ex-
plained by the fact that the events occurred in the
spring and summer of 340 B.c.

SOURCES AND CHARACTER OF THE NARRATIVE,

Boox XVI

Unlike Book 17, which only rarely interrupts the
story of Alexander’s career to mention events else-

1 The chronological system followed by the Marmor Pa-
rium is somewhat different, and seems to have no bearing on
the tradition of Diodorus. Cp. Jacoby, Fragmente der griechi-
schen Historiker, no. 239, B 1-8, and Jacoby’s commentary,
pp. 698-702.

INTRODUCTION

where, the second half of Book 16 contains two prin-
cipal narratives, interspersed by two literary refer-
ences (chaps. 71. 3; 76. 5-6) and a number of notes
referring to other matters, chiefly of a chronological
interest : the Molossians (chap. 72. 1), Caria (chap.
74. 2), Tarentum (chap. 88. 3-4), Heracleia Pontica
(chap. 88. 5), Cius (chap. 90. 2) and Rome (chaps. 69.
1; 90. 2). There are two references to Athenian
activities (chaps. 74. 1; 88. 1-2). Otherwise the
stories of Timoleon and of Philip are interwoven on a
chronological basis (Timoleon : chaps. 66-69. 6; 70.
1-6; 72. 2-73. 3; T7. 4—83; 90. 1; Philip: chaps.
69. 7-8 ; 71. 1-2; 74. 2—76. 45; 77. 2-3; 84. 1—87. 3 ;
89; 91-95). The source or sources of all this have
been much discussed, and certainty is impossible.

In one chapter (83), it is reasonable to suppose that
Diodorus, the Siciliote, is writing from his own obser-
vation, as he expressly does of Alexandria in Book 17.
52. 6. Otherwise the problem of Diodorus’s sources
is complicated by the fact that we have very few
specific fragments of earlier historians whom he may
have used in this period. Since we have so little, for
example, of Ephorus, Theopompus, Diyllus, Timaeus
and the rest, and since J. Palm has shown how drasti-
cally Diodorus not only abridged and even distorted
his sources but also rephrased them (Über Sprache
und Stil des Diodorus von Sizilien, 1955), all analyses
based on style are unrewarding. On the other hand,
there are certain indications which may be mentioned.

In the latter part of Book 16, Diodorus quotes
Demosthenes (chaps. 84-85) and Lycurgus (chap. 88),
possibly also Demades (chap. 87), and these quota-
tions may or may not have been direct. On one oc-
casion he uses a word which may be traced back to

INTRODUCTION

Theopompus (chap. 70. 3; p. 37, n. 6). He specifi-
cally mentions Theopompus (chap. 71. 3) and Ephorus
and Diyllus (chap. 76. 5) as authors whom he knew
and presumably had read. Once he seems to differ
from the little known historian Athanis (chap. 82. 5;
p. 67, n. 6). Diyllus, Ephorus, and Theopompus to-
gether can have covered all the events here described
by Diodorus. I do not feel, with most of the com-
mentators, that chap. 71. 3 means that Theopompus
dealt with no Sicilian events later than the expul-
sion of Dionysius; he merely did not devote any
books exclusively to the area after Book 43.

A certain presumption exists that Diodorus took
his account of Timoleon from Theopompus (or pos-
sibly from Diyllus, but we know almost nothing about
him), or, at any rate, not from Timaeus, in view of
the markedly different tone of his narrative from that
of Plutarch. Plutarch’s Timoleon is a barely probable
and clearly tendentious eulogy ; ep. E. Schwartz,
Real-Encyclopädie, 5 (1905), 687, and especially the
analysis of H. D. Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations
with Tyrants (1951). Diodorus, on the other hand,
while laudatory, is generally credible. If Plutarch’s
account goes back to Timaeus, as is very likely in
view of that writer’s great partiality for Timoleon
(Polybius, Book 12 ; ep. Jacoby, op. cit. no. 566 ; R.
Laqueur, Real-Encyclopädie, A 11 (1936), 1156-1162 ;
T. S. Brown, Timaeus of Tauromenium, 1958), then
Diodorus must have drawn on another source.

In the case of Philip, the only specific evidence we
have is that (in contrast with the situation in Book 17)
the story of Diodorus differs sharply from that of
Trogus-Justin. Diodorus’s account of Philip is gener-
ally favourable. The Greeks joined Philip willingly

INTRODUCTION

out of gratitude and affection (chaps. 69. 8; 71. 2);
Philip preferred to make friends rather than to defeat
enemies (chap. 95. 3). In Justin, on the other hand,
Philip is wily and treacherous. I make no suggestion
as to the source of Justin, but it is not uņreasonable
to suppose that Diodorus’s portrait is taken from
Theopompus. Itis true that the preserved fragments
of the Philippic History do not give a rounded picture
of Philip. Many of them are concerned with his con-
viviality (or depravity, depending on how you look at
it). Theopompus was evidently interested in stories
of the festive life in general, and so was Athenaeus,
through whose agency most of these reports have
been preserved. Drinking and conjoined activities
were a Macedonian pleasure. We see this also in
the case of Alexander. In Diodorus, however, this
is all controlled and made serviceable to Philip’s
political ends, as in the celebration following the
victory of Chaeronea (chap. 87) and in the wedding of
Cleopatra (chap. 91). Essentially the same balance
appears in Theopompus (note especially Jacoby, op.
cit. no. 115, F 162). We may remember Theopompus’s
critical attitude toward Demosthenes, as reported in
Plutarch, Demosthenes, 13. 1 ; 25-26. This strongly
suggests a favourable attitude towards Philip.:

As to the narrative in the second part of Book 16
in general, Diodorus displays the unevenness for
which he is well known. He indulges in vague gen-
eralities and often fails to get things quite right.
On the other hand, he is capable of writing, or of

1 Cp. further the useful studies of the sources of Book 16
by P. Treves, Annali della R. Scuola Normale Superiore di
Pisa ; Lettere, Storia e Filosofia, 2. 6 (1937), 255-219, and
N. G. L. Hammond, Classical Quarterly, 31 (1937), 79-91 ;
32 (1938), 136-151.

INTRODUCTION

repeating, dramatic and exciting stories. His account
of the siege of Perinthus (chaps. 74-76), of the battle
of the Crimisus (chaps. 79-80), of Chaeronea (chaps.
84-87), and of the death of Philip (chaps. 91-95) are
good reading, all the more because in all but the
second instance they are our only surviving account
of these events. Diodorus is interested in the opera-
tion of Fortune and the reverses which that deity
could produce (chap. 70. 2) and he is piously delighted
when sacrilegious men meet their just deserts (chaps.
78—79. 1 ; 82. 1-2). We may be grateful that he has
been preserved.

SOURCES AND CHARACTER OF THE NARRATIVE,

Boog XVII

Diodorus does not name his source or sources in
the Alexander History,! nor does he anywhere cite
any of the historians of Alexander except in Book
2. 7. 3, where Cleitarchus is quoted as his authority
for the size of Babylon. Ptolemy, the future king
and Arrian’s principal source, is mentioned only as an
actor in the story. Diodorus does not even give in a
literary note information about historians who dealt
with the period, as he does frequently elsewhere ;
for example, in Book 16. 71. 3 and 76. 5. Once he
refers to his own observation in Alexandria and what
was told him of the city and the country during his
visit to Egypt (chap. 52. 6). Otherwise he tells a
factual story on his own responsibility, rarely insert-

1 The only direct quotation (chap. 4. 8) is from Aeschines,
and as with that from Demosthenes in Book 16, the quotation
probably occurred in his immediate source.

~ INTRODUCTION

ing an “ it is said ” or “ they say ” in support of a
specific statement (chaps. 4. 8; 85.2; 92. 1; 110.
7; 115. 5; 118. 1). Twice he introduces an item
with the words “ as some have written,” in one case
(chap. 73. 4) certainly, in the other (chap. 65. 5)
probably, to give a variant version ; the language of
the latter instance-is confused in a way which else-
where is most naturally explained as due to Diodo-
rus’s careless abridgement of his source.:

Our knowledge of the career of Alexander the
Great is based primarily upon the surviving accounts
of Diodorus, Quintus Curtius, Plutarch, and Arrian,
and upon the excerpts of Pompeius Trogus made by
Justin ; the earliest of these belongs to the period of
Augustus. Behind them lie the narrators of the early
Hellenistic period, the fragments of whose histories
have been collected by Jacoby and translated by
Robinson.? Ever since the beginning of modern
scholarship, commentators have been busy with the
problem posed by these relationships in the attempt
to provide a scientific basis for reconstructing the
personality and the accomplishments of the great
Macedonian. Their answers have varied all the way
from that of Schwartz, who regarded Diodorus’s Book
17 as merely an abridgement of the history of Clei-
tarchus of Alexandria, to that of Tarn, who believed
that Diodorus used a variety of sources including

1 These instances are listed by W. W. Tarn, Alexander the
Great, Vol. 2 (1948), p. 63, note 5. There is also the mention
of the “ Caucasus, which some call Mt. Paropanisus ” (chap.
83. 1). Diodorus visited Egypt in 60-56 s.c. (Book 1. 44. 1;
46. 7).

2 Teby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, nos. 11-
153; C. A. Robinson, Jr., The History of Alezander the
Great, Vol. 1 (Providence, 1953). See Addenda.

INTRODUCTION
Aristobulus, Cleitarchus, and a ‘“‘ Mercenaries Source ”
never mentioned by any ancient writer.!

I suspect that the question has been phrased
wrongly. When, for example, we find Diodorus giv-
ing the number of Sambus’s subjects killed as 80,000
(chap. 102), and Curtius, in giving the same figure,
attributes it to Cleitarchus, are we then required to
suppose that Diodorus, or Curtius either, used Clei-
tarchus as his source ? Curtius’s statement establishes
that Cleitarchus gave that figure, but that is all. We
may speak of Diodorus and Curtius as “ following ”
Cleitarchus, but there is nothing to prove that they
did not find Cleitarchus’s statement in another history
than his own. It was the custom for abridgers and
compilators in antiquity to pass on such comments
in their sources, even when these were not precisely
applicable to their own texts.?

Completeness in these matters is impossible to at-
tain, but I may list instances which I have observed
where Diodorus “‘ follows ” one or another of the
primary historians of Alexander. The evidence is
given below in notes on the relevant passages.

Crows guided Alexander on the road to Siwah
(chap. 49 ; Callisthenes and Aristobulus).

The meaning of the oracle of Ammon was con-

1 E. Schwartz, Real-Encyclopädie, 5 (1905), cols. 682-684 ;
Tarn, Alexander the Great, pp. 63-91. For criticisms of
Tarn’s analysis cp. T. S. Brown, American Journal of Philo-
logy, 11 (1950), 134-155; M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, i (1955),
155-190; O. Seel, Pompei Trogi Fragmenta (1956), 84-119 ;
E. Badian, Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 144-157.

2 Curt Wachsmuth, Ueber das Geschichtswerk des Sikelioten
Diodorus, Vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 3-6. R. Laqueur, Her-
mes, 86 (1958), 257-290, thinks that Diodorus used little but
scissors and paste.

INTRODUCTION
veyed by nods and signs (chap. 50; Callisthe-

nes).

Alexandria was founded after Alexander’s return
from Siwah (chap. 52; Aristobulus).

Thais incited Alexander to burn Persepolis (chap.
72; Cleitarchus).

Alexander found in Hyrcania a tree dripping honey
(Onesicritus) and a ferocious bee (Cleitarchus ;
chap. 75).

The queen of the Amazons stayed with Alexander
thirteen days in Hyrcania ! (chap. 77; Cleitar-
chus,? Onesicritus, and others).

In northern India, Alexander found imitative
monkeys (Cleitarchus), snakes sixteen cubits long
(Cleitarchus) and small poisonous snakes (Ne-
archus), as well as huge banyan trees (chap. 90 ;
Onesicritus and Aristobulus}.

Alexander found the Adrestians practising suttee
and the subjects of Sopithes admiring human
beauty (chap. 91 ; Onesicritus).

Alexander killed 80,000 subjects of Sambus (chap.
102 ; Cleitarchus).

1 Plutarch, Alexander, Sect. 46, is our source. He states
at the beginning of the section that the visit of the Amazon
took place entautha. Just previously, Plutarch has referred
to Alexander’s crossing of the Jaxartes River, and Tarn and
Jacoby take the entautha to refer to that area. That refer-
ence, however, is introduced only as an illustration of Alex-
ander’s disregard of his bodily injuries or infirmities, and the
thread of the narrative shows that the visit of the Amazon
occurred about where Diodorus places it. At the beginning
of section 45, Alexander advanced into Parthia, and at the
beginning of section 47, he marched into Hyrcania. The
incident of the Jaxartes is an obiter dictum, remote from its
chronological and geographical location.

2? On this historian cp. recently: T. S. Brown, Onesicritus,
A Study in Hellenistic Historiography (1949).

INTRODUCTION

The Oreitae exposed their dead (Onesicritus), and
the Gedrosians let their fingernails grow long
(Cleitarchus) and built their houses out of whales’?
ribs (Nearchùs ; all chap. 105).

Alexander celebrated his own and Nearchus’s safe
completion of the journey from India (chap. 106 ;
somewhat variously in Nearchus and Onesicritus).

Nearchus reported whales frightened by noise
(chap. 106 ; Nearchus).

Harpalus kept various mistresses (chap. 108 ; Clei-
tarchus and Theopompus).

This is evidently not the material from which sta-
tistics are built, but it may be noted that Diodorus
“follows ” Cleitarchus eight times, Onesicritus six
times, Nearchus and Aristobulus three times each, and
Callisthenes twice. No one has ever supposed that
Diodorus wrote in such an eclectic fashion, even if we
were to believe that he would have dissembled his eru-
dition by failing to mention it. Evidently these attri-
butions are of different sorts. From Aristobulus and
Callisthenes came a basic narrative, from Nearchus
details of his own voyage and Indian experiences,
and from Cleitarchus and Onesicritus various curio-
sities. Since all of these authors wrote systematic
histories, it is clear that they all must have told much
the same story, differing in detail. Perhaps the later
of them referred by name to their predecessors.
Diodorus can be best supposed to have followed a
single manuscript which contained all of this material.

Little more can be asserted positively, in view of
our lack of certainty as to Diodorus’s method of work
in general. Probably he followed one source for any

1 Jonas Palm, Ueber Sprache und Stil des Diodorus von
Sizilien (Lund, 1955).

INTRODUCTION

given subject, rewriting rather than excerpting, and
adding additional material when it occurred to him.
It has been impossible to establish any instance where
he collated two or more parallel accounts. If, then,
we should look for a single source for Book 17, what
can that have been ?

Lacking any extensive text of any of the primary
historians, and in some uncertainty as to the scope
and manner and even the date of many of them, it is
impossible for us to prove or to disprove that Diodorus
used, for example, Aristobulus or Cleitarchus.! It
seems certain, of course, that he did not use Ptolemy ;
and specific disagreement with Aristobulus and Clei-
tarchus makes it unlikely that he used them directly.?

1 Tarn (Alegander the Great, pp. 5-43) argues with great
ingenuity that Cleitarchus was a later writer than Aristobulus,
insisting particularly that Aristobulus wrote in the 280s at
the latest, that the geographer Patrocles wrote 281 or later,
and that Cleitarchus used, and so followed, Patrocles. This
is, however, at the cost of mistranslating (p. 11, note 3) the
clear statement of Strabo (11. 7. 3) that Aristobulus used
Patrocles. I am myself willing to take the statement of Dio-
dorus (Book 2. 7. 3) literally when he refers to ‘*‘ Cleitarchus
and some of those who later crossed with Alexander to Asia.”
I find nothing in the fragments of Cleitarchus to demonstrate
that he was not with Alexander during the campaigns, and
whatever may have been his manner or his substance of
writing, he was as much an eyewitness of the events as
Aristobulus. Which of the two wrote earlier may well be
impossible to say, but there is a report that Aristobulus wrote
late in life, like Ptolemy (Lucian, Macrobioi, 22 = Jacoby,
no. 139, T 3 ; in the opposite sense, Lucian, Quomodo historia
conscribenda, 12 =Jacoby, T 4). Cp. further Fontana and
Badian, op. cit.

2 It is always hard to prove a negative. When Diodorus
gives an account differing from a known fragment of an
earlier writer, he may not have used him or he may sinply
have omitted or altered his account for some reason. There
is little evidence against Diodorus’s following Cleitarchus,

INTRODUCTION

On the other hand, in spite of the objections of Tarn,
I regard it as certain that whatever source Diodorus
used, it was the same as that employed by Curtius.!
Schwartz assembled a formidable list of parallels be-
tween the two writers, without exhausting the sub-
ject.? Itis adequate to prove the point. To recon-
struct this source would be a useful task ; it obviously

although we might have expected him in that case to include
Ptolemy with Peucestas as Alexander’s champion in the city
of the Malli (chap. 99 ; cp. Jacoby, no. 137, F 24). There is
more in the case of Aristobulus, who did not report the visit
of Alexander and Hephaestion upon the Persian queen dow-
ager (chap. 37 ; Jacoby, F 10) nor that of the Amazon upon
Alexander (chap. 77 ; Jacoby, F 21). He confined the fiora
of the Caucasus to terebinth and asafoetida (chap. 83; Ja-
coby, F 23) and he omitted Alexander’s well-known commis-
sion of his kingdom “‘ to the strongest ” (chap. 117; Jacoby,
F 60). On. the other hand, Diodorus often agrees with him,
as in the arrest of Bessus by his generals, not by Ptolemy
(chap. 83; Jacoby, F 24); Ptolemy wrote that he had done
it (Jacoby, no. 138, F 14). This list of agreements and dis-
agreements could be extended, but additional, more or less cer-
tain examples would prove no more. Diodorus often agrees
with Aristobulus and Cleitarchus, sometimes differs from
them. Considering Diodorus’s known method of work, it is
easier to suppose that he used a source which was based on
their histories than that he himself was so selective.

1 Alexander the Great, pp. 91-122. Tarn believed that the
account of Curtius was unfriendly to Alexander, that of Dio-
dorus friendly in part, and so the two could not be based on a
common source, He believed that similarities in the narra-
tives could be accounted for by the supposition that Curtius
used Diodorus (pp. 116-122). It is unnecessary to point out
that this argument is highly subjective. Cp. Badian, loc. cit.

2 Schwartz, loc. cit. His list of parallels is so full that I
do not need to comment further. Again and again, Dio-
dorus and Curtius agree so closely that the hypothesis of a
common source is inescapable, while one or the other, usually
Curtius, is often so much fuller that they cannot have in-
fluenced each other directly.

INTRODUCTION

cannot be attempted here. Both Diodorus and Curtius
give much which the other lacks and certainly add
much of their own, especially Curtius: the long
speeches with which his narrative abounds may be
his own composition. Enough remains in Justin to
suggest, although not to prove, that the history of
Trogus was at least very similar.

Like Diodorus, Trogus wrote a universal history.
He gave like Diodorus an account of events in Greece,
like Diodorus also omitting contemporary events in
the West. It was long ago suggested that Diodorus’s
source was a general history, and Wachsmuth’s sug-
gestion of Diyllus of Athens, although rejected by
Jacoby, would seem to fit well enough, although we
know very little of Diyllus. Fontana suggests that the
source was Duris of Samos, but again, we know very
little of Duris. Both are mentioned in Book 21. 5-6, as
if still used. Is it, on the other hand, possible that
Diodorus used Trogus ? For Curtius, writing in the
Flavian period, there is no chronological problem, but
Diodorus and Trogus were contemporaries, writing
under Augustus, and we have no way of knowing
which was the earlier. This is, in fact, the conclusion
of Seel (op. cit., especially p. 116), as I discovered after
I had found myself moving inevitably in the same
direction. Itis true that Diodorus did not use Trogus
in Book 16 (above, p. 4). But the three writers
worked in Rome, and must have been known to each
other. Trogus used Greek sources and wrote in Latin,
a language with which Diodorus was familiar (Book
1.4.4). Curtius also wrote in Latin. If Diodorus and
Curtius had used Trogus, they had reason enough
not to say so. Ancient historians did not like to cite
secondary sources by name, and in the case of Dio-

INTRODUCTION

dorus, the admission that he followed the narrative
ofa contemporary would be a confession of plagiarism,
only slightly mitigated by the fact that his source was
a Gaul who wrote for Romans while he was a Sicilian
who wrote for Greeks.!

In any event, the account of Diodorus is of interest
and importance, although his conventional style of
writing and his carelessness in abridgement often
deprive him of the clarity and dramatic effect for
which he aimed.? His expression is turgid and la-
boured. True to his principles expressed in his intro-
duction (Book 1. 1-5), he administers praise and
blame and attempts to edify, calling attention to the
reversals inflicted by Fortune. This has been thought
to have a Stoic tone, but his enthusiasm as a narrator
is called forth by valiant deeds of war, battles and
sieges. This leads to a somewhat stereotyped pattern
of engagement, combat with fluctuating success, and
disengagement, and makes one suspect both that
historical details have been blurred and that extrane-
ous rhetorical material has been introduced. Never-
theless in more than one instance Diodorus preserves
specific and statistical information which we should
otherwise lack.

Without attempting completeness, I may list some
of the incidents told by Diodorus which are lacking
in the other preserved historians.

1 If Diodorus was using a Latin source for Book 17, we
should have an explanation for his lack of technical termino-
logy. The éraîpot of Arrian appear as ġiào (but cp. chap.
114. 2), even when the reference is to the Companion Cavalry
(chap. 57. 1; Plutarch, Alexander, also uses ġiìon but not
always, cp. 19. 3). The óracmoraí (correctly in chap. 99. 4)
appear as Silver Shields (chap. 57. 2) or as úrņpéra (chap.
109. 2: Latin satellites ; in chap. 110. 1, the term is used of
the Companion Cavalry}. See Addenda. 2 Palm, loc. cit.

INTRODUCTION

. The removal of Attalus (chaps. 2, 5).
2. Description of Mt. Ida, and of Memnon’s
campaign in the Troad (chap. 7).
3. Appeal to Alexander by Antipater and Par-
menion to beget an heir before crossing over
to Asia (chap. 16).
4. no figures of Alexander’s army (chap.
17).
5. The fallen statue of Ariobarzanes (chap. 17).
6. The Persian order of battle at the Granicus
(chap. 19).
7. Dispatch of Memnon’s wife to the Great King
(chap. 23).
8. Exploits of Ephialtes and Thrasybulus at Hali-
carnassus (chap. 25).
9. Suicide of the Marmares (chap. 28).
10. Alexander’s substitution of the forged letter
from the Great King (chap. 39).
11. Mechanisms of attack and defence at Tyre
(chap. 43)!
12. Description of Alexandria (chap. 52).
13. Revolt of Memnon in Thrace (chap. 62).
14. Reorganization of the army (chap. 65).
15. Transport of fruit from the country of the Uxii
to Babylon (chap. 67).
16. Description of Persepolis (chap. 71).
17. The institution of suttee (chap. 91).
18. Description of Ecbatana (chap. 110).
19. Description of Hephaestion’s funeral pyre
(chap. 115).
On other occasions, Diodorus gives a narrative
differing from that of the other historians of Alex-

1 Tarn (p. 121) thinks that Diodorus’s source may have
been a Hellenistic siege manual, but this is pure speculation.

INTRODUCTION

ander. Sometimes, but by no means always, he is in

error.
l.

His account of the siege of Thebes is longer
than that of Arrian ; the Thebans fight well,
and Alexander’s victory is gained by a strata-
gem (chaps. 8-13).

. The account of events at Athens is short, and

emphasizes the part of Demades; Phocion
does not appear, and no one is exiled (chap.
15).

. At the Granicus, Diodorus has Alexander cross

the river unopposed in the morning, probably
locating the battle downstream from Arrian
(chap. 19).

. Neoptolemus is killed while fighting on' the

Macedonian side at Halicarnassus (almost
certainly wrong ; chap. 25).

. Alexander did not receive Parmenion’s appeal

for help at Gaugamela (chap. 60).

. Alexander was wrecked on the Indus (chap.

97).

. The Oreitae expose their dead to be eaten by

wild beasts (Onesicritus in Strabo 11. 11. 3
tells a similar story of the Bactrians, but the
victims were the sick and elderly ; chap. 105).

At times, Diodorus omits elements which are
traditional parts of the Alexander history.

1.
2.
3.

The boyhood of Alexander.

The heroism of Timocleia of Thebes.

The sweating statue of Orpheus in Pieria and
the visit to Diogenes at Corinth.

The adoption of Alexander by Ada, the Carian
queen, and Alexander’s attack on Myndus.

INTRODUCTION

5. The miraculous passage of the Climax in Lycia
and the episode of the Gordian knot.

6. There is no description of Babylon (already in
Book 2. 7. 3) or of Susa.

7. Alexander feels no shame for the'’burning of
Persepolis. .

8. No real mutiny on the Hyphasis. Alexander
saw and pitied his soldiers’ weariness.

9. No voyage to the Rann of Kutch.

In these idiosyncrasies, of course, Diodorus invites
comparison with Curtius and Justin, rather than with
Plutarch and Arrian, whose sources were different.
The Persian or Greek point of view which Diodorus
reflects at times may have been lacking in Ptolemy
and perhaps in Aristobulus also. On the other hand,
taken in contrast with Curtius, Diodorus writes es-
sentially sober history little coloured by rhetoric, and
I find it quite impossible to follow Tarn in finding in
Diodorus an unhappy blend of favourable and un-
favourable elments drawn from different traditions.?
As a matter of fact, prejudice may always exist in
our sources, although such comments as that of
Arrian (Book 7. 14. 2-3; cp. Just. 12. 12. 12) are
directed to the moral judgements of historians ex-
pressed as judgements, not by way of distortion of
fact. Probably ancient as well as modern historians
have tended to omit or to stress traditional stories
depending on how these fitted their own concept of
Alexander. Nevertheless there is a risk in our fol-
lowing this principle too enthusiastically in source
criticism. How can we know, for example, that any
given ancient would have regarded the burning of
Persepolis (it was, of course, a little silly to burn

1 So also Badian, loc. cit.
17

INTRODUCTION

your own property) or the massacre of 80,000 sub-
jects of Sambus as unworthy of the great Mace-
donian ? -

* * *

The editing of this volume was originally assigned
to Professor Sherman, who had so capably handled
the problems of Volume VII of this series, and came
into my hands after his untimely and regretted death.
He had made a good beginning with the translation,
and I owe much to him, although, translation being
a subjective thing, not much of his phrasing remains.
I thank Mrs. Martin A. Peacock for her meticulous
care in typing my manuscript.

For the manuscripts of these books, I may refer to
the notes in the previous volumes of this series. My
text is essentially that of C. Th. Fischer in the
Teubner, and I have made no independent collation
of the readings. It will be noted, however, that I
have been more conservative than Fischer, more con-
servative than Professor Post would wish, in admit-
ting corrections. Ihave preferred to follow the manu-
scripts as closely as possible in view of their differences
rather than to make corrections of even obvious
errors. The impression which others have formed of
Diodorus’s often careless method of abridgement of
his sources leads me to suspect that these errors are
as likely to be due to Diodorus himself as to copiers,
and in any given instance it is difficult if not impos-
sible to determine the responsibility. Preferable
readings and corrections will be found in the notes.

The footnotes appended to the translation are in-
tended to furnish material of use to a general reader
interested in this period of classical antiquity, and
also, especially in the Alexander story, to provide a

INTRODUCTION

guide to the parallel accounts of other ancient writers.
In editing Diodorus, it is impossible to attempt the
harmony of the Alexander historians for which we
look confidently to Professor C. A. Robinson, Jr. In
pointing out, however, the close parallelism which
exists between the narratives of Diodorus, Curtius,
and Justin, in contrast especially with that of Arrian,
I have intended to furnish documentation of my
thesis of a common origin of these three, mentioned
earlier in this Introduction.

THE LIBRARY OF HISTORY
OF

DIODORUS OF SICILY

BOOK XVI

AIOAQPOY

TOY ZIKEAIQTOYT

BIBAIOOQHKHÈ ISTOPIKHE

BIBAO? EKKAIAEKATH

66. Er’ dpxovros yàp Abúvnow Eùßovàov “Pw-
patot karéorņnoav únrárovs Mápkov Ďdßiov ral
Zepoúiov Lovàrikiov. èri ðè roúrwv Tiuoàéwv ó
Kopivhios mpokeyeipiopévos órò trv moùrâv èri
Tùv èv Xupakovooas orparnyiav mapeckevdtero
2 mpòs ròv eis rv Pureàlav ëkmàovv. érrakoclovs
êv ov évovs èpolóocaro, orparrwrôv Sè réo-
capas? Tpirýpeis TÀņpócas kal Tayvvavtoðoas Tpeîs
egémÀevoev èk Kopivðov. èv mapáràw Sè mapà
Aevkaðiwv ral Koprupaiwv rtpeîs vas mpocàaßd-
pevos êneparobro éka? vavol ròv `Ióviov kadoŭ-
uevov Tõpov.

3 "Ibiov Òé re kal mapdðoéov ovvéßn yevéoðat TÔ
1 téooapas] mévre PX. Cp. chap. 68. 5-6 and Plutarch,
PER E E the total is ten. But Anaximenes,
u ske Tr pi f e patose is evvéa Tprýpeci Bonbýcavres.
HQ

‘

THE LIBRARY OF HISTORY
OF

DIODORUS OF SICILY

BOOK XVI

66. When Eubulus was archon at Athens, the 345/4 s.c.

Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Servius
Sulpicius.! In this year Timoleon the Corinthian,
who had been chosen by his fellow-citizens to com-
mand in Syracuse, made ready for his expedition to
Sicily. He enrolled seven hundred mercenaries and,
putting his men aboard four triremes and three fast-
sailing ships, set sail from Corinth. As he coasted
along he picked up three additional ships from the
Leucadians and the Corcyraeans, and so with ten
ships he crossed the Ionian Gulf.?

During this voyage, a peculiar and strange event

1 Eubulus was archon from July 345 to June 344 B.C.
Broughton (1. 131) gives the consuls of 345 s.c. as M. Fabius
Dorsuo and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus Rufus,

2 The narrative is continued from chap. 65. There is a
parallel but often differing account of these events in Plutarch,
Timoleon, wherein (7. 1-3; 8. 3) the ten ships are itemized
as seven Corinthian, one Leucadian, and two Corcyraean.
This distinction between triremes and “‘ fast-sailing ships ” is
artificial. i

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Tiuoéovri karà rov nàoûv, ToÔ Öaruoviov ovvemt-
Àafopévov rijs èmpoàĝs kal mpoosnuaivovros TÙV
couévyv nepi aùrov eùðoéiav kat AauntpóTnTa TV
npáćewv: Š OÀns yàp Ts vvkròs mponyeîro ap-
TAS karouévn karta tòv oùpavòv uéxpi o ovvéßn
4ròv oródov eis tùv `Iraàiav rkararàcoar ó ğe
Tiuoàéwv mpoarykows v èv Koprbw rv rfs
AńunņrTtpos kat Kópns ieperðv rı karà ròv Ünvov
aùraîs ai Îeat mpońyyerdav! ovunàceúoechat Toîs
mepi ròv Tiuoàéovra kard rov màoðv ròv eis Tùv
5 iepav aùrôv vioov. Šıórep ó Tiıpoàéwv ral oi
avunÀćovres mepiyapeîs hoav, os TÔv eðv ovvep-
yovoðv aùroîs. rův © àpiorņyv rÕv veðv kabe-
põocas raîs eais ò Tiuoàćéwv œvóuacev aùrùův
AńunTtpos rat Kópns iepáv.
aranàeúoavros è roô oróàov ywpis kwõúvwv
cis Meraróvriov ris `Iraàlas èmixarérievoe Kap-
xnåovia trprýpns ëyovoa rpeoßevràas Kapynõoviovs.
6 ofroi Ò évruyóvres T Tıpoàéovri Šrepaprúpavro
HÀ katápxew moàéuov unë’ èmpaivew ri Eireàig.
ó è Tipoéwv, èmxadovuéevvwv aùròv rôv ‘Py-
yvwv kåt ovuuaxýoew èrayyeouévwv, è£érÀev-
cev eùléws ék roô Merarovriov orevðwv phdoar
T TYV mepi aùròv pýunv: oġóðpa yàp eùdaßeîro uý-
more Kapynòðóvior Badacookparoðvres rkwóowow
aŭròv eis Xekeàlav ĝiamàeoai. oĝros èv oĝv
katà orovõùv èréàei tòv eis ‘Púyiov màoôv.

67. Kapynòóvior è Bpayù mpò roúrwv rv ka-
põv mvlópevot Tò puéyelos toô kar Pıkreàlav
Esopévov moàéuov raîs èv karà Pixeàlav ovu-
payior móàcoi hidavhpónws mpooepépovro kal mpòs

t So MSS, except PX mpoohyyeriav.
24 f

BOOK XVI. 66. 3—67. 1

happened to Timoleon. Heaven came to the support 345/4 B.o.

of his venture and foretold his coming fame and the
glory of his achievements, for all through the night he
was preceded by a torch blazing in the sky up to the
moment when the squadron made harbour in Italy.
Now Timoleon had heard already in Corinth from the
priestesses of Demeter and Persephonê ! that, while
they slept, the goddesses had told them that they
would accompany Timoleon on his voyage to their
sacred island. He and his companions were, in conse-
quence, delighted, recognizing that the goddesses
were in fact giving them their support. He dedi-
cated his best ship to them, calling it “ The Sacred
Ship of Demeter and Persephonê.” 2?

Encountering no hazards, the squadron put in at
Metapontum in Italy, and so, shortly after, did a
Carthaginian trireme also bringing Carthaginian am-
bassadors. Accosting Timoleon, they warned him
solemnly not to start a war or even to set foot in
Sicily. But the people of Rhegium were calling him
and promised to join him as allies, and so Timoleon
quickly put out from Metapontum hoping to outstrip
the report of his coming. Since the Carthaginians
controlled the seas, he was afraid that they would
prevent his crossing over to Sicily. He was, then,
hastily completing his passage to Rhegium.

67. Shortly before this, the Carthaginians on their
part had come to see that there would be a serious
war in Sicily and began making friendly representa-
tions to the cities in the island which were their
allies. Renouncing their opposition to the tyrants

1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 8. 1. a
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 8. 1, states that this dedication was
made by the Corinthians before the departure of the flotilla.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

TOoÙS KaTà TÙV vÅoov Trupávvovs Tův ĝiaßopàv kara-
2 la l ! ` ` e t
AŬúsavrtes piÀiav ovvébevro, pdňiora ğe rpòs ‘Ikérav
“a A m
Tov TrÕv Xvupakociwv Ôvvaoreðovra tà TÒ TOÔTOV
a 109? 2 SE UNE ` z ?
2 mÀeTovi ioyúew, aùrol è modà Šúvauıv vavrikýv
Te kal nekie mapackevacdpevoi ießißacav eis
2
Zikediav, "Avvæwva orparnyòv ênmiorhoavres. ebyov
Ò AKPS VAÛS ÉKATÖV KAL TEVTÝKOVTA, OTPATLÓTAS
Òe meoùs pèv mevrakiopvpiovs,? dppara sè Tpia-
ld lá PIPE, i 4 A 7 ~ `
kóota, ovvwpiðas è úrèp ràs ŝıoyıdias, ywpis Šè
Toútrwv órmàa kal Béàn mavroðaràa kral pnyavàs
ToopkNTikàs maunànleis kal ocirov kal rv dAdwv
3 A
Emirnõciwv nàhhos dvuréppànrov.
E $ lA ` + ~ 3 d l4
mi nporyv è riw rv `Evreààvæov rów
? ?
EÀbóvres Týv Te xpav eôńwoav kal Troùs èyywpiovs
3
eis moÀopkiav ovvékàeroav. ot È TÙV TÓÀAW kaTot-
koðvres Kauravol karandayévres rò uéyelos tis
Z ? 3
õvvduews ééénembav eis ràs &àdas mécs tàs
> +
dàdotpiws ıakeruévas mpòs Kapynõoviovs mepi
’ Pai S
Ponleias. rÕv èv oĝv Awv oùõeis úrýkovoev, ot
` bi ld ~ a
e riv T'adepiar” mów oikoðvres é£énephav aùroîs
FA e [a
aTparuðTas ÖrÀiTas yıÀlovs. roúrois È Órmavrý-
e [d ~
oavres ot Doivikes kal mepiyvhévres TÔ mànbe
? LA Ẹ ~
4 mavras karékopav. ot òè ryv Airvyv karoikoðvres
Kaumavol rò èv mpôrov nmapeokeváčovro ovu-
2 3 l4 kd
paxiav éknéunew eis Thv ”Evreňav ĝià Tùv ovy-
! ` ` “~ m
yéverav, pera òè rara riv rôv Tadepivwv ovp-
` > lA
fopàv akoúsavres črpiwav ńovyiav yew.
A X m~
68. Toô è Aiovvolov rupevovros rôv Evpa-

+ Hertlein suggested metrov, but Hicetas controlled only
part of Syracuse.

2 The loss, e.g., of immeîs è... xiàlovs was suggested by
Madvig. l 3 So PREF : Taàéperar X.

BOOK XVI. 67. 1—68. 1

throughout the island, they established friendship 345/4 s..

with them, and particularly they addressed them-
selves to Hicetas, the most powerful of these, be-
cause he had the Syracusans under his control. They
prepared and transported to Sicily a large sea and
land force of their own, and appointed Hanno to the
command as general. They had one hundred and
fifty battleships, fifty thousand infantry, three hun-
dred war chariots, over two thousand extra teams of
horses, and besides all this, armour and missiles of
every description, numerous siege engines, and an
enormous supply of food and other materials of war.

Advancing first on Entella, they devastated the
countryside and blockaded the country people inside
the city. The Campanians who occupied the city
were alarmed at the odds against them and appealed
for help to the other cities that were hostile to the
Carthaginians. Of these, none responded except the
city of Galeria. These people sent them a thousand
hoplites, but the Phoenicians intercepted them, over-
whelmed them with a large force, and cut them all
down. The Campanians who dwelt in Aetna were
at first also ready to send reinforcements to Entella
because of kinship, but when they heard of the di-
saster to the troops from Galeria, they decided to
make no move.

68. Now at the time when Dionysius was still mas-

1 This anticipates the action described in chap. 68, but
according to Plutarch’s account (Timoleon, 1. 3; 9. 2)
Hicetas had become an ally of the Carthaginians even before
Timoleon left Corinth.

2 The charioteer receipts of P. Petrie, 2. 25, dated in the
21st year of Ptolemy Philadelphus (265/4 sB.c.), show that it
was customary for chariots to be accompanied by spare
horses, trained to work in pairs. 'Fhis account of Carthagi-
nian operations is not given by Plutarch.

DIODORUS .OF SICILY

kovocðv ‘Ikéras ëywv mepi éavrov'ačióàoyov ĝúva-
pv orpárevoev émi tràs Lvpakovocas kal TÒ pèv
npõrov ydpaka Badóuevos mepi rò 'Oìvuretor
Õreroàépet TÖ kparoðvre rijs móàews rTvpávvw,?
2 ypovi%oúonņs ðè rs moňopkias kal rv emirnõeiwv
ekùróvrwv ò èv ‘Ikéras åvéķevćev eis Aeovrivovs
(èk raúrņs yàp ©ppâro? ris mócews): ó è Aio-
vúoios emakodovhłýcas aùroîs ral karañaßov riv
3 oùpayiav ovveorýoaro páyņnv. ó © ‘Ikéras èm-
orpéjas mi ròv Aiovýciov ovvie uáyņyv kal
mÀeiovs TÕv TpioxiÀlwv* mobodópwv åveň®wv rovs
Àorroùs huyeîv ùvdyracev. dée? è T Srwyuð
XPyodpevos kai ovveronreoav Tois pevyovow eis Tv
TÖÀAw êkpárnoe rv Lvparovosðv mày ris Núoov.
Kai rà uèv mepi ròv ‘Ikérav ral Aiovýoiov èv
z oA
ToúrToLs Îv.
4 Tiuoàéwv ôè pera tiv kardàņbiv rv Zvpakovo-
ov Tpow ýuépas vorepov karéràevoev els TÒ
5 “Pýyiov kal rabðwpuioðn mànoiov ris móìews. èm-
katanàevodvrwv è kat rÕv Kapynõoviwv eïkoot
Tpýpeor kat rÔv ‘Pyywav ovvepyoúvvrwv rÔ
Tiuodćovri kal kowhv èkkàņnoiav èv tH móet ovv-
ayayóvrwv kal mept ovààúoews ônunyopoúvrwv o
èv Kapynêdvior Srañafóvres ròv Tiuoàdovra re-
obýoechar ròv eis Kópwbov åróriovv morðoacðar
palóuws eÎyov rà kara tràs pudards, ó 8è Tiuoàéwv
oùðeuiav éuhpaow Sods roô paco? aùròs pèv
mànoiov roð Puaros čuewe, Adbpg 8è maphyyerde
6 ràs évvéa vaĝs dnondeðoar Tùv raylornv. mepi-
onwpévæv è rv Kapynõoviæv raîs puyaîs mepi
roùs ykaĝérws ònunyopoðvras uakpôs trv ‘Py-
1 *Ovumetov PX : ’Odóumorv cet. (cp. chap. 83. 2).
28

BOOK XVI. 68. 1-6

ter of Syracuse, Hicetas had taken the field against 345/4 n.c.

it with a large force,! and at first constructing a stocka-
ded camp at the Olympieium carried on war against
the tyrant in the city, but as the siege dragged on
and provisions ran out, he started back, to Leon-
tini, for that was the city which served as his base.
Dionysius set out in hot pursuit and overtook his
rear, attacking it at once, but Hicetas wheeled upon
him, joined battle, and having slain more than three
thousand of the mercenaries, put the rest to flight.
Pursuing sharply and bursting into the city with the
fugitives, he got possession of all Syracuse except the
Island.?

Such was the situation as regards Hicetas and
Dionysius.

Three days after the capture of Syracuse, Timoleon
put in at Rhegium and anchored off the city. The
Carthaginians promptly turned up with twenty tri-
remes, but the people of Rhegium helped Timoleon
to escape the trap. They called a general assembly
in the city and staged a formal debate on the subject
of a settlement. The Carthaginians expected that
Timoleon would be prevailed upon to sail back to
Corinth and kept a careless watch. He, however,
giving no hint of an intention to slip away, remained
close to the tribunal, but secretly ordered nine of
his ships to put to sea immediately. Then, while
the Carthaginians concentrated their attention on the
intentionally long-winded Rhegians, Timoleon stole

ł Plutarch, Timoleon, 1. 3. 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 9. 2.
3 The same story is told by Plutarch, Timoleon, 9. 2—10. 5.

? tup. TG A. X: r. kal A. P; 7. A. R; A. tô r. F.
3 öppûârto] óppâro P; &punro Dindorf.
4 Hertlein suggested reading tpioyiàiwv Tôv.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

yivwv éàabev ò Tiıpoàéwv iaðpas émi Tùv node-
Àciuuévyv vav kat rayéws ééénàcvoev. ot è Kap-
xNõóviot karaorparnynlévres neßddovro Siwrew

7 Toùs nepi Tròv Tipodéovra: èkeivwv òè nmpoeiàngd-
Tæwv ikavòv idora kait Ts vuktos émiÀaßoúons
éphacav oi mepi ròv Tiuoàéovra dromàeúcavres

8 eis rò Tavpopévieov. ó è rs móňews rTaúrns
ýyoúuevos, Ña mavròs meppovnykæs Tà trÕv Žvpa-
kociwv, ` Avõpõuayos, piňodpõővws úreðéćčaro rTovs
Òrwkopévovs kal Toà ouveßdàero mpos tv ow-
Typiav aùrôv.

9 Merà òè rara ð uèv ‘Ikéras dvaňaßav rtôv
OTPATLWTÕV TOÙS APÍOTOVS TEVTAKLOXIALOVS ÈOTpå-
Tevoev ènmi Toùs °` Aspaviras AVTINPÁTTOVTAS QAÙTÕ
kal mÀņoiov ris móàews kareorparonésevoev' d
òè Tıuoàéwv mpoodaßóuevos mapà rôv Tavpope-
viwv otparwras dvé%evćev k roô Tavpopeviov,

10 Toùs dmavras éywv où mÀclovs TÕv yiÀiww. àpyo-
Lévņns è ris vukròs afopuýcas kal ŝiavýoas èri
Trò ”Aðpavov ðevrepatos aveàriorws ènébero rToîs
mepi ròv ‘Ikérav ĝeirrvororovuévois' maperoneoawv ©
eis Tùv napeufpoàñv kal doveðoas mÀelovs rôv
Tpiakooiwv,: Cwyphoas è mepi éakoocíovs ris

11 mapeupoàfs êkpárnoe. roúrw è TÔ oTparnyh-
patı čTepov ènceodywv mapaypiua mi tràs Evpa-
koúocas &ġópunoe kal Špopaîos rhv óv Sıavóoas

1 tpiakosiwv (cp. Plutarch, Timoleon, 12. 5)} rerpakooiwv
x p P

1? This was the father of the historian Timaeus, who may
30 l

BOOK XVI. 68. 6-11

away unnoticed to his remaining ship and quickly 345/4 p.c.

sailed out of the harbour. The Carthaginians, though
outmanæœuvred, set out in pursuit, but his fleet had
gained a substantial lead, and as night fell it was able
to reach Tauromenium before being overtaken. An-
dromachus,* who was the leading man of this city
and had constantly. favoured the Syracusan cause,
welcomed the fugitives hospitably and did much to
ensure their safety.

Hicetas now put himself at the head of five thou-
sand of his best soldiers and marched against the
Adranitae, who were hostile to him, encamping near
their city. Timoleon added to his force some soldiers
from Tauromenium and marched out of that city,
having all told no more than a thousand men. Set-
ting out at nightfall, he reached Adranum on the
second day, and made a surprise attack on Hicetas’s
men while they were at dinner. Penetrating their
defences he killed more than three hundred men,
took about six hundred prisoners, and became master
of the camp.? Capping this manœuvre with another,
he proceeded forthwith to Syracuse. Covering the
distance at full speed, he fell on the city without

have been tyrant of the city, although Plutarch also (Timo-
leon, 10. 4) describes his position by the same non-technical
term as is used here.

2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 12. 3-5, give the same figures for
Hicetas’s casualties but states that Timoleon had “ no more
than 1200 men,” and adds that one faction in Adranum had
invited him. It is possible that Timoleon’s success in the
surprise attack was due in part to the circumstance that
Hicetas was fooled because he still regarded Timoleon as an
ally (H. D. Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations with Ty-
rants (1952), 15 f.). Plutarch gives the road distance between
Tauromenium and Adranun as three hundred and forty fur-
longs.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ånpooðokýrws npocéreoe Ttaîşs ÉXvupakoðocats,
karatayńhoas Toùs arò rhs tponfjs peúyovras.

Tara èv ov èrpáyðn kara Torov rov êviavróv.

69. Er &pyovros © `Abúvnoi Avkiorov “Pw-
uaîoi karéornoav órdrovs Máprov Oùadépiov kat
Máprov Hóràov, dàvumàas © ġx0n ékaroor) kat
vdr, kab’ ñv èvika ordðrov ’Apıoróàoyos Abn-
vaos. èm ðè roúræv ‘Pwpaiois uèv npòs Kapn-
2 Šovlovs mpôrTov ouvira èyévovro. KkaTà Õè TÜV
Kapiav ’Ispieùs ó ðuvvádorns rv Kapôv éredeúrnoev
àpéas ërņ énrá, rův è apxùv Siaðekauévy ”Aða ù
aed) kail yuv) dduvdorevoev éry Téocapa.

Kara è rv Xixeàiav Tiuoàéwv èv ° Aòpaviras
kal Tvuvõapíiras cis ovupaygiav mpociafópevos
orpatióras oùk oÀiyovs map aùrôv rapéaßev, èv
òè rais Bupakoúooais moMÀù) Tapay) kareîye TV
mów Aiovusiov èv rhv Nfoov ëyovros, ‘Ixéra ðè
ts `Aypaðwis kat Néas róews kvpieúovros,
Truoàćovros 8è rà Aornà ris móews maperànhóros,
kal Kapynðoviwv tpiýpeot èv ékaròv kal mevrTý-
kovra karanerÀàeukótrwv eis Tòv péyav Àuéva,
megoîs ÖÈ OTPATUYTUS TMEVTAKLOUVPÍOLS KATEOTpA-
roneðevkőrwv. Õiðnep TÕv mepi ròv Tiuodéovra
karanrerÀnypévwv TÒ nAÑlos rTÕv moàeuiwv dÀoyós
4 ris kal nmapdõðočos yévero ueraßoàń' mpõðTov uèv

1 Ilouriàov P; Ilouriàov X.

1 According to Plutarch, Timoleon, 13. 2-3, Timoleon got
his first foothold in Syracuse only when Dionysius voluntarily
surrendered his holdings to him.

2 Lyciscus was archon at Athens from July 344 to June
343 B.c. The Olympic Games were celebrated in mid-
summer of 344 s.c. M. Valerius Corvus and M. Popilius
Laenas were consuls in 348 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 129).

BOOK XVI. 68. 11—69. 4

warning, having made better time than those who 345/4 B.o.

were routed and fleeing.!
Such were the events that took place in this year.

69. When Lyciscus was archon at Athens, the 344/3 s.c.

Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Mar-
cus Publius, and the one hundred and ninth Olympiad
was celebrated, in which Aristolochus the Athenian
won the foot-race.? In this year the first treaty was
concluded between the Romans and the Carthagi-
nians.? In Caria, Idrieus, the ruler of the Carians,
died after ruling seven years, and Ada, his sister and
wife, succeeding him, ruled for four years.*

In Sicily, Timoleon took the Adranitae and the
Tyndaritae into his alliance and received not a few
reinforcements from them. Great confusion reigned
in Syracuse, where Dionysius held the Island, Hi-
cetas Achradina and Neapolis, and Timoleon the rest
of the city, while the Carthaginians had put in to the
Great Harbour with a hundred and fifty triremes and
encamped with fifty thousand men on the shore.’
Timoleon and his men viewed the odds against them
with dismay, but the prospect took a sudden and
surprising change for the better. First Marcus,’ the

3 This treaty is mentioned also by Livy, 7. 27. 2, and Poly-
bius, 3. 24. Diodorus does not know of the earlier treaty
given by Polybius, 3. 22 (cp. H. M. Last, Cambridge Ancient
History, 1 (1928), 859 f.; A. Aymard, Revue des Études
Anciennes, 59 (1957), 211-293).

4 Continued from chap. 45. 7.

5 Plutarch, Timoleon, 17. 2, gives the same number of
ships, but 60,000 men. Tyndaris was a city on the north
coast of Sicily thirty miles from Tauromenium.

ê Plutarch, Timoleon, 13. 1, and elsewhere, calls him
“ Mamercus,” and Diodorns’s name may be due to a scribal
error. On the other hand, as an Italian, Mamercus may well
have borne the praenomen Marcus.

VOL. VIII c 33

DIODORUS OF SICILY

yàp Mápros* ó rôv Karavaíwv rúpavvos ývapıv
dérdàoyov čywv npocélero r® Tıipodéovri, čmera
moa rv ġpovpiwv öpeyóueva rijs ¿éàevÂepias
åmékÀwe nmpòs aùróv, TÒ è Tedevratov Kopivhior
Õéka vas TMÀNPÉOCAVTES XPÁÝATÁ TE TOpPIOAVTES

5 etaréoreiàav eis tràs Xvpakoúocas. Ôv mpaylév-
Twv Tipoàéwv pèv èbdppnoev, oi è Kapynëóvior
poßnÂévres dréràevoav èk toô Ùpévos dàðyws kal
LETA TÁS Ts Õuvduews eis T)V iÕLAV ÈTLKPÁTELAV

6 amnààdynoav. povwbhévros è roô ‘Ikéra Tipo-
Àéwv mepryevópevos TÕv moàepiwv èkpáToe TÕV
Evpakovosðv. eùhùs ðè kal ryv Meoońvyv uera-
reberuévyy? npòs Kapynõoviovs åverrýoaro.

Kat rà èv karà Łikediav èv roúrois Ñv.

7 Karà è rův Makeðoviav Oirros marpikhv
éxÂpav iaðeðeyuévos mpòs IAvpioùs kat tùv ĉia-
popàv aperdðerov ëywv èvéßadev eis rùv IAàv-
piða perà mods Övváuews. moplýcas è Tùv
xyópav kal Toà TÕv moMopátrwv yerpwoduevos
perà Toiðv Aapúpwv êmavĵàlev cis rv Maxeðo-

8 viav. perà ĝè rañra mapeàbav cis thv OQerrañiav
kal roùs Tupdvvovs êk rv nmõňewv ékfaàwv iði-
ovs Taîs eùvoiais ènorýoaro Toùs Qerradoús: NAmE
yàp ToúTovs čyav ovupáyovs kal rovs “EdÀnvas
pgiws cis eŬvorav mporpéfacbar: rep kat ovvéßn
yevéoðar. eùhùs yàp ot mÀqyorðywpor trv ‘EAń-

1 Mápepros Casaubon (cp. Nepos, Timoleon, 2. 4; Plu-

tarch, Timoleon, 13. 1).
2 So Dindorf; perarbepévyy.

BOOK XVI. 69. 4-8

tyrant of Catania, came over to Timoleon with a 344/3 B.C.

considerable army, and then many of the outlying
Syracusan forts declared for him in a move to gain
their independence. On top of all this, the Corin-
thians manned ten ships, supplied them with money,
and dispatched them to Syracuse.: Thereupon Timo-
leon plucked up courage but the Carthaginians took
alarm and unaccountably sailed out of the harbour,
returning with all their forces to their own territory.?
Hicetas was left isolated, while Timoleon victoriously
occupied Syracuse.3 Then he proceeded to recover
Messana, which had gone over to the Carthaginians.

Such was the state of affairs in Sicily.

In Macedonia, Philip had inherited from his father
a quarrel with the Illyrians and found no means of
reconciling the disagreement. He therefore invaded
Illyria with a large force, devasted the countryside,
captured many towns, and returned to Macedonia
laden with booty.ë Then he marched into Thessaly,
and by expelling tyrants from the cities won over the
Thessalians through gratitude. With them as his
allies, he expected that the Greeks too would easily
be won over also to his favour ; and that is just what
happened. The neighbouring Greeks straightway as-

1 According to Plutarch, Timoleon, 16. 1-2, the Corinthi-
ans sent 2000 hoplites and 200 cavalry to Thurii, but the
TN made its way to Sicily only somewhat later (Timoleon,
19).

2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 20, tells a different and more circum-
stantial and picturesque account of the Carthaginian with-
drawal.

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 21. 3.

4 Plutarch, Timoleon, 20. 1, places this event earlier.

5 This campaign may be the one referred to below, chap.
93. 6. The narrative of Philip’s activities is continued from
chap. 60.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

vwv ovveveyhévres Ti TÔ Oerraàôv kpioet ovu-
paxiav mpołópws mpos aùròv émovoavrto.

70. °Er dpyovros © `Abúvyot Hvloðórov “Pw-
uaîoi karéornoav únárovs Idiov Hàaúriov kal
Trov Mádiov. èm. è roúrwv Tipoàéwv kara-
mÀņéduevos Aiovýciov ròv Túpavvov čmeoev aŭTòv
napaĝoðvar Thv àkpóroàw kal tv àpxův anrolé-
uevov àmeàbeiv eis Iedoróvvnoov únróorovõðov,

2 ëčyovra Tà ia yphpara. oĝros èv ov Ò? avav-
Splav ral rarewóryra puyis týv tre mepipónrov
rupavviða kal eceuévyv, os épacav, dðápavrı TOV
cipņnuévov Tpórov anéùime kal kateßiwoev åmopoŭ-
evos èv Kopirðw, ròv © iov Biov kai Tùy pera-
Boàùv doye mapdðeryua rToîs kavywpévois ahpõvws

3 èml rals eùrvylas: ó yàp ëxywv rTerpakocias*
Tprýpeis mer? òàlyov èv mrp otpoyyúw TÀoiw
karénàevoev eis rhv Kópwðov, mepißàentrov éywv
TÅv Tijs peraßoñs úreppoàńv.

4 Tipoàéwv ðè mapadaßav rhv Nĝoov kai ppoúpia
Tà TÔ Aiovvoiw TMpPÖTEpPOV ÚTAKOŬOVTA TAS KATÀ
tùy Noor? dkrporóàces kai rà tvupavveîa karé-
akape, roîs è dpovpiois anéðwre Tùv èñevhepiav.

5 eùlùs è kal vopoypadeiv ÙÑparo, Tibets npo-
kpatıkoùs võuovs Kal Tà mepi TÔV lÖLwWTIKÕV ovu-

1 terpakocias] tpiakocias PX.
2 rv Nĝoov Rhodoman; vràs výoovs PXR; rs výoov

Fischer.

1 This operation continued earlier movements of Philip in
Thessaly (chaps. 35.1; 38. 1; 52. 9). For Philip’s relations
with the tyrants of Pherae cp. H. D. Westlake, Thessaly
in the Fourth Century z.o. (1935), 191-198; Marta Sordi,
La Lega Tessala fino al Alessandro Magno (1958), 215-293.

BOOK XVI. 69. 8—70. 5

sociated themselves with the decision of the Thessa- 344/3 s.c.

lians and became his enthusiastic allies.?

70. When Pythodotus was archon at Athens, the 343/2 s.c.

Romans elected as consuls Gaius Plautius and Titus
Manlius.? In this year? Timoleon frightened the
tyrant Dionysius into surrendering the citadel, re-
signing his office and retiring under a safe-conduct
to the Peloponnese, but retaining his private posses-
sions. Thus, through cowardice and meanness, he
lost that celebrated tyranny which had been, as
people said, bound with fetters of steel,t and spent
the remaining years of his life in poverty at Corinth,
furnishing in his life and misfortune an example to
all who vaunt themselves unwisely on their successes.
He who had possessed four hundred triremes ’ ar-
rived shortly after in Corinth in a small tub of a
freighter, conspicuously displaying the enormity of
the change in his fortunes.

Timoleon took over the Island and the forts which
had formerly belonged to Dionysius. He razed the
citadel and the tyrant’s palace on the Island, and
restored the independence of the fortified towns.
Straightway he set to work on a new code of laws,
converting the city into a democracy, and specified

2 Pythodotus was archon at Athens from July 843 to June
342 B.c. C. Plautius Venno and T. Manlius Imperiosus Tor-
quatus were the consuls of 347 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 130).

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 13. 2-5.

4 This was an oft-quoted metaphor credited to the elder
Dionysius ; cp. above, chap. 5. 4; Plutarch, Dion, 1. 3
and 10. 3.

5 The same figure in chap. 9. 2; Plutarch, Dion, 14. 2.
Nepos, Dion, 5. 3, mentions five hundred.

€ This term is traceable to Theopompus (Polybius, 12. 4a.
2; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 115,
F 341), where Timaeus used vas.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 m~ l
Boňaiwv Sikara kai räààa mávra drpipôs ıéTağe.
la lA LA
6 mÀelornv povriĝa ris icótnTos moiroúpevos. kKaTÉ-
lA 3 lg
aTNoe ÕÈ kal TV KAT’ ÈVLAUTÒV ÈVTLHOTATNV APXÙV,
A A
iv aupıroàlav Aròðs `Oàvpriov kaàoĝow Lvpard-
m k] ? ¥
cor kal Ņpébn npõrTos duphiroos Aròs 'Oàvuriov
e
Kadùiuévns °Aàkdõa' kal rò Aorròv Õieréàcoav ot
LA
Evpakóciot roùs èviavroùs émiypáħovres TOÚTOLS
Ttoîs àpyovoi uéypie TÕvõe rv ioroprðv ypago-
Lévwv kal tTÑs karà tùv noùTeiav dààayhs’: TV
yap ‘Pwpaiwv peraĝóvrwv rtoîs LikeMórais Tis
moùTeias ) trv appiróàwv apx) èranmewwby,
Õiapeivaca ëT) mÀeiw TÖV Tpiakosiwv.
` ` ` ` D 4 ? A S
Kai rà uèv karà Tùv Lukeàlav èv roúrois Ñv.
71. Kard è tv Makreðoviav Piirros tràs èmi
A 2 d AÀ IÒ kd EA À ld
Opárny ródeis “Ednvðas ecis eüvorav mpookañecó-
2 9 , »% 4 , K Aé `
evos? éotpártevoev émi Opakyv. KepooßàénrTtys yàp
ó Baciàcùs rôv Oparðv dieréàct ras èp ‘Edno-
nóvrw? móàces ðuopoúoas T Opáky karaorpedó-
2 pevos kal tùv yøopav karadheipwv. Bovàópevos
F > LA m~ 2 ` e 4 kd £
ov éudpačar rv Bapßápwv rův ppv otpdrevoev
39 3 ` ` la á z ` +
erm’ aùroùs oùv moÀÀÑ Õvváuei. vikýoas è nmÀcioct
páyas rtoùs Opåâkas roîs pèv kararoàceunheic.
Bappápois mpooséraćče ðekdras reàe®v rots Make-
dow, aùros © èv roîs èmikaiporis TóTois krioas
1? Fischer corrects to the common name Alcidas, perhaps
rightly ; Alcadas seems to be otherwise unknown.
2 Dindorf corrected to mporaecópevos, which is the usual
expression, but cp. SIG 3, 748. 47.
3? EMoróvrov PX.
1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 22. 1-2 ; Nepos, Timoleon, 3. 3.
38 l

BOOK XVI. 70. 5—71. 2

in exact detail the law of contracts and all such 8348/2 n.e.

matters, paying special attention to equality. He
instituted also the annual office that is held in highest
honour, which the Syracusans call the “ amphipoly ”
of Zeus Olympius.? To this, the first priest elected
was Callimenes, the son of Alcadas, and henceforth
the Syracusans continued to designate the years by
these officials down to the time of my writing this
history and of the change in their form of govern-
ment. For when the Romans shared their citizenship
with the Greeks of Sicily, the office of these priests
became insignificant, after having been important for
over three hundred years.’

Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily.

71. In Macedonia, Philip conceived a plan to win
over the Greek cities in Thrace to his side, and
marched into that region.t Cersobleptes, who was
the king of the Thracians, had been following a policy
of reducing the Hellespontine cities bordering on his
territory and of ravaging their territories. With the
aim of putting a stop to the barbarian attacks Philip
moved against them with a large force. He overcame
the Thracians in several battles and imposed on the
conquered barbarians the payment of a tithe to the
Macedonians, and by founding strong cities at key

2 This priesthood is not mentioned by Plutarch, and may
be a personal observation of Diodorus himself.

3 This humbling of the amphipolate probably consisted in
making it no longer eponymous ; instead of a local priest-
hood, the Syracusans thereafter dated by the Roman con-
suls. The reference may be to the grant of jus Latii to the
Sicilians by Caesar (by 44 s.c.: Cicero, Ad Atticum, 14.
12. 1), or to later grants by Augustus (A. N. Sherwin-White,
The Roman Citizenship (1939), 175).

4 Continued from chap. 69. Justin’s account (9. 1. 1) of
these operations is drawn from a source hostile to Philip.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Aéroàóyovs mées čmavoe roô Opaoovs roùs Opĝ-
kas. ĝıðnep al rÔv ‘EdMúývwv ródeis arodvheoa
rÕv póßwv els tùv ovupayiav roô Didinrov mpo-
Ovuórara karerdyínoav.

Tôv 8è ovyypaġéwv Oeórouros ð Xios êv r
rôv PirmirÂv istopi karérae tpeîs Búßdovs
mepieyovoas Xikeùkàs mpdéeis' åpéduevos è darò
Ts Aiovvoíov roô mpeofurépov Tvpavviðos SGAO
ypóvov Tv TeEvTÁKOVTA KAL KATÉOTpEPEV EiS TNV
éknrwow Aiovvolov roô vewrépov. ciol òè at pú-
Bor tpeîs, arò rs pâs Teooapakooris Axpi TÌS
TPÍTNS KAL TEOCOAPAKOOTI)S.

72. Er čpyovros © °`Abúvyoi Dworyévovs ‘Pw-
paîor karéorņnoav úrdrovs Máprov Oùtadépiov Kai
Máprov Tvatov Tlóràov.* émi dè roúræwv `Apúu-
Bas? ó rôv Modàorrõv Bacıideùs èredeúrnoev äpéas
éry éka, aroùmæv viov ròv lúppov marépa Ataki-
ônv: rhv © apxùv redééaro Adéfavõpos ó dðeàpòs
’Oàvumiadðos, ovvepyýoavros Diinrov roô Maxe-
õóvos.

Kara òè rhv Heikeàiav Tiuodéwv uèv éorTpdrevoev
emi Aeovrivovs’ eis raúryv yàp Tv mów “Ikéras
kareneheúyet merà vuvauews dÉroàóyov. TÒ uèv
ov mpôrov nmpocéßae tri Néa kadovuévy móňev
perà è rara modÀàðv orparrwrôv év T móde
ovykekàciouévwv kal pgðlws darò TÕv TexÂv åpv-
vouévwv ătrpakrtos yevóuevos čÀvoe TÙův moňtopkiav.

1 So PXQ; other MSS. omit Tvaîov.
2 ”Apúpßas] `Apóßßas X.

1 Similar references to literary figures are a recurring
feature of Diodorus’s narrative (E. Schwartz, Real-Encyclo-

BOOK XVI. 71. 2—72. 2

places made it impossible for the Thracians to commit
any outrages in the future. So the Greek cities were
freed from this fear and gladly joined Philip’s alliance.

Theopompus of Chios, the historian, in his History
of Philip, included three books dealing with affairs in
Sicily. Beginning with the tyranny of Dioñysius the
Elder he covered a period of fifty years, closing with
the expulsion of the younger Dionysius. These three
books are XLI-XLIII.

72. When Sosigenes was archon at Athens, the
Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Mar-
cus Gnaeus Publius.? In this year, Arymbas king of
the Molossians died after a rule of ten years,’ leaving
a son Aeacides, Pyrrhus’s father, but Alexander the
brother of Olympias succeeded to the throne with
the backing of Philip of Macedon.

In Sicily, Timoleon made an expedition against
Leontini, for this was the city where Hicetas had
taken refuge with a substantial army.* He launched
an assault on the part called Neapolis, but since the
soldiers in the city were numerous and had an ad-
vantage in fighting from the walls, he accomplished
nothing and broke off the siege. Passing on to the
pädie, 5 (1905), 668 f.). Cp. also chap. 76. 5-6 below. These
are usually, although not always, historians, and we must
suppose that Diodorus was familiar with their writings. To
what extent they are to be taken as his specific sources is un-
known. Diodorus referred to the beginning of Theopom-
pus’s Philippica above, chap. 3. 8.

2 Sosigenes was archon at Athens from July 342 to June
341 s.c. The consuls of 346 s.c. were M. Valerius Corvus and
C. Poetelius Libo Visolus (Broughton, 1. 131).

3 His accession is not mentioned by Diodorus under the
year 351/0 B.c. Alexander’s accession is otherwise known
from Demosthenes, 7. 32.

4 Continued from chap. 70. Cp.:Plutarch, Timoleon, 24.
1-2.

343/2 B.C.

342/1 B.C.

LA]

DIODORUS OF SICILY

mapeàbàv Sè npòs mów ”Eyyvov, Tupavvovpévyv
órò Aerrivov, mpooßoñàs ovveyeîs èroieîro pov-
Àóuevos ròv pèv Aerrtivny èkpadetv èk ths TOEWS,
rots § ’Eyyvivòrs Tùy edevhepiav amoðoðvar. mept
rara è roð Tıuoàéovros övros “Ikéras mavõnuei
orpareúcas èk trv ANeovrivwv énmoMópket TAS
Zupakoúsoas, modoùs è TÖV OTPATLWTÕV ATO-
Baňav rayéws émavàlev eis roùs Aeovrivovs. ©
Sè Tiuoàéwv kararànédpevos Tov Aertivnv ToîToV
èv únróonmovðov éćéremjev eis rhv Iedoróvvnoov,
evõeikvýpevos toîs “EAÀņo. tràs trv kararoàeun-
QévTwv TUPÁVVWV ÈKTTØOGELS.

OŬons õè kal ris rÔv ° Aroàwviarðv ródews Ýrò
ròv Aerrivyv mapaàaßaw tùy ° Anrodwviav traúry
re kat TÅ TÔv ` Eyyvivwv anéðwke Tv aùTovouiav.

73. ` Anopoúpevos Sè ypnudtrwv eis tràs TÕv éé-
væv moloðocias ééaréoreiie orparıwras ŅgIiÀlovs
erà trÕv déoàoywrdárwv hyeuóvwv eis TV TÔV
Kapynõðoviwv émikpárerav. oroi Õè mTodàùv ywpav
noplýocavres kal Aadúpwv mÀAñņÂos kouísavres map-
édwkav r Tiuoàéovri. o è Aaduporwàńoas TÙV
Àclav kal ypnuáræwv nàñlhos dðpoisas éðwke rToîs
pohopópois cis mÀàeiw ypóvov roùs molovs. kpd-
roe ðè kal rs ` Evréààns ral roùs rà Kapyxn-
õoviwv páora hpovoðvras mevrekalðeka Bavarw-
oas Toîs dÀAdois dnéverue TÅv eevlepiav. rto Õè
Tiuodéovros ačéouévov T Te Õvvápuer kal T kaTtà

` $ lg e ` e lá f e
Tův orparņyiav ðóén at èv “Ednviðes módcs at
katrà Thv Xikeàiav aracari mpobóuws únerádynoav
TÔ Tiuodéovri Sià TÒ maoas Tàs aùrovouias aro-
Dóra, rv òè uikeàðv kal Likavôv kat TÕV
dààwv rÕv úro roùs Kapynõðoviovs rerayuévwv
42 i

BOOK XVI. 72. 3—73.

city Engyum, which was controlled by the tyrant 842/1 s.c.

Leptines, he assailed it with repeated attacks in the
hope of expelling Leptines and restoring to the city
its freedom. Taking advantage of his preoccupation,
Hicetas led out his entire force and attempted to
lay siege to Syracuse, but lost many of his men and
hastily retreated back to Leontini. Leptines was
frightened into submission, and Timoleon shipped him
off to the Peloponnese under a safe-conduct, giving the
Greeks tangible evidence of the results of his pro-
gramme of defeating and expelling tyrants.

The city of Apollonia had also been under Leptines.
On taking it, Timoleon restored its autonomy as well
as that of the city of Engyum.

73. Lacking funds to pay his mercenaries, he sent
a thousand men with his best officers into the part of
Sicily ruled by the Carthaginians.? They pillaged a
large area, and, carrying off a large amount of
plunder, delivered it to Timoleon. Selling this and
realizing a large sum of money, he paid his mer-
cenaries for a long term of service. He took Entella
also and, after putting to death the fifteen persons
who were the strongest supporters of the Carthagi-
nians, restored the rest to independence. As his
strength and military reputation grew, all the Greek
cities in Sicily began to submit themselves volun-
tarily to him, thanks to his policy of restoring to all
their autonomy. Many too of the cities of the Sicels
and the Sicanians and the rest who were subject to

1 Probably the Leptines mentioned in chap. 45. 9, and
probably the nephew of the elder Dionysius (T. Lenschau,

Real-Encyclopädie, 12 (1925), 2073).
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 24. 4; 25. 2.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

moàdàal Sienpeoßevovro ródeis, onevðovoat mapa-
àngOivar mpòs Tùv ovupayiav.

Kapynëóvior Šè roùs karà tùy Zireàiav oTpaTN-
yoùs ópðvres dyevvðs Tòv mÖÀcpov ÕrorkovTasS EKpt-
vav érépovs dnooréàdeiw perà vvápewv peydňwv.
eùlùs ov rôv nmoùrõv karéàeyov TOÙS ApioTovS
elis rù}v orparelav kal rv Apúwv roùs eùhérovs
èorparoàóyovv, ywpis è roúrwv mpoyeipiodpe-
vor ypņnudræwv nÀfbos pmohopópovs éÉevoàóyovv
"IBnpas kaè Keàroùs xat Aiyvas: évavnyyoðvro ðè
kal vaðs pakpàs kai poprnyoùs moňààs ÑOporbov
kal Thv AANV rapackeviv dvunrépßànrov énorovro.

74. Er čpyóvros © ’Alńvnot Nixouayov “Pw-
paot karéornoav ónárovs ldiov Mdpxiov kai Ti-
rov Mádààov Topkovârov. èmi ðè roúrwv Pwkiwv

` e9 Ka ~ t f h >
èv ô ° Abnvatos kareroàéunoe Kàeirapyov tòr ° Epe-
2 rpias Trúpavvov kaleorauévov nò Ďiàimmov. karà
Sè rùv Kapiav Ilibóðapos* ó vewrepos Tv dðed-
pôv eééBadev èk tis ðvvaoreias ”Aðav kal éðvvd-
arevoev éry mévre čws èm tùv ’Adeédvðpov
Srdbacıv cis rv ° Aciav.

Pirros è del pâňov aùkópuevos émi rùv Ilé-
pwbov éorpárevoev, evavriovuévyv uèv éavr® mpos
Sè ’Abnvaiovs arokàivovoav. ovornodpevos ðè
Toopkiav kal pnyavas mpoodywv ti) móde kab’ ġ-
3 uépav ék ĝiaðoyis mpocéßaddev rofs treiyeow. òy-

1 Iebóðapos PX, Inéwdwpos R, Iinéódopos F; IMiéwðapos
in Arrian, 1. 23. 7; Strabo, 14. 2. 17; Head, Historia
Nummorum?, 630 (Fischer); ILiéóŝapos Plutarch, Alewan-
der, 10. 1-2. -

1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 1.
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 21. 3.

BOOK XVI. 73. 2—74. 3

the Carthaginians approached him through embas-
sies in a desire to be included in his alliance.

The Carthaginians recognized that their generals in
Sicily were conducting the war in a spiritless manner
and decided to send out new ones, together with
heavy reinforcements.* Straightway they made a
levy for the campaign from among their noblest citi-
zens ? and made suitable drafts among the Libyans.
Furthermore, appropriating a large sum of money,
they enlisted mercenaries from among the Iberians,
Celts, and Ligurians.* They were occupied also with
the construction of battleships. They assembled many
freighters and manufactured other supplies in enor-
mous quantities.

74. When Nicomachus was archon at Athens, the
Romans elected as consuls Gaius Marcius and Titus
Manlius Torquatus.* In this year, Phocion the Athe-
nian defeated and expelled Cleitarchus, the tyrant
of Eretria who had been installed by Philip. In
Caria, Pizodarus,’ the younger of the brothers, ousted
Ada from her rule as dynast and held sway for five
years until Alexander’s crossing over into Asia.

Philip, whose fortunes were constantly on the in-
crease, made an expedition against Perinthus, which
had resisted him and inclined toward the Athenians.’
He instituted a siege and advancing engines to the
city assailed the walls in relays day after day. He

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 28. 6, mentions Libyans, Iberians,
and Numidians.

4 Nicomachus was archon at Athens from July 341 to June
340 s.c. The consuls of 344 s.c. were C. Marcius Rutilius
and T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus (Broughton, 1. 132).

5 Above, chap. 69. 2.

€ These events in Philip’s career are barely noticed by

Justin, 9. 1. 2-5, and onlÌy casual references to them occur
elsewhere.

342/1 B.C.

341/0 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Sonkovrarýyeis è múpyovs KATAOKEVÁOIS, únep-
aipovras moàù rv kara Tùy Iépiwbov mópywv, éé
Únepoyis kareróvyet ToùÙs moÀopkovpévovs" ðuoiws
Sè kal ða rÔv kpv cadeówv Ta Teixn kal ôd
Tis peraàÀelas ÚropúTTæv mi Toàù pépos Tò Teîxos
karéßaàev. apvvopévæov òè rôv Iepivhiwv cùpa-
oTwS kal Tayù TEOS ETEpOV dvrorxoðouyodvrwv
åyðves Îavpaocroi rai Teyopayiat avvioTavTo.
4 peydàns è pioriuias e¢ aupotépwv OVVLOTAMÉVNS
ó pèv Paoideùs moddoùs éxwv Kal mavroðaroùs
déupedeîs cià roúrwv roùs emi rÕv emdàgewv òi-
A z e b [A `
aywviouévovs iéphepev, ot È Mepivhior modÀoùs
kaf’ huépav amoßdovres ovupayiav kat Rén kal
kararéàras mapa rv Bvbavriwv mpoceàdfpovro.
èérowbévres ov máùw Toîs moàceuiois avehdppnoav
kal reroàunkórws roùs Ónèp Ts matpiðos kiwvðúvovs
úréuevov. où uùv ô Baoideùs eànye ris pidoriuias,
dÀÀa icÀduevos tàs Õuváuetis cis mÀclw uéÉpy cvv-
cyÔs êk iaðoyis êreiyopdyet kal kab’ huépav kal
vúkrwp. Tpiouvpiovs © éywv orpatruóras kal pe-
Aôv kal uyyavôv moMopkyrekðv nAjbos, ére Õè
tràs dAdas unyavàs? dvurepßàńrtovs kareróvet ToS
TOÀLOpKOVUÉVOVS.

75. Ts è moMopkias moàvypoviov ywopévns
kal TÕV KaTÀ TÙY TÓW TOAÀAÔV èv dvarpovévwv,
oùk oàiywv ĝe rpavpaTiGopévwv, TÕv & èmirnõeiwv
êkàeinóvrwv npooðókiuos v ý) Ts TóAcws Awos.
où uv h TÚXN ye mepietðe TÅv TÕv kivõuvvevóvrwv
owrTypiav, dAÀà mapdðočov aùroîs kareokeúace
Bońðerav. ris yàp Tob Pacidéws aŭfhocws iape-
Bonuévns rara rùv °Aciav ó Paciàeùs úßopõóuevos
Thv roô Diàinrov Súvapıv éypaye mpòs tToùs èri
46

BOOK XVI. 74. 3—75. 1

built towers eighty cubits high, which far overtopped 341/0 s c.

the towers of Perinthus, and from a superior height
kept wearing down the besieged. He rocked the walls
with battering rams and undermined them with saps,
and cast down a long stretch of the wall, The Pe-
rinthians fought stoutly in their own defence and
quickly threw up a second wall; many admirable
feats were performed in the open and on the fortifi-
cations. Both sides displayed great determination.
The king, for his part, rained destruction with nu-
merous and varied catapults upon the men fighting
steadfastly along the battlements, while the Perin-
thians, although their daily losses were heavy, re-
ceived reinforcements of men, missiles, and artillery
from Byzantium. When they had again become a
match for the enemy, they took courage and reso-
lutely bore the brunt of battle for their homeland.
Still the king persevered in his determination. He
divided his forces into several divisions and with
frequent reliefs kept up a continuous attack on the
walls both day and night. He had thirty thousand
men and a store of missiles and siege engines besides
other machines in plenty, and kept up a steady pres-
sure against the besieged people.

75. So the siege dragged on. The numbers
mounted of dead and wounded in the city and pro-
visions were running short. The capture of the city
was imminent. Fortune, however, did not neglect
the safety of those in danger but brought them an un-
expected deliverance. Philip’s growth in power had
been reported in Asia, and the Persian king, viewing

this power with alarm, wrote to his satraps on the

2? zò reîyos Fischer (cp. chap. .49. 1): toô reiyovs.
2 mapacrevàs Fischer (cp. chaps. 73. 3; 78. 5).

4'7

DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVI. 75. 1—76. 2
aàdrry carpdras Bonbeiv Iepwbiois ravri oléve.

coast to give all possible assistance to the Perinthians. 8341/0 s.c.
2 Õiórep oi carpádrar ovuhpovýoavtes éérempav eis

They consequently took counsel and sent off to Pe-

thv Iépwbov puobodópwv nàñlos kal ypńpara ða-
pA kat oîrov ikavòv kal PEAN kai TAa mávra
TPOS TV TOÔ ToÀéuov ypeiav.

‘Opoiws ĝè kal Butávrior rovs ápiorovs rôv map’
éavroîs hyepóvwv kai orparrwtrÕv éanéoreiav.
epapidàwv è rÕv vvduewv yevouévwv kal TOÔ
moépov kawwonombhévros maw ý moMopkia pido-
3 reuiav éàdußavev dvurépßàņrov. ó pèv yàp
Dirros roîŭs kpioîs rónTwv tà Telyn ovveyôs
kaTéĥade kat ða rv dévfeðv dveipywv roùs èri
TÕv rdàéewv dua uèv tà TV TMETMTWKÓTWV TEL-
xôv abpóws* roîs orparuórTais cioénminrev, dua &è
Õià TÕv kùudkwv mpos Tà yeyvuvwuéva TÕV TEL-
xôv mpocéßawe: ò kal ts udyns èk yetpòs
oùons ot pèv dréðvyorov ot è Tpaúpaocı moňoîs
mepiémiTTOV. TA Õè Ts vikns mabda mpoekadeîro
4ràs rõv aywviopévwv dvpayaðbðías: ot èv yàp
Maxeðóves eàriovres eùðaiyova mów Siaprádoew
kat Õwpeaîs rò roô Piirrov riunbhoeohari Sià
TÅv Tob Àvorredoûs éàmiða rols ewoîs èvekapré-
povv, ot è moàopkoúpevoi Tà TÅS å\óoews Šewà
mpò òphaàuðv čyovres Úrépevov eùpúyws tóv rèp
tis owrypias rivõuvov.

76. Zuvepdàero è roîs moMopkovuévois ý ú-
ois TÕS TOAcwS TOAL mpos Tv rèp trÔv wv vi-
kv? N yàp Mépwbos kerar uèv mapà Odìarrav èri
Tiwos aùyévos Úpnàoð yeppovýoov oraðıačov yov-
ons Tòv aùyéva, tàs ` oiklas ëxet menvkvwpévas
2 kal Toîs Ùpeoi radepoðoas. aĝraı Şè raîs olkoĝo-
48

rinthus a force of mercenaries, ample funds, and suf-
ficient stocks of food, missiles, and other materials
required for operations. ;

Similarly the people of Byzantium also sent them
their best officers and soldiers. So the armies were
again well matched, and as the fighting was resumed,
the siege was waged with supreme determination.
Philip constantly battered the walls with his rams,
making breaches in them, and as his catapults cleared
the battlements of defenders, he would at the same
moment drive through the breached walls with his
soldiers in close formation and assail with scaling
ladders the portions of the walls which he had cleared.
Then hand-to-hand combat ensued and some were
slain outright, others fell under many wounds. The
rewards of victory challenged the daring of the con-
testants, for the Macedonians hoped to have a wealthy
city to sack and to be rewarded by Philip with gifts,
the hope of profit steeling them against danger, while
the Perinthians had before their eyes the horrors of
capture and sustained with great courage the battle
for their deliverance.

76. The natural setting of the city greatly aided
the besieged Perinthians towards a decisive victory.
It lies by the sea on a sort of high peninsula with an
isthmus one furlong across, and its houses are packed
close together and very high. In their construction

1 Poppo suggested dpois.

2 viry] pidoveixiav Fischer (cp. Books 13. 60. 1; 14. 12. 2);
Dindorf omits úrėp.

3 éni twos úfmàñĵs Sherman. Fischer suggests dvaorýparos
for aùyéos, which he believes aroe from the following at-

xé&ra.
49

DIODORUS OF SICILY

m~ ’ > l 3 A
paîs aiel karà Tùv eis Tòv Àóġov avápaow dAÀANAwV
m “~ e !
ónepéyovo kal rò oxfjua tis àņns móàews Îearpo-
ciôès dmoreàoðo, Öiórep TÕv Teyðv ovveyðs
karaßaňouévwv oùðèv Ņàarroűvro’ iorkoðouov-
a A
res yàp ToÙùs oTevwToùs TaÎs alel KATWTÁTALS
a 7 ? m
3 oikiais orep òyvpoîs Tiot Teiyeow èypõvro. ğı-
~ h z
ónep ó Ďíùrros merà nov móvwv kai kivôúv-
m Z 3 ? € ÁI
VWV TOÔ TELXYOVS KPATHOAS LOXVPÖTEpPOV EÙPLOKE TO
m ~ m~ lA e lA
TEĪYOS TÒ ÕLA TÕV OLKLÕV QAÙTOATWS NTOLAOHÉVOV.
A t4 A 4
mpòs è roúrors ék Tot Bvģavriov mdvræwv rv mpos
e 7 lA
ròv nóÀcepov ypqoipwv éroipws yopqyovpévwv
2 £ ` `Y `
enépioe tràs ðvuvápes cis ÖÝo uEÉp kal TOÙS pev
m m + k A, m~
huioes TÕv otparwTÕv &néÀATmev ml TS TOAL-
a ` > ’ £ la
opkías, émioThoas aùToîs roùs dpiorovs ùhyepóvas,
A k 3 } ` kd pi 4 1
roùs © aAdovs mapañafpav aùròs mpocémeoev dovw
Fa A
T Bvtavriw kai moopkiav ioyvpàv ovveorýoarTo.
4 oi Òè Bugdvrior rÔv Te orparrwrtÂv kal r©v BeAðv
a i m + b a
kal TÕv dÀAÀwv TÕv ypnoiuwv mapà toîs Ilepwhiors
òvrwv eis ToÀAÀÑÙv evéminrtov åunyaviav.
hS ` ` ` lg ` l k
Kai rà èv mepi Ilepivbiovs rait Bvgavriovs èv
TOÛTOLS ÑV.
m~ f A a
Tôv ðè ovyypadéwv ”Eġopos èv ò Kvpaîos riv
e a kA y [A > i ] ld
toropiav évłdðe karéorpopev eis rùv Hepivôov
À Euo N Sè a A : /
mooprkiav: nepieiànpe Sè t ypaph mpdécis Tás
Ea e 2 ` / 3 z 3 p! “~
te TrÕv ‘EdMývwv kai Pappádpwv ádpéduevos darò ris
A e A La ’ ` [4
rôv ‘Hpardcedðv rahóðov: ypóvov è repiéaße
m ` e lá
erv oyeðov émrakociwv kal mevrýkovra kal ßú-

1 The sieges were given under the year 340/39 s.c. by
Philochorus (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker,
no. 328, T 54) ; they may well have extended over more than
one archon year.

BOOK XVI. 76. 2-5

along the slope of the hill they overtop one another 341/0 B.C.

and thus give the city the general aspect of a theatre.
In spite of the constant breaches in the fortifications,
consequently, the Perinthians were not defeated, for
they blocked up the alley-ways and utilized the
lowest tier of houses each time as though it were a
wall of defence. When Philip with much labour and
hard fighting mastered the city wall, he found that
the houses afforded a stronger one, ready made by
Fortune. Since, in addition, the city’s every need was
promptly met by supplies coming to Perinthus from
Byzantium, he split his forces in two, and leaving one
division under his best officers to continue the opera-
tions before Perinthus, marched himself with the
other and, making a sudden attack on Byzantium,
enclosed that city also in a tight siege. Since their
men and weapons and war equipment were all at
Perinthus, the people of Byzantium found themselves
seriously embarrassed.

Such was the situation at Perinthus and Byzan-
tium.!

Ephorus of Cymê, the historian, closed his history
at this point with the siege of Perinthus, having in-
cluded in his work the deeds of both the Greeks and
the barbarians from the time of the return of the
Heracleidae. He covered a period of almost seven
hundred and fifty years,? writing thirty books and

2 Diodorus nowhere mentions the beginning of Ephorus’s
history, perhaps because it began as far back as his own. In
chap. 14. 3 he referred to its continuation by his son Demo-
philus. According to Clement of Alexandria (Stromateis,
1. 139. 4), Ephorus reckoned 735 years between the Return
of the Heracleidae and the archonship of Evaenetus, 835/4 B.c.
On that basis, B. ten Brinck (Philologus, 6 (1851), 589) sug-
gested correcting “‘ fifty ” here to “ thirty.”

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Bàovs yéypage Tpidrovra, mpooipiov ékdory npobeis.
6 Alvààos &’ ó °Abyvatos Tis Sevrépas ovvrdćews áp-
xv menointrar rs 'Epópov iotopias tiv Teàevriv
X A EEA (a + lA m~ ę lA
kal ràs éÉfs mpáéeis ovveiper rás Te TÕv “EAMývwv
kai rÔv Pappápwv péypıi rs Diínnov redevris.
77. Er &pyovros & °’Abývyoi Ocodpdorov ‘Pw-
paîor uèv Úrdrovs karéorņnoav Mdápkov Ova-
àépiov kal Aĝàov Kopvýov, ódvumas © NxêN
Sckáry mpòs raîs ékaróv, kał Ñv vika ordðiov
2° Avricàğs “Abnvaîos. émi è roúrav irmrov
B lA À la 2 a * » x
včavriov no\oprovros ` Abnvator uev ékpwav Tòv
Piiirrov AcÀukévar Tùv mpòs aùroùs ovvreleîcav
3 A 3A ` i 2 ` d l4
eipńvyv: eùlùs è kai Õúvayıv vavrıkiv agródoyov
3E A a 1 e +
eéénewmpav Bonbýoovoav roîs Bvčavríois. pows
òè roúrois Xior kal Kor kat ‘Póðiot kai Twes
€ A La z / ? [A A
érepor rv “EMivwv ovupayiav èčérmempav rToîs
3 Bubavriois. Sıórep ð PArnros karardayeis Ti
ovvôpopj rv ‘EdMvæv rýv re moMopkiav tv
nmóàcwv éàvoe kal mpos `Alnvaiovs kal roùs dÀ-
Aovs “Edànvas Toùs évavriovuévovs ovvélero Tùv
ELpPŇVNV.
Karà è ryv Pikeàlav Kapynõóvior uèv peydàas
3
mapackevàs cis Tròv móàepov nenompévoi Šießi-
Bacav tràs Òvvdpeis eis rv Pukeàiav. eîyov õè

1 His history was referred to above, chap. 14. 5.

2 That is, Philip the son of Cassander, who died in 297/6
B.C. i

3 Theophrastus was archon at Athens from July 340 to
June 339 s.c. The Olympic Games were celebrated in mid-
summer of 340 B.c. Broughton (1. 132) lists the consuls of

BOOK XVI. 76. 5—77. 4

prefacing each with an introduction. Diyllus * the
Athenian began the second section of his history
with the close of Ephorus’s and made a connected
narrative of the history of Greeks and barbarians
from that point to the death of Philip.?

77. When Theophrastus was archon at Athens, the
Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Aulus
Cornelius, and the one hundred and tenth Olympiad
was celebrated, in which Anticles the Athenian won
the foot-race.? In this year, seeing that Philip
was besieging Byzantium, the Athenians voted that
he had broken his treaty with them and promptly
dispatched a formidable fleet to aid that city. Besides
them, the Chians, Coans, Rhodians, and some others
of the Greeks sent reinforcements also. Philip was
frightened by this joint action, broke off the siege
of the two cities, and made a treaty of peace with the
Athenians and the other Greeks who opposed him.*

In the west, the Carthaginians prepared great
stores of war materials and transported their forces
to Sicily.* They had all told, including the forces

343 r.c. as M. Valerius Corvus and A. Cornelius Cossus
Arvina.

4 This account of Diodorus differs from the presumably
correct one given elsewhere, going back over Philochorus to
Theopompus (in Didymus: Jacoby, Fragmente der grie-
chischen Historiker, no. 115, F 292). Byzantium was assisted
by Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, her old allies in the Social War, as
well as by the Persians. The Athenian fleet under Chares
arrived only to ensure the safe passage of the grain fleet from
the Black Sea. Philip’s capture of this fleet was a major
factor in Athens’ decision to abrogate the peace treaty ; the
result was war, not peace. Cp. Demosthenes, 18 (De Corona)
87-94; Plutarch, Phocion, 14.

6 Continued from chap. 73. Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 1, gives
the same figures, but fails. to mențion the cavalry and the
chariots.

341/0 B.0.

340/39 B.C.

(ezi

[A]

DIODORUS OF SICILY

TOÙS mávras* oùv Toîs Tpoütápxovow êv k) vo%
metoùs pèv mÀelovs TÕV ÉTTAKOpUpiWV, immreîs Õè
kal ãppaTa kal ovvwpiðas oùk ÈÀATTOUS TÕV
pupiwv, vaðs õè-uarpàs pev õrakooias,” poprnyovs
Sè ràs roùs imnovs Te kat BEAN kal oîrov kal TAAÀa
Kkouioúcas TÀelovs TÕV xAiwv, Tiuoàéwv òè
mvlópevos TÒ uéyebos TIS TÕV modepiwv Övvápews
où karenàáyn TOÙS Bappápovs, kainep eis óAíyovs
OTPATLÖTAS CUVEOCTAÀMÉVOS. exov Sè móÀcuov mpos
Ikérav ĝicàúsaro mpòs aùròv kal mpocàafóuevos
TOÙS HETA TOÛÚTOV OTPATLÓTAS OÙ HETpLWS NÜENGE
Tùv iðiav ðúvaptv.

78. ”Eðoće aùr rov mpòs Toùs Poimvkas
áyõva ovorýoaoða katà TÙv TÔV Kapynõoviwv
êmikpáTerav, TWS TA pèv Tõv ovupdywv xópav
aowh Srapvàdén TV ò” úrò roùs Bapßápovs osav
rarapheipn. eùlòs oùv TOoŬÚS TE pobopópovs Kal
Zuparosiovs kal TOÙS AÀAOVS gvuuáyovs àbpoicas
kal kowùv èkkàņnoiav ouvvayayaw mapwpunoe Toîs
oikelois Àðyors TA TAHON mpos Tròv vnrèp? rÕv wv
ayôva' TÁVTWV &’ aroĝegapévwv Toùs Aóyovs kal
Povrwv yew TV TAXIOTNV TL Toùs Papßápovs
npofyev xwv Toùs oúumavras où TÀelovs TÕV
uvpiwv kal ÑoyALwV.

"Hò È aŭro karà tTùv ` Akpayavrvnv övros
mapaĝóčws vénreoe TÅ oTparı TAPaXÌ kal OTAOILS.
Tõv yàp pobopópwv TLS õvopa Opacios, TETVÀNKOS
TÒ év Aeàgoîs iepòv perà rõv Dwréwv, &Tovoig ð
kal Opdoet Srapépwv, akóàovlov roîs mpõrepov Te-

1 toùs navras PX, oúunravras cet.
2 Searocias| éßõðouýkovra PX, but see Plutarch, Timoleon,
25. 1.

BOOK XVI. 77. 4—78. 3

previously on the island, more than seventy thousand 340/39 s.c.

infantry ; cavalry, war-chariots, and extra teams of
horses amounting to not less than ten thousand ; two
hundred battleships; and more than a thousand
freighters carrying the horses, weapons, food and
everything else. Timoleon was not daynted, how-
ever, although he learned the size of the hostile force
while he himself was reduced to a handful of soldiers.
He was still at war with Hicetas, but came to terms
with him and took over his troops, thus materially
increasing his own army.!

78. He decided to commence the struggle with the
Carthaginians in their own territory so as to keep
intact the land of his allies while wasting that which
was subject to the barbarians. He assembled his
mercenaries immediately, together with the Syra-
cusans and his allies, called a general assembly, and
encouraged his audience with appropriate words to
face the decisive struggle. When all applauded and
shouted, urging him to lead them immediately against
the barbarians, he took the field with not more than
twelve thousand men in all.?

He had reached the territory of Agrigentum when
unexpected confusion and discord broke out in his
army. One of his mercenaries named Thrasius, who
had been with the Phocians when they plundered
the shrine at Delphi and was remarkable for his mad
recklessness, now perpetrated an act that matched

2? Plutarch does not mention the support furnished Timo-
leon by Hicetas at this time.

2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 2-3, states that there were 3000
Syracusans and 4000 mercenaries, of whom 1000 deserted
before the battle; the remainder were 5000 foot and 1000
horse.

3 ýmèp added by Reiske- (cp. chap. 76. 1).
55

DIODORUS OF SICILY

4 roàunpévois mpâéw érereàéocaro. tÕv yàp AÀwvV
OXEĞOV ATAVTWV TÖV HETAOCXÓVTWV TS Eis TÒ uav-
Teîov mapavopias TeETEVyőTwV ÚTO TOÔ Õaruoviov
tis npooņnkoúonņs Tiuwpias, kabárep pkp mpó-
tepov àveypdyauev, uóvos oĝros ĝiadeÀnl®ws Tò
Qeîov êreyeipnoe roùòs pmohodópovs mapoppâv mpòs
5 anóoraow. ëy yap ròv Tiuoàčovra mapaghpo-
vođvra mpòs ópoàoyovuévyv dmwdcav dye TOÙS
orparoras: éŻaràaciovs yàp vras toùs Kapxny-
õoviovs kal máoas tTaîs mapackevaîs dvureppàn-
TOUS ÚTAPXYOVTAS ÈNAYYÉAAETAL VIKÝOEW, ÈVaATOKU-
Beúwv raîs rv pmolodópwv pvyaîs, oùðè roùs
oderiouévovs poloùs Tooð ypóvov ðià Tův àTo-
6 piav aroĝeðwkos. ovveßoúdevev ov dvakáunTew
cis Tras Xvupakoúocas kal roùs puoboùs araretv,
eml òè orparelav aneyvwouévyy uù ovvakoàovleîv.

79. Tôv è mologópwv dcuévws roùs Àóyovs
Õcyouévwv kal vewrTeplbew èmiyeipoóvrov poys
Toà òenleis aùrôv ó Tiuoàéwr’ kal Swpeàs
enmayyeàÀóuevos karénavoe Tùv Trapaxyńýv. pws Šè
TÔ Opaciw yıiwv ovvakodàovônodvrwv tùův pèv
roúrwv Kõàaow eis érepov àveßdàero rkapóv,
ypápas ðè mpòs roùs èv Bvpakovosais piàovs
npocðééachai roúrovs hiàodpóvws kal roùs molos
dnoðoðvaı TÅův èv Trapayhv mâcav els TéÀos karé-
opece, rv © dmerðnodvræwv adeiàaro thv èk tis
2 vikns eùðoéíav. aùros è roùs dAdovs raîs hiàav-
Opðrois évreúćeow eis rùv mpoŭürtápyovoav eðvorav
anokaraorýoas mpofyev mi ToÙùs Todeuiovs où
pakpàv orparoreðeúovras. ovvayayòv &’` els Tùv
ekkànoiav toùs otparuóras kal ià TÔv Àdywv
Odpoos mapaorýoas roîs màýleoi SAGE pèv Tùv
56

BOOK XVI. 78. 3—79. 2

his former outrages. While almost all the rest who 340/39 s.c

had participated in the sacrilege against the oracle
had received from the deity their due punishment,
as we reported a little earlier, he who alone had
eluded divine vengeance attempted to incite the
mercenaries to desert. He said that Timoleon was
out of his mind and was leading his men to certain
destruction. The Carthaginians were six times their
number and were immeasurably superior in every
sort of equipment, but Timoleon was nevertheless
promising that they would win, gambling with the
lives of the mercenaries whom for a long time because
of lack of funds he had not even been able to pay.
Thrasius recommended that they should return to
Syracuse and demand their pay, and not follow
Timoleon any further on a hopeless campaign.

79. The mercenaries received his speech with en-
thusiasm and were on the point of mutiny, but
Timoleon with some difficulty quieted the disturbance
by urgent pleading and the offer of gifts. Even so,
a thousand men did go off with Thrasius,? but he
put of their punishment till a later time, and by
writing to his friends in Syracuse to receive them
kindly and to pay them their arrears he brought the
unrest to an end, but also stripped the disobedient
men of all credit for the victory. With the rest, whose
loyalty he had regained by tactful handling, he
marched against the enemy who were encamped not
far away. Calling an assembly of the troops, he
encouraged them with an address, describing the

1 Chap. 58. 6.
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 3-4.

1 ó Tıpoàćwv added by Rhodoman.
57

DIODORUS OF SICILY

tôv Dowikwv avavôpiav únréuvyoe è ris Téiwvos
eùnuepias.
3 Idvræv è kabdrep rvi mu fwv Powvrwv èri-
a ~ [A
OéoÂa roîs Papßápois kai karápyeoðat TS páXNIS,
karà túynv úročvyiwv céùwa komóvrwv eis TAS
td e f KA Fd A 3 ` ~
oriPdðas ò Tiıpoéwv ép ðéyeolar Tòv otwvòv tis
vikns: rov yap `Iofuaròv oréhpavov k geàívov
4 gvvioracĝat. oi Õè OTpaATLÕTAL TApPAYyYELAAVTOS
“~ + 2 ~ + $ +
roô Tipodéovros èk rÕv oeàivwv màééavres orehd-
vous kal rats kepañaîs meptÂévres mpoĵyov uera
yapâs os rv lev npoonuawóvrwv aùroîs TÙV
5 vikqv' önep kat ovvéßny yevéobar: mepieyévovro yàp
dveàTtiotrws TÕV moeuiwv où uóvov ia TaS iÖias
$ È 3 `Y 4 ` ~ ~ ~ ld
avôpayalias, dAd kat ðeà rv rÕv heðv cvvepyiav.
e ` 4 lA bd 2 ~ 2 +
O pèr yàp Tiuoàéwv kragas rùv ðúvauıv karé-
awev anró Twwv Aópwv èri rov Kpipioov motrapòv
A A LA ld 2 kd lá s
kal pupiwv jòn deaßeßnkórwv é èpóðov rTovrtois
enéppače, rerayuévos aùtTòs èri péons ris pdàay-
6 yos. yevouévns è udyns kaprepôs kal TÕV
‘“EàMńvæv úrepeyóvrwv raîs re dperaîs kal raîs
l m 3
cùyerpiars mods éyivero póvos rv Bapßpápæwv. Ùùòn
Õè devyóvrwv rÕv ĝiaßeßnrórwv ) mêca ðúvapus
TtÕv Kapynõoviwv meparwheîoa rò peîhpov Sewphw-
cato Tù TÕv Ôiwv rrav.

1 MSS. omit. Kpipcov supplied from Plutarch, Timoleon,
25. 4 (Kpiuņoov) with the spelling common elsewhere.

1 That is, at the battle of Himera, 480 sB.c. Polybius re-
proaches Timaeus for placing in the mouth of Timoleon
derogatory remarks concerning the Carthaginians, but not
advancing proof that Timoleon did not actually speak in this
way (12. 26a; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker,
no. 566, F 31).

BOOK XVI. 79. 2-6

cowardice of the Phoenicians and recalling the success 340/39 s.c.

of Gelon.?!

Just at the moment when all as with one voice
were clamouring to attack the barbarians and to
begin the battle, it chanced that pack animals came
carrying wild celery ? for their bedding, and Timoleon
declared that he accepted the omen of his victory,
for the crown at the Isthmian games is woven of this.
On his suggestion, the soldiers plaited crowns out of
celery and with their heads wreathed advanced cheer-
fully in the confidence that the gods foretold their
victory. And that, as a matter of fact, is how it was,
for unpredictably, incredible to tell, they got the
better of the enemy not only through their own valour
but also through the gods’ specific assistance.

Timoleon deployed his forces and advanced down
from a line of little hills to the river Crimisus,? where
ten thousand of the enemy had already crossed.
These he shattered at the first onset, taking his own
position in the centre of his line.* There was a sharp
fight, but as the Greeks were superior both in bravery
and in skill, there was great slaughter of the bar-
barians. The rest began to flee, but the main body
of the Carthaginians crossed the river in the mean
time and restored the situation.

2 This was the apium graveolens which is also frequently
called parsley. It is fragrant (cp. Olck, Real-Encyclopädie,
6 (1909), 255 f.). This anecdote was told by Timaeus (Jacoby,
Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 566, F 118) and
appears in Plutarch, Timoleon, 26.

3 The river is variously spelled Crimesus (Plutarch, Timo-
leon, 25. 4) and Crimissus (Nepos, Timoleon, 2. 4).

4 The story of the battle is told more circumstantially in
Plutarch, Timoleon, 27-29. The time was just before the
summer solstice of 339 s.c. (Plutarch, Timoleon, 27. 1).

DIODORUS OF SICILY

80. Kaworombeions Sè ts udxyns ral rôv
Dowikwv T nÀýhe mepiyeouévwv' roùs “EdÀnvas
dhvw moàùs èk To mepiéyovros õußpos kateppáyn
kal yaàdtns eùueyébovs màñlos, dotparai re kat

povrat perà TvevpáTwv PEYÁÀWV KATÉOKNTTOV"
kat Toðrwv andádvrwv Îvediopopovuévwv roîs uèv
"Eno: karà võrov, roîs è Papßápois karà mpóo-
wrov ot èv mepi ròv Tiuoàéovra rò oúunrtrwua
pgðiws únréuevov, ot Sè Doivixes rò uéyebos rs
TEPLOTATEWS dépew dðvvaroðvres, ua è kal TÕV
‘“EdMývov èmxeruévæv, npòs puyùv ðpunoav.
2 Iávræv © mi rov morapòv tperopévwv, àvauié

inméw re kal neÇÂv, kal TÔv åppdræwv dua Toúrois
pupouévwv oi èv ór’ aÀÀńÀwv ovurarovuevoi kal
Toîs tÕv ovupdywv ihesi kal Aóyyais mepirerpó-
evot Tv ovuhopàv čoxov áßońðnrov, ot & úrò
TÕv mapa Toîşs Toeulois imméwv eis TÒ TOÔ To-
Tauot peTbpov àayeànòv ouvveiavvóuevoi kal karà
3 vórov tràs mànyàs Aaußdvovres åméĝvnokov. mod-
Àot Õe dvev moàepias mànyñs Siepheipovro ocwpev-
ouévav TÕv cwudrwv id re ròv péßov kai rò
mÀñÂos kai ià ras èv TÔ pelðpw Svoyepelas. rò
Se uéyiorov, ÀAdppwv yeyevnuéevæv rôv òußpwv ô
Totas Prarorépw T peúuaTtı karaßepóuevos Toà-
Àoùs eBánriġe kai perà rÕv öràwv ĝiavnyouévovs
Sréphepe.
4 Tédos õðè rôv Kapynõoviwv oi uèv ròv iepòv
Àóxov dvaràņpoðvres kal ròv uèv åpıðuðv ğvres
croyidior kal mevrakóoior, raîs §’ dperaîs kal Òóéais
ër Òè raîs oùciors mpwreðovres änavres ayaviod-
5 pevot Àaunpôs karekónyoav. rv È. &Awv rÂv
ovoTpatevopévwv aùroîs åmébavov mÀelovs rÔv uv-

BOOK XVI. 80. 1-5

80. As the battle was renewed, the Phoenicians 340/39 s.c.

were overwhelming the Greeks with their superior
numbers when, suddenly, from the heavens sheets
of rain broke and a storm of great hailstones, while
lightning flashed and thunder roared and the wind
blew in fierce gusts. All of this tempest buffeted the
backs of the Greeks but struck the faces’of the bar-
barians, so that, though Timoleon’s soldiers were not
much inconvenienced by the affair, the Phoenicians
could not stand the force of circumstances, and as the
Greeks continued to attack them, they broke into
flight.

As all sought the river together—horse and foot
intermingled, while the chariots added to the con-
fusion—some perished helplessly trodden under foot
or pierced by the swords or lances of their comrades,
while others were herded by Timoleon’s cavalry into
the bed of the river and were struck down from be-
hind. Many died without an enemy’s stroke as the
bodies piled up in the panic. There was crowding
and it was difficult to keep one’s feet in the stream.
Worst of all, as the rain came down heavily, the river
swept downstream as a raging torrent and carried
the men with it, drowning them as they struggled to
swim in their heavy armour.

In the end, even the Carthaginians who composed
the Sacred Battalion,! twenty-five hundred in number
and drawn from the ranks of those citizens who were
distinguished for valour and reputation as well as for
wealth, were all cut down after a gallant struggle.
In the other elements of their army, more than ten

1 This unit is mentioned again by Diodorus in another
connection, Book 20. 10. 6. i
1 So Wesseling : mepieyopévwv.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

piwv, aiyudàwrot Ò eAýplnoav oùk àdrtrTovs TÕv
uupiwv kat mevrakioyiÀiwv. TÕV È AppáTwWV TÀ
èv ToàÀd ovverpiby kara ròv dyðva, ĝiakócia &’
HAW TA è okevopópa kal Tà eóyn kat trà mÀń-
0n räv apağðv Ýroyeípia rots “EAàņow èyévero.
6 rÔv © ÖnÀàwv TÀ TOA èv Únò roô morauoô ði-
epôdpn, éni dè rhv roô Tiuodéovros oryviv yiàiot
pv Oópakes doriðes Sè màciovs rÕv pvpiwv ån-
nvéxðņoav. rtoúrwv & vorepov rà uèv èv roîs èv
Zvpakoðocais vaoîs dveréðn, Tà è Toîs ovuudyors
õreuepiohn, rwa © eis Kópwbðov Tipoàéwv àn-
éoreràe nmpoordčas eis rò roô [looebðvos iepòv
avabeîvar.

81. Iloðv è kat ypnudrav rkaraàņnghévrwv
Sia rò roùs Kapynõoviovs synkévai màñlos ékrw-
páTwv dpyvpðv re kal ypvoðv, črt è ròv &AÀov
kőóopov úmepßdňňovra ià rò puéyebos rs map
aùrToîs eùmopias TaVTA OCUVEXØPNOE TOTS OTpaTUD-
2 Tras éyew ëmalàa rûs åvõpayaðias. rôv è Kapyn-
Ôoviwv oi õiadvyóvres ròv év r páyn rivõvvov
póyis eis rò Adóßarov Seodbnoav. rocaúrn &’
aùroùs kardnànéıs kal Öéos kareîyev ğore uù
Toàpâv cis Tas vas éupaivew unë’ åroràeîv eis Thv
Apúnv, ós à rv rv hev ddorpióryra mpòs
aùroùs úrò roô Aıpukoð meàdyovs kararoĝnoo-

t
uévovs.

Oi © èv ri Kapynèóvı rò uéyebos mvÂópevor TÎS
cvupopâs ovverpíßynoav raîs pvyaîs kal ovvrópws
úneàdppPavov ğÑéew èr aùroùs ròv Tipoàéovra perà

1 So Fischer: xal in MSS, before rods Kapy.
62

BOOK XVI. 80. 5—81. 3

thousand soldiers were killed and no less than fifteen 40/39 B.c.

thousand were taken captive. Most of the chariots
were destroyed in the battle but two hundred were
taken. The baggage train, with the draught animals
and most of the wagons, fell into the hands of the
Greeks. Most of the armour was lost in the river,
but a thousand breastplates and more «than ten
thousand shields were brought to the tent of Timo-
leon. Of these, some were dedicated later in the
temples at Syracuse, some were distributed among
the allies, and some were sent home by Timoleon to
Corinth with instructions to dedicate them in the
temple of Poseidon.?

81. The battle yielded a great store of wealth also,
because the Carthaginians had with them an abun-
dance of silver and gold drinking vessels; these, as
well as the rest of the personal property which was
very numerous because of the wealth of the Cartha-
ginians, Timoleon allowed the soldiers to keep as
rewards for their gallantry.? For their part, the Car-
thaginians who escaped from the battle made their
way with difficulty to safety at Lilybaeum. Such
consternation and terror possessed them that they
did not dare embark in their ships and sail to Libya,
persuaded that they would be swallowed up by the
Libyan Sea because their gods had forsaken them.

In Carthage itself, when news of the extent of the
disaster had come, all were crushed in spirit and took
it for granted that Timoleon would come against

1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 28. 5-6, gives the number of dead as
10,000, including 3000 Carthaginians.

2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 29.

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30. 1, states only that Timoleon al-
lowed his mercenaries to plunder the territory of the Cartha-
ginians (cp. chap. 73.1).

i 63

DIODORUS OF SICILY

tis ðvuváuews. ebd Sè Féokwva rov ”Avvwvos
nepvyaðevuévov karýyayov kat orparņnyðv dréðe-
av ià rò Õoreîv róduy Te kal orparqyig Siapépew.
4 aùTol Ò’ ëkpwav ToùTiKkoîs uèv oóuaoi uù Siar-
Suvevew, pobopópovs è dddoeðveîs åðpoítew kal
paora “Eàànvas: órakovoeoðat © avroîs Tps
TÙY oTpateiav Toàdoùs óreàdupavov ià rò uéyebos
Tis pmohopopâs* kal ùv eùroplav rs Kapynõóvos.
ceis è rhv Yukxeàilav roùs eùbérovs mpéoßeis ¿éŻé-
nmepbav, npooráéavres è$? oîs äv ĝ Svvaròv ovv-
Oéobar Tv ciphvnv.

82. To © rovs rovrov reÀbóvros A bývno
pèv pxe Avoruayiðns, èv ‘Póun & iraroi kabe-
at)keoav Kówros Xepoviňos kal Mápros ‘Pov-
Tiħos. èm òè roúrwv Tiuoàéwv eraveàbàv eis
Zupakoúooas mpôrov pèv roùs èykaradıróvras
avrov? mglodópovs roùs merà Opaciov mdvras ék
2 TÑS móÀcws ðs mpoðőras övras eédßadev. oror &
eis ùv 'Iraàlav ŝiaßdávres kal ywpiov ri rapala-
Àdrriov èv ti Bperrig karaňaßópevor ýprasav.
oi è Bpérrioi mapoćuvðévres eùbòs perà Õvvduews
ToAÀñs éorTpdrevoav èr’ aùroùs ral rò xwpiov
êknoùopkýoavres dnavras karņkóvrioav. oi uèv
oĝv karaùıróvres ròv Tiuoàdovra poĝopópor tÎs
iias mapavouias èrdÂÀov? ToaŬTys ovuģopâs črv-
xov.

3 ‘O è Tiuoàéwv Iooréuiov ròv Tuppyvòv Swðera

7 `Y
Aņortpiot Toùs mÀéovras Àņičóuevov kal karardeú-

1 âs edi
poboġopâs editors : ovudopâs.
? aùròv added by NA
64

BOOK XVI. 81. 3—82. 3

them directly with his army. They wasted no time
in recalling from exile Gisco t the son of Hanno and
appointing him general, for they thought that he
best combined the qualities of boldness and military
skill. They voted not to risk the lives of citizens in
the future but to enlist foreign mercenaries, especi-
ally Greeks ? who, they thought, would answer the
call in large numbers because of the high rate of pay
and the wealth of Carthage ; and they sent skilled
envoys to Sicily with instructions to make peace on
whatever terms proved possible.

82. At the end of this year, Lysimachides became
archon at Athens, and in Rome there were elected
as consuls Quintus Servilius and Marcus Rutilius.?
In this year, Timoleon returned to Syracuse and
promptly expelled from the city as traitors all the
mercenaries who had abandoned him under the lea-
dership of Thrasius. These crossed over into Italy,
and coming upon a coastal town in Bruttium, sacked
it. The Bruttians, incensed, immediately marched
against them with a large army, stormed the place,
and shot them all down with javelins.t Those who had
abandoned Timoleon were rewarded by such mis-
fortune for their own wickedness.

Timoleon himself seized and put to death Postu-
mius the Etruscan,’ who had been raiding sea traffic

1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30.3. 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30. 3.

3 Lysimachides was archon at Athens from July 339 to
June 338 s.c. The consuls of 342 s.c. were Q. Servilius Ahala
and C. Marcius Rutilus (Broughton, 1. 133).

4 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30. 1-2. Another group of the im-
pious mercenaries is mentioned also in 30, 4.

6 This story does not appear in Plutarch.

aT A A O A A a

3 ènáðàov Wesseling : ëmaĝàov. Fischer inserts Àafóvres after
ënalàov.

VOL, VIII D 65

340/39 B.C.

3839/8 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

cavrta cis Xupakovocas ws hiàov ovààaßàv èbavd-
Twoev. ýneðégaro ðè kai Toùs rò Kopwhiwv
3 lA d lA t y hi
ekneuplévras oikýropas diodpóvws, ðvras ròv
apiðpòv mevrakıoyiÀiovs. perà Sè rara TÕv
Kapxynõoviwv ianpeoßevoauévwv kal moààà ĝen-
Qévrwv ovveyópnoev aùroîs tv eiphvnv ČoTeE TAS
` ‘EAA [Ò SÀ e 2 À Oé ky `
uèv nviðas móàcis drdoas àcvhépas eîvar, TÒV
ôt Aúrov rañoúuevov morauòv piov elvat Tis éka-
Tépwv èmpateias: pù) eécîvae Sè Kapynõoviois
Ponhfoar Tos rupdvvors roîs moàepoðot mpos Lvpa-
Kkosiovs.
` ` A ha ` e ! 2
Merà è raðra ròv pèv ‘Ixérav karanoàepńoas
> , 1 ` >» ” oOo
ehavárwoe,* roùs &’ év Aïrvn Kapravoùs kroop-
l4 LA ` 7 hy k
kcas ğéplepe. ral Nixóðnuov èv ròv Kevropi-
mivwav Túpavvov karanànéduevos ečéßadev èk rîs
l bd 2 hI ` > [d d
nóàcws, Amowvdònv Sè ròv Ayvpwaiwv vvd-
oryv maúoas Ts Tupavviðos roùs édevhlepwbévras
Zvpakocíovs ènoiņnoe. ralódov è mdávras rToùs
katà Tùvvĵoov Tupádvvovs pičorouńoas? kal tàs
2
módes éÀevhepóoas eis Thv ovppayiav nposeðééaro.
z bd 3 A K N c 2 2
5 kypú£avros &’ aùroô kara rùv ‘Eàdõa Sıórı Lvpa-
kóoiot Õðóacı yæpav kal oiklas Toîs Boviouévois
peréyew tis v Xvupakoúocais moùrelas moddol
` A À + “EAÀ 3 7 x À k
Tpos Tv kàņpovyiav yves anývryoav: tréàos ĝè
3 Z
oikNTopes anmeðeiyhyoav eis èv rùåv Evpakociav

1 éĝavárwce Reiske : Pape. 2 So Herwerden : pitodoyýoas.
a a a a
1 “ Freedom ” in Greek political terminology did not ex-
clude the possibility of an overlord, Carthage or Syracuse.
Plutarch, Timoleon, 34. 1, does not mention this feature of
the treaty.
? Diodorus usually calls this river Halycus (Books 15. 17.
5; 23.9.5; 24. 1. 8).
66

BOOK XVI. 82. 3-5

with twelve corsairs, and had put in at Syracuse as 839/8 B.C.

a friendly city. He received the new settlers sent
out by the Corinthians kindly, to the number of five
thousand. Then, when the Carthaginians sent en-
voys and pleaded with him urgently, he granted
them peace on the terms that all the Greek cities
should be free,! that the river Lycus ? should be the
boundary of their respective territories, and that the
Carthaginians might not give aid to the tyrants who
were at war with Syracuse.

After this, he concluded his war with Hicetas and
put him to death, and then attacked the Campa-
nians in Aetna and wiped them out.t Likewise he
overbore Nicodemus, tyrant of Centuripae, and
ousted him from that city ; and putting an end to
the tyranny of Apolloniades in Agyrium ë he gave
Syracusan citizenship to its freed inhabitants. In a
word, all of the tyrants throughout the island were
uprooted and the cities were set free and taken into
his alliance. He made proclamation in Greece that
the Syracusans would give land and houses to those
who wished to come and share in their state, and
many Greeks came to receive their allotments.’
Ultimately forty thousand settlers were assigned to

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 31. 2-32. 1. Since Timoleon had
just accepted the aid of Hicetas against the Carthaginians
(chap. 77. 5), this change of policy suggests some duplicity
on his part (Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations with
Tyrants, 15 f.).

4 This is not mentioned by Plutarch.

5 This was Diodorus’s own native city.

€ Plutarch, Timoleon, 22. 3-5; 23 (where the invitation
was issued when Timoleon first became master of Syracuse) ;
35. According to the historian Athanis, quoted by Plutarch
(Timoleon, 23. 4; Jacoby, Fragm. der gr. Hist. no. 562, F 2),
there were 60,000 who came. Cp. further Book 19. 2, 8.

[Xo]

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Tv dðiaiperov’ Terpakıopúpiot, cis è Tiy °’ Ayvpi-
vaiav uúpior ià TÒ uéyelos kai kdos Ts xwpas.

Eùôù Sè kat roùs mpoïürdpyovrasşs võőuovs év raîs
Zvpakovocais, oùs ovvéypae Airokàñs, ğwphwoe.
Kal Toùs èv nepil TÕv iiwrikðr? ovufoàaiwv À
kàņpovopðv etagev dueralérovs, roùs è mepi
TÕv Õnuociwv vevouobernuévovs mps Tv ðiav
úróoraow ws mor éðóke ovupépew cwphwoev.
emorádrys © fv kal eopflwrýs rs vopobecias
Kéġados ó Kopivbios, avůp êv maiðeig kai ovvéoer
Òcdofacuévos. dmo è roúrwv yevóuevos ToÙS uèv
Acovrivous eis Dvuparovocas perøkioev, ceis È TÀV
Kapapıvaíav oikýropas mpoobeis ènnúfeoce rùův
TAW.

83. Kaĝfóov è mávra Tà karà tùv Pureàlav
cipnpvikôs karaorýoas èroiņoe tràs móàes TayÒ
Àafpeiv moààùv aùŭénow mpòs eùĝaruoviav. èk mod-
Àoô yàp xpõvov ıd TAs ordoeis kal roùs êuhvàiovs
moàépovsy ért è TÒ mAÑlos rv èravorauévæv
aiet Tupávvwv at uèv móàes pno TÕV oiknró-
pov Ñoav, ai Òè ypa cià Tv apyiav èénypiwvro
kal kaprõv uépwv dopo kaberorýreisav: rére
Ôe õrà rò mÀÑlos rÔv émmodaodvrwv olkyrtTópwv
kal ĝa Tùv movypóviov èmiyeyevnuévny eipńvnv
éénuephbnoav raîs èpyaciais kal moààoùs ral
mavroðamoùs ééńveykav kaproús. roúrovs ð oi
ikera Avorredðs mirnpáorkovres Toîs eumőpois
Taxù mpocavéðpauov raîs oùciais.

Toiyapoðv ià rùv èk troúrwv eùropiav modàà

1 See SIG”, 141. 10 åiapérov sc. yæpas.

; k ibwrirâv Wesseling, cp. chap. 70. 5: Biwrâv PXR,
biw F. 3? So Stephanus : čropor.
68

BOOK XVI. 82. 5—83. 2

the vacant land of Syracuse and ten thousand to that 339/8 s.o.

of Agyrium, because of its extent and quality.

At this time, also, Timoleon revised the existing
laws of Syracuse, which Diocles had composed.t
Those concerning private contracts and inheritance
he allowed to remain unaltered, but he amended those
concerned with public affairs in whatever way seemed
advantageous to his own concept. Chairman and
director of this legislative programme waş Cephalus
the Corinthian, a man distinguished for education
and intelligence. When his hands were free of this
matter, Timoleon transferred the people of Leontini
to Syracuse, but sent additional settlers to Camarina
and enlarged the city.

83. So, having established peaceful conditions
everywhere throughout Sicily, he caused the cities to
experience a vast growth of prosperity.? For many
years, because of domestic troubles and border wars,
and still more because of the numbers of tyrants who
kept constantly appearing, the cities had become
destitute of inhabitants and the. open country had
become a wilderness for lack of cultivation, producing
no useful crops. But now new settlers streamed into
the land in great numbers, and as a long period of
peace set in, the fields were reclaimed for cultivation
and bore abundant crops of all sorts. These the
Siceliot Greeks sold to merchants at good prices and
rapidly increased their wealth.

It was by reason of the funds so acquired that many

1 Cp. Book 13. 33 and 35.

2 Nepos, Timoleon, 3. 1-2. These observations are prob-
ably Diodorus’s own, based on his personal experience and
knowledge. Note the reference to his city, Agyrium, in
chap. 83. 3. Kokalos, 4 (1958) is devoted exclusively to
articles concerned with the effect of Timoleon on Sicily.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kat ueyda kareokevádoðny kar èkelvovs rToùs
xpóvovs dvaðńuarta, v èv raîs Xvpakoðosais ð
katà thv Nĝoov olkos ò éénkovrárkàwos ðvouačó-
evos, TÕV kaŭTtà Thv Xukeàiav épywv vnmepaipwv
TÔ peyélet kai TÅ) karaokevj, ôv kateokeģace èv
’Ayabokàñjs ó Svvdorns, ða è rò ßBdápos rv
épyav únepaipwv toùs TÕv Îeðv vaoùs émionuacias
éruyev Ýro roô ðaruoviov kepavvwbeis, ol Te Tapà
Tòv rpòv péva múpyot, tràs pèv èmiypahàs
éyovres eÉ érepoyevðv ÀAlbwv, onpaivovres! è Tv
TOÔ karackeváoavros aùrTovùs Tmpoonyopiav Aya-
Qokàćovs, óuoíws è Toúrois pikpòv ÜorTepov ÚT
‘Tépwvos roô Pacıiàéws tó Te karà tùův àyopàv
Oàvumeîov kal ò mànoiov toô Bedrpov Pwués, Tò
pėv pikos ©v oraðiov, rò © üpos kal mÀdros ëxav
TOÚTW KATA Àðyov.

Ev è raîs èddrrooi móàcow, èv afs ý TÕV
'Ayvpwaiwv karapiðpeîrar, peraoyoðoa Ts rére
kàņpovyíaşs cà Tùv nmpoepnuévyv ék trÔv kaprôv
eùropiav, Oéarpov pèv kareokeúace metrà TÒ TÔV
Zupakosiwv kdàNorov trÕv karà Pıkeàlav, Îeô®v
re vaoùs kal Bovàevrýpiov kal ayopáv, čri Šè
múpywv dioàdyovs karacrkevàs kal tráhovs? mupa-
pw ToÀðv kal peydàwv Siadópwv raîs ido-
TEXVÍOLS.

84. Em’ apxyovros & ° Abúývyori Xapavõov tÅv Üra-
Tov apxv Òeðétavro Aeúkios Aluios kal T dios
Màóreos. emi è roúrwv Di\rnos ó Baoideùs
rovs mÀeiorovs rv ‘EMývwv eis pilav mponyuévos

1 So MSS. : oņnpawoúsas Fischer.
2 <karà>) rahovs Madvig.

1 This was a large banqueting hall. Cp. the tent of one

BOOK XVI. 83. 2—84. 1

large constructions were completed in that period.
There was, first, the structure in Syracuse on the
Island called the “ Hall of the Sixty Couches,” which
surpassed all the other buildings of Sicily in size and
grandeur.! This was built by Agathocles the despot,
and since, in its pretentiousness, it went beyond the
temples of the gods, so it received a mark of Heaven’s
displeasure in being struck by lightning. Then there
were the towers along the shore of the Little Harbour
with their mosaic inscriptions of varicoloured stones,
proclaiming the name of their founder, Agathocles.
Comparable to these but a little later, in the time of
Hiero the king, there was built the Olympieium in the
market and the altar beside the theatre, a stade in
length and proportionally high and broad.?

Among the lesser cities is to be reckoned Agyrium,
but since it shared in the increase of settlers due to
this agricultural prosperity, it built the finest theatre
in Sicily after that of Syracuse, together with temples
of the gods, a council chamber, and a market. There
were also memorable towers, as well as pyramidal
monuments of architectural distinction marking
graves, many and great.

84. When Charondes was archon at Athens, Lucius
Aemilius and Gaius Plautius succeeded to the con-
sulship.* In this year, Philip the king, having won
most of the Greeks over to friendship with him, was

hundred couches employed by Alexander the Great (Book
17. 16. 4).

2 These monuments are mentioned by Cicero, In Verrem,
2, 4. 53.

3 Chaerondes was archon at Athens from July 338 to
June 337 s.c. The consuls of 341 s.c. were L. Aemilius
Mamercinus Privernas and C. Plautius Venno (Broughton,
1. 134).

339/8 Bc.

338/7 E.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVI. 84. 1-5
ambitious to gain the uncontested leadership of Greece 338/7 s.c.

ediàotiueîro rai roùs 'Abnvalovs kararànédpe-
by terrifying the Athenians into submission.! There-

2 vos ÅÕNpiTOV ËE TYV hyepoviav TIS ‘“Eàdôos. ô-

ónep dhpvw karaùaßópevos Eàdrerav móùw kal tàs
Õuvdueis eis raúrņnv alpoicas iéyvw modeueîv
roîs `Alnvaiois. damapackeúwv © övrwv aùrðv
òà Tv ovvreleruévny eiphvnv Amie paðiws mepi-
morýoeohar rÅv vikyv' nep kal ovvereàéolny. karta-
àņnpleions yàp tris 'Edareias kóv tives vukrTòs
amayyéddovrtes Tv kardànpv Tis móàews kal Šiórt
Trayéws héer Diirros perà rs Õuvduews els TÙV
3’ Arrikýv. oi è orparņnyoit TÕv `Alnvaiwv õa
TÒ mapáðokov TIS MPÉČEWS KATAMÀAYÉVTES TOÚS TE
CAÀTLKTAS HETENÉUTOVTO kat onuaivew nmpooérarT-
Tov Òe ANS TiS vukrós.

Ths è puns cis mâsav olkiav ĝiaðobeions ý pèv
mós ophù Sià rov póßov fv, ó Sè fuos dras åp
pép ovvéðpapev eis Tò Îéarpov mpò roô ovy-
4 kaàéoat Toùs dpyxovras ws v člos. œs © Ñkov ot
ortparņyot kal tTòv unvúcavra nmapĵyov kákeivos
cÎrev, ouwrmù pèv kat pófos kareîye rò Oéarpov kal
rÕv elwhórwv nunyopeîv oùðeis róa cvußov-
Acosar: nmÀcováris Ñ To kýpvkos kaňécavros Toùs
époðvras ónèp rs kows owrnpias oùðeis maphet
5 oúußovàos. dmropias oĝv peyádàns oŭons kal kara-
mÀhécws anéBdere rò màñbos èri rov Anuochévnv.
ó è karapàs* kai ròv õñuov mapakaàésas bappeiv
danepaivero ev mapaypiua mpéoßeis drmooréàdew

2 So codd. ; ó &’ dvaßàs Wesseling.

1 Continued from chap. 77. 3. These events are briefly
noted in Justin, 9. 3.

2 This is consistent with Diodorus’s statement in chap. 77.
72

fore he suddenly seized the city of Elateia, concen-
trated his forces there and adopted a policy of war
with Athens. He expected to have no trouble in
defeating them, since their reliance on the existing
peace treaty ? made them unprepared for hostilities ;
and that is how it worked out. For after Elateia had
been occupied, persons came at night to Athens re-
porting the occupation and stating that Philip would
march immediately into Attica with his army.’
Taken aback by this unexpected development, the
Athenian generals summoned the trumpeters and
ordered them to keep blowing the alarm signal the
whole night through.

The news spread into every household and the city
was tense with terror, and at dawn the whole people
flocked to the theatre even before the archons had
made their customary proclamation. When the gen-
erals came and introduced the messenger and he had
told his story, silence and terror gripped the assembly
and none of the usual speakers dared propose a course
of action. Again and again the herald called for
someone to speak for the common safety, but no one
came forward with a proposal. In utter perplexity
and dismay, the crowd kept their eyes on Demos-
thenes. Finally he came down from his seat, and
bidding the people take heart gave it as his opinion
that they must straightway send envoys to Thebes

3, that peace was concluded on the abandonment of the siege
of Byzantium. Actually, the situation seems to haye been
just the reverse : Athens denounced the Peace of Philocrates
at that time.

3 This narrative follows and must ultimately derive from
Demosthenes, 18 (De Corona) 169-178.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

eis tàs Oýßas kai maparadeîv roùòs Borwroùs kow
rov Úrèp ris ¿ňevhepias ayôva ribeobar: mpòs yàp
Toùs äÀdovs ovpuáyovs ó kaipòs où ovveyæpet
néunew npeoßeias mepi rìs ovupayias’ èv huépais
yàp vol mpocðókiuos v ó Paoideds éew eis rhv
Arriciv kal ris óðorropias oŭons Sià ris Bou-
wrias ) mapà tõv Borwrôv ovupayia uóvy kar-
edeimero, pavepoô y övros öre rros, pios
av kal oúppayos Borwroîs, roúrovs év mapóðw
mepdoerat mapadaßeîv eis ròv kar ’Abnvaiwv
móàepov.

85. To è Õýpov ròv Àóyov droðečauévov rai
TOÔ mept TÅS mpeofeias ynpiouaros órò Anuoobé-
vous ypaßévros ó èv fuos túre ròv vvarøra-
Tov eineùv: ó è Aypoohévns ónýkovoe mpobúpws
mpos Tv xpeiav. réàos © ééws mpeoßeúoas kal
meioas êravñàbev eis tàs Alvas.

O è ĝuos tÅ rôv Borwrôv ovuuayíą ðt-
mÀacidoas Tùv mpoŭündápyovoav ývauıv aveldppnoe
2 raîs éùriow. eùhù Sè kai OTPATNYOÙS kaTÉOTNOE
TOoÙS mepi Xdpnra kal AvowÀéa kal TAVÒNLEL HETA
TrÕv őnÀàwv efénewpe roù orparuóras els TÙV
Bowwriav. tõv è véwv åndvræv npobúpws els tóv
ayðva kaTavTávTwv oÔTot uèv KkarTà OTOVÒNV
óðorropýoavres kov eis Xarpõverav Tts Borwrias’
oi ĝe Borwroi Bavudoavres tv ŝčúryra TS TÕV
'’Abnvaiwv mapovolas ral aùrol onovòńs oùðėv
EÀÀeimovres darývroav merà tÂv drìwv kai kowĵ)
oTparoneðevoavres Ýnéuevov tùy TÕvV moňepiwv
3 éġoðov. Pirros è rò pèv nmpõrov ééémeupev
emi rò kowòv rôv Borwwrôv mpéoßeis, ôv fv em-

1 y editors: $’.
T4

BOOK XVI. 84. 5—85. 3

and invite the Boeotians to join them to make a 838/7 s.c.

struggle for freedom. There was no time to send
envoys to their other allies t invoking the treaties of
alliance, since in two days the king could be expected
to enter Attica. As his way led through Boeotia, the
support of the Boeotians was their only recourse,
especially since Philip was at that time the friend
and ally of the Boeotians and would evidently try to
take them along as he marched past to the war
against Athens.

85. When the people accepted the proposal and
the decree authorizing the embassy had been drafted
by Demosthenes, they turned to the search for their
most eloquent representative. Demosthenes wil-
lingly answered the call to service. He carried out
the mission vigorously and returned to Athens at
last having secured the adhesion of the Thebans.

Now that they had doubled their existing armed
forces by the Boeotian alliance, the Athenians re-
covered their confidence. At once they designated
Chares and Lysicles as generals and sent forth their
entire army under arms into Boeotia. All their youth
reported eager for battle and advanced with forced
marches as far as Chaeroneia in Boeotia. Impressed
by the promptness of the Athenian arrival and them-
selves no less ready to act decisively, the Boeotians
joined them with their weapons and, brigaded to-
gether, all awaited the approach of the enemy.
Philip’s first move was to send envoys to the Boeotian

1 These are listed by Demosthenes (De Corona, 237) as
Euboea, Achaia, Corinth, Megara, Leucas, and „Corcyra.
Aeschines (In Ctesiphontem, 97) mentions Acarnania also.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

pavéoraros lóĝwv. oros yàp Sraßeßonuévos èri
T To Aðyov ewóryre ral ovykpibeis mapà rToîs
Borwroîs kara Tùv mepi ris ovupayias õņnunyopiav
npòs Anuoohévyv trv èv dààwv ènpórevoev, Tov-

4rov è pávy kraraĝeéorepos. ral ò Anuochévns
Òe aùròs æs uéya rı kaTeipyaopévos èv roîs ovy-
yeypaupévois Úr aùroð Àóyois oeuvúverat TÍ) Tpòs
Tòv propa roôrov ðnunyopig èv oîs àéyei, Tér
eyo piv TÔ Húhwvie Opacvvouévw ral moààĝ
péovri kab’ óuðv où% Úneyópnoa.

5 Merà è rað? ó Dirros arorvyaw ris tv
Borwrõv ovupayias oùĝèv rrov ëkpive mpòs àu-
porépovs ðiaywvioaoðar: Sò kal mposavaueivas
Toùs åpvorepoðvras trÕv ovuudywv kev eis Tù
Borwriav, éywv meboùs èv màciovs trÔv Tpiopv-

6 piwv, inmeîs ĝè oùx EÀarrov rôv Õioyiàlwv. dugo-
TEpwv è mpòs TÅv uáxyv eùrperĝv yevopévwv Toîs
pèv ppovýuacı kal raîs mpobvuiais, ërie è rtaîs
avõpayalbiais êpdurààor kaleiorýkercav, T è mÀń-

e kal r katrà tv ortparnyiav per mpoeîyev

7 ò Baoideús. moňààs yàp kai moikidas maparáéeis

Ņywvioévos kal èv raîs mÀeiorais páyais vevi-

knkòs peydànv elyev èumerpiav rÕv katà móňcuov

épyœv. mapà şè roîŭs `Afnvaiois oi uèv ayaĝła-

Tatort TÕV orparnyðv èrereevrýkeirav, Idikpárns

kai Xappias, ére è Tiuóheos, rõv È órodeder-

pévwv Xdpns mpwreúwv oùðèv õiépepe trôv rvyóv-

TWV ÖLWTÕV KATÀ TÅV Èv TÔ orparnyeîv èvépyerav

kal Bovàńv.

1 The famous orator, a native of Byzantium, had long been

BOOK XVI. 85. 3-7

League, the most eminent of whom was Pytho.! He 338/7 s.c.

was celebrated for his eloquence, but judged by the
Boeotians in this contest for their allegiance against
Demosthenes, he surpassed all the other speakers,
to be sure, but was clearly inferior to him. And
Demosthenes himself in his speeches parades his
success against this orator as a great accomplish-
ment, where he says : “ I did not then give ground
before Pytho in spite of his confidence and his torrent
of words against you.” ?

So Philip failed to.get the support of the Boeotians,
but nevertheless decided to fight both of the allies
together. He waited for the last of his laggard con-
federates to arrive, and then marched into Boeotia.
His forces came to more than thirty thousand infantry
and no less than two thousand cavalry. Both sides
were on edge for the battle, high-spirited and eager,
and were well matched in courage, but the king had
the advantage in numbers and in generalship. He
had fought many battles of different sorts and had
been victorious in most cases, so that he had a wide
experience in military operations. On the Athenian
side, the best of their generals were dead—Iphicrates,
Chabrias, and Timotheüs too—and the best of those
who were left, Chares, was no better than any average
soldier in the energy and discretion required of a
commander.?
in the service of Philip. Strabo (9. 2. 37) states that the
Corinthians also sent troops.

2 Demosthenes (De Corona, 136) refers to an earlier en-
counter between the two, which took place in Athens in 343
B.C. ; cp. also De Halonneso, 20.

3 Diodorus writes disparagingly of Chares also in Book
15. 95. 3. Here he has much compressed the narrative, since
ten or eleven months elapsed between the occupation of
Elateia and the battle of Chaeroneia.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

86. "Apa Ò épa TÕv ðvvduewv ktaTTouévwv
ó pèv Paciàcùs rov viov ` Aàétavôpov, dvrinmatða
rv hÀikiav vra, ĉidônàov è rhv avõpeiav kat Tùv
oéúrņnra Ts évepyeias čyovra, katéornoev èm
drepov TÕvV kepátrwv, TApPaKaATAOTHOAS QAÙTÔ TÔV
hyeuóvwv roùs drodoywrdarovs' aùros è roùs émi-
Àékrovs éywv meb éavroô rv hyeuoviav eye toô
érépov pépovs kal TAS karà uépos tdéeis oikelws
2 Tots mapoðot kaipoîs iekódounoev. oi &’ ’Abnvator
kar’ ébvos Tùv Õiaipeow Ts Tádéews nmomoduevot
tToîs èv Borwroîs rò črepov uépos mapéðwrav,
aùrol è roô Aoro TÅv hyepoviav eÎyov. yevo-
pévns ðè udyxns kaprepõs mè moàùv ypóvov kal
TOAAÔV mirTOVTWV Tap auporépois péypt pév Tiwos
ó ayæv audiðofovuévas eye tràs èàriðas ris virns.

Mera è rara roô Adeédvõpov didotiuovuévov
TÖ marpi Tùv ilav dvôpayaliav èvõeifachai kal
piàotipias únmeppoàv oùk damodeimovros, ópoiws
Sè kal mov aùr ovvayæwvitopévuv dvëpôv
ayaĵððv mpõðros Tò ovvexès ris Tv modeuiwv
Tdģcews ëppnée kal moods karaßaàðv kareróve
4 roùs kaf’ aúròv terayuévovs. rò &' aùrò kal rôv
TApaoTaATÕV AŬT ToadvTrwv TÒ ovveyès alel rhs
Tdécws mapeppýyvvro. mov Šè owpevouévwv
vekpõv ot mepi Tov ° AàéÉavðpov mpôrToL Peacdpevor
Toùs kaf’ aúroùs èrpébavro. perà è raôra kal ó
Paoideùs aùròs mpokivðuveðwv kal ris viens rhv
emypapiv oùð’ aùr® mapaywpõv ’Adegdvõpw rò
pèv mpõTov eféwoe ti Pig roùs åvrirerayuévovs,

1 According to Plutarch, Camillus, 19. 5, this was the 9th
of Metageitnion, the second month of the Attic year, which

BOOK XVI. 86. 1—4

86. The armies deployed t at dawn, and the king 33s/7 e.c.

stationed his son Alexander, young in age but noted
for his valour and swiftness of action, on one wing,
placing beside him his most seasoned generals, while
he himself at the head of picked men exercised the
command over the other; individual units were
stationed where the occasion required.? On the other
side, dividing the line according to nationality, the
Athenians assigned one wing to the Boeotians and
kept command of the other themselves. Once joined,
the battle was hotly contested for a long time and
many fell on both sides, so that for a while the
struggle permitted hopes of victory to both.

Then Alexander, his heart set on showing his
father his prowess and yielding to none in will to win,
ably seconded by his men, first succeeded in rupturing
the solid front of the enemy line and striking down
many he bore heavily on the troops opposite him.
As the same success was won by his companions,
gaps in the front were constantly opened. Corpses
piled up, until finally Alexander forced his way
through the line and put his opponents to flight.
Then the king also in person advanced, well in front
and not conceding credit for the victory even to
Alexander ; he first forced back the troops stationed

began after the summer solstice; so perhaps 4th August,
since a new moon was visible at Athens on 27th July.

2 Diodorus’s account of the battle is vague, and much is
uncertain in the reconstruction of events from scattered and
partial references. It seems certain that Philip, on the Mace-
donian right, did not engage the Athenians until the Thebans,
on the allied right, had been shattered by Alexander. Since,
in his later battles, Alexander normally commanded the
cavalry guard on his own right, Philip here must have oceu-
pied the traditional position of the Macedonian king. But
Diodorus does not say who these * picked men ” were.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

z ` ` 2 r pa ? l4
éneITa ÒE kal QEÚyELV OCUVAVAYKACAS QALTLOS ÈYÉVETO
“~ lA ~ ? 2 + y bi ka ~
5 ris vikys. tv © 'Alyvaiwv énmeoov èv èv TÅ
la À z. ~ AÚ e > ? À 2
uaxn màciovs TÕv yiÀiwv, Awoav Ò oùk éÀdTTOoVS
m~ t m~ ~
6 rÕv ðıoyiÀlwv. óuoiws è kat rv BorwrÊv moddol
` 2 t j ? 3) 7 2 2 2 `
uev avņnpébnoav, oùk òàiyor Ò ewyphðnoav. perà
` ~
òè ryv páxyv ó Diinrros tpórmarov orýocas kal
Toùs vekpoùs eis Tadùv ovyywpýoas mwikia Toîs
a 7 `
Qcoîs éhvoe ral troùs dvòðpayalńýoavras kara Tùv
daġiav èriunoev.
L [A e ` ` ` 2
87. Aéyovot Òé Tives ÔTL Kal MAPA TÖV TMÖTOV
AÙ 3 2 E ` hI ~ ,
moàùv éupopnoduevos dkparov kat perà tTÕv piàwv
` 2 [d m~ “~
TÒv êmwikiov dywv kÕpov tà uécwv TÕV aiypaàð-
3 la ’ ~
Twv ßBdòGev ÝPpibwrv dia Adywv ràs rÕv akànpovv-
li
Twæwv Õvorvyías. Aņudðnv è ròv pýropa kar
3 a hi A
ékeîvov TÒv kaipòv év Toîs aiypawbTois övra xph-
+
cachłat mappnoig kai Àdyov anophéyéacðaıi vvd-
>” a ` a
pevov dvaoreîÀatr Tùv toô Baocidéws doéàyerav.
` A 3 A kd È A “~ 2
2 paci yàp eireiv aùróv, Baciàeô, rs rúyns cot
l4 l4
mepibeions npóowrov `Ayauéuvovos aùròs oùk
kd 2 lA s ’ A X +
aioxúvy mpaTTwv épya OQepoirov; ròv è Pirrov
m la ? J4 a
TÅ Ts êmnmÀýécws evoroyiq kwhévra rocoôro
a ` < lA
peraßpadeîv rv óànv Sidheow ðore Toùs uèv ore-
’ > m hI 4 M
pdvovs aroppipar, rà è ovvakoàovlhoðvra karà
4 m~ 2 ~ e
TOv kÕuov oúußoa tis ùßpews arorpjacðar, Tov
d a hj 2 ~
© dvõpa ròv ypnoduevov ti mappnoiq Bavudoa
e A
1 Plutarch, Demosthenes, 20. 3, tells of Philip’s revelling

and reciting the beginning of the decree introduced by his
80

BOOK XVI. 86. 4—87. 2

before him and then by compelling them to flee be- 338/7 s.c.

came the man responsible for the victory. More than
a thousand Athenians fell in the battle and no less
than two thousand were captured. Likewise, many
of the Boeotians were killed and not a few taken
prisoners. After the battle Philip raised a trophy of
victory, yielded the dead for burial, gave sacrifices
to the gods for victory, and rewarded according to
their deserts those of his men who had distinguished
themselves. :

87. The story is told that in the drinking after
dinner Philip downed a large amount of unmixed
wine and forming with his friends a comus in celebra-
tion of the victory paraded through the midst of his
captives, jeering all the time at the misfortunes of
the luckless men.!? Now Demades, the orator, who
was then one of the captives, spoke out boldly ? and
made a remark able to curb the king’s disgusting
exhibition. He is said to have remarked : “ O King,
when Fortune has cast you in the rôle of Agamemnon,
are you not ashamed to act the part of Thersites ? ”
Stung by this well-aimed shaft of rebuke, Philip
altered his whole demeanour completely. He cast
off his garland, brushed aside the symbols of pride
that marked the comus, expressed admiration for the
man who dared to speak so plainly, freed him from

rival as if it were verse :

“ Demosthenes, the son of Demosthenes,
Paeanian, thus proposeth.”

Justin (9. 5. 1), in constrast, speaks of Philip as bearing his
victory modestly. Cp. also Plutarch, Moralia, 715 c. See
Addenda. ` ,

2 Philostratus (Vita Apollonii Tyanensis, T. 2) names
Diogenes of Sinopê as the hero of this anecdote. Demades
(Duod. Ann. 9-10) gives his own report of these events.

DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVI. 87. z—88. 3

4 ~ kj lA Á]
kal ts aiypaàwoias dmroàŭúcavra mpòs éavròv

b4 a + “A
3 avadaßetv èêvripws. réàos © úro roô Anpudðov

captivity and gave him a place in his own company 388/7 s.c.
with every mark of honour. Addressed by Demades

kahbopànlévra raîs `Arrikaîs yápioi mávras dnro-
Acat Troùs aiypaàwbrovs dvev Àŭórpwv, kaĝóàov ò’
danoléuevov Týv èk tis virņs únepnpaviav mpéoßes
anooretàat mpòs ròv pov rv `Abnvaiwv kal
ovvĝécłai mpos aùroùs ıàlav te xai cvupayiav,
eis è ras Orfas dpovpàv èykaraorýosavra ovy-
xwphoar rův ceiphvyv roîs Borwroîs.

88. Oi `Afnvaîoi perà rùův rrav Avoikàéovs
pèv Toî orparnyoð Qávartov karéyvwoav Avkoŭpyov
Ton pýropos Kkatnyophoavros ; oôros yàp TÕV TTE
pnrópwv péyiorov čywv aćiwua kai weka uèv
éTN Tàs mpooððovs Tis móňews ĝioikýoas èrawov-
pévws piov È èbnkòs èr dperf) meppónrtov mrp-
2 raros v êv roîs Àðyois* karýyopos. yvoin © v
Tis aÙroĵ TÙv èv roîs Àdyois déiav kai mrpiav èv
oîs roô Avowàéovs karnyopôv Àéyer, ` Eorparń-
yeis, © AŬoikàes, kal yiÀiwv èv moùrTÂv Tereiev-
Tnkórwv, ĝioyiÀiwv © aiyuadóTtwv yeyovórwv,
Tporaiov è karà Tis méàcws éornkóros, ris &
‘Eàdòos drdons ovàevovons, kal roúrwv åmáv-
Twv yeyevnuévwv oo Ņyovuévov kat orparnyoôv-
Tos Toàĝs iv kai Trò roô hÀiov pôs ópâv kral eis
TÅ ayopàv uPdàdew, brópvypa yeyovæs aloyúvns
kal oveiðovs TH maTpiðL.

"Irov Òé re ovvéßn yevéoðai karà rovs Úroke-
pévovs ypővovs. kał ôv yàp kapòv ý mepi Tùv
Xaipóverav yévero uáyņ, répa mapáračıs ovv-
82

with Attic charm, he ended by releasing all of the
Athenian prisoners without ransom and, altogether
abandoning the arrogance of victory, sent envoys to
the people of Athens and concluded with them a treaty
of friendship and alliance. With the Boeotian she con-
cluded peace but maintained a garrison in Thebes.

88. After this defeat, the Athenians condemned
to death the general Lysicles on the aecusation of
Lycurgus, the orator. Lycurgus had the highest re-
pute of the politicians of his time, and since he had
won praise for his conduct of the city’s finances over
a period of twelve ! years and lived in general a life
renowned for rectitude, he proved to be a very stern
prosecutor. One can judgé of his character and
austerity in the passage in his accusation where he
says: “ You were general, Lysicles. A thousand
citizens have perished and two thousand were taken
captive. A trophy stands over your city’s defeat, and
all of Greece is enslaved. All of this happened under
your leadership and command, and yet you dare to
live and to look on the sun and even to intrude into
the market, a living monument of our country’s
shame and disgrace.”

There was an odd coincidence in the period under
review. At the same time as the battle took place at
Chaeroneia, another battle occurred in Italy on the

1 Diodorus has got ahead of himself. Lycurgus’s service
as finance minister belongs to the years 338/7-327/6 B.C.
(Kunst, Real-Encyclopädie, 13 (1921), 2448 f.). He was, how-
ever, almost fifty years old at this time, and so a mature states-
man.

1 èv toîs Àóyois deleted by Dindorf (cp. infra, § 2).
83

DIODORUS OF SICILY

lA ` bi kd + A 2 Z a e + ` e
éory karà tiv Iraàiav ri aùr Nuépg kat wpq
Sraroàepovvrwv pèv Tapavrivæv mpòs Aevkavoùs
ovvaywvičouévov è roîs Tapavrivois °’ Apxiðduov

A [a z er t ` 3 hi
toô Aakeĝaruoviwv Paoiéws, ôte ovvéßy kat aùTov
4 àvaipelijvar ròv ’Apxyíapov. oros pèv ov Ñp$e
trôv Aakeðaruoviwv ër eikoot tpia, Thv òè Pa-

f ta s en GA Ga s 2? l

ciàciav Õiaðeéduevos ó viòs "Ayıs pev éry évvéa.
5 “Apa è roúrois mparropévois Tiuóbeos ó tis
ʻH À [a m~ 3 A ĮI 2 1 o 3 À 7

pakàeias tis êv TÔ Ióvrw túpavvos éreñevrtnoe
Svvaoreúoas éry mevrekaiðeka, Tv è Tvpavviða
Sraeéduevos ó dðeàdòs Aiovýoios Ĥpéev érņ ðvot
TÀCLW TÖV TPLÁKOVTA.

89. Emr apyovros È '`Abńvyot Ppvviyov ‘Po-
paîoi karéorņnoav úrádrovs Trov Mádov Top-
~ ` 2 z t MRS. ` LS 2
kovârov kal Ilóràov Aékiov. émi è rtoútrwv
Diirros ò Baoideùs meppovnuatiopévos T) mepit
Xaipaverav viry kal tràs èmipaveoráras mécs
karanenàņypévos èġiÀoriueîro yevéohat máons Tis

2 “Eàdõos hyeuwv. Siaðovs ðè Adyov órı Povera
` H 2 e ` A € AÀ $ d Ed

npòs Ilépoas úrèp rv ‘EdMvwv móňepov àpachaı

kal ÀAaßeîv map aùrõv ikas Úrèp tis eis Tà iepa

yevopévņs mapavouias iðiovs roùs “Ednvas rais

eùvolais norýoarTo' pidodpovoúuevos è mpòs åmav-

Tas Kal iðig kal kowi raîs móàcow anmehaivero
2 ~ m~

Boúàcoĝat Siadeyhñvar mepi rv ovupepóvrwv.
t m~ m

3 ôiórep év Kopivôłw roô kowo ovveðpiov ovvayhév-

Tos Õiadeyleis mepi rod pòs Ilépoas moàépov kat
d

peydàas éàriðas úrobeis mpoerpéßaro tToùs ovv-

a8 a battle has already been mentioned, chaps. 62. 4—

BOOK XVI. 88. 3—89. 3

same day and at the same hour between the people of 338/7 s.c.

Tarentum and the Lucanians.! In the service of Ta-
rentum was Archidamus, the Lacedaemonian king,
and it happened that he was himself killed. He had
ruled the Lacedaemonians for twenty-three years ;
his son Agis succeeded to the throne and ruled for
nine years.?

At this time, also, Timotheüs the tyrant of Hera-
cleia-Pontica died after having been in powėr for
fifteen years. His brother Dionysius succeeded to
the tyranny and ruled for thirty-two years.?

89. When Phrynichus was archon at Athens, the
Romans installed as consuls Titus Manlius Torquatus
and Publius Decius.* In this year King Philip, proudly
conscious of his victory at Chaeroneia and seeing that
he had dashed the confidence of the leading Greek
cities, conceived of the ambition to become the leader
of all Greece. He spread the word that he wanted to
make war on the Persians in the Greeks’ behalf and
to punish them for the profanation of the temples,*
and this won for him the loyal support of the Greeks.
He showed a kindly face to all in private and in
public, and he represented to the cities that he
wished to discuss with them matters of common
advantage. A general congress was, accordingly, con-
vened at Corinth. He spoke about the war against
Persia and by raising great expectations won the

2 For Archidamus see chap. 63. 2; for Agis, Book 17.
63. 2-4.

3 See chap. 36. 3 and Book 20. 77. 1.

4 Phrynichus was archon at Athens from July 337 to June
336 s.c. The consuls of 340 s.c. were T. Manlius Imperiosus
Torquatus and P. Decius Mus (Broughton, 1. 135).

5 Cp. Books 11. 29. 3 and 17. 72. 6. For the events at

Corinth cp. Justin, 9. 5. 1-2.
85

337/6 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

éõpovs eis mõàepov. Téàos è rõv ‘EMývwv édo-
uévwv aùròv orparņnyòv aùrokpáropa tís “EAàdôos
peydàas mapackevàs émoreîro mpòs Tv mi roùs
Iépoas orpareiav. iardéas © ékdory móet Tò
nhos trÕv ecis ovupayiav orparrwrõv èravijàbev
cis Thv Mareõoviav.

Kai rà pèv mept Piùrrov év roúrois ĝv.

90.: Karà è rv Xixediav Tiuoàéwv ò Kopivbios
dravra Ttoîs Bupakociois kal Toîs PukeMwTats
katrwplwkðs redcúrnoe, oTrparnyýoas ETN ÔKTO.
oi òè Dvparóoior peydàws aroðeðeyuévoi TÒv åvõpa
Did Te Tv àperhv kat rò uéyebos TÕv eùepyeci®v
peyañonperðs élapav aùròv kal kara tùv êkpopàv
dabporobévros Tro mÀýÂovs róðe rò yýdiopa avņyó-
pevoev ó Anuýrpios ôs v ueyaopwvóraros tv
róre kypúkwv": épýhiora? ò pos? rÂv Xuvpako-
ciwv Tiuoàéovra Tiıuawérov Kopivbiov róvõet 0d-
mrtev èv ano diakociâv uvâv,* tiuâohar Sè els rov
dmavra ypõvov dyævesot? povoikoîs ral immoîs
kal yvuvikoîs, rı Toùs Tupdvvovs karaàýoas kal
roùs Bappápovs kararoàeuńoas kal tàs ueyioras
rõv ‘Ednvðwv nóewv dvoikicas? attios èyevýðn
râs? éàevlepias Toîs IukeMwras.

lepi è roùs aùroùs kapoùs ’Apioßaptdvns
pèv ereàeúrnoev Baciàeúoas ëT eikooi kal EŻ, thv

Sè Paoideiav Siaðegduevos Mibpiðdrns fpéev ër

1 ó Aņnuýrpios . . . rypýrwv inserted by Cobet, from Plu-
tarch, Timoleon, 39. 3.
2 é&pýłora inserted by Fischer. 3 So P: Sĝpos cet.

4 Kopivłiov róvðe Cobet; Tipawérov viðv róvôe Fischer :
tıuâv erovoiov (erýorov RIF) roôrov &è.

5 axooiâv uvâôv PX : Sıakociawv uvô cet.

€ So P: dyoveci X, ådyâôo cet.

BOOK XVI. 89. 3—90. 2

representatives over to war. The Greeks elected him 8337/6 s.c.

the general plenipotentiary of Greece, and he began
accumulating supplies for the campaign. He pre-
scribed the number of soldiers that each city should
send for the joint effort, and then returned to Mace-
donia.

This was the state of affairs as regards Philip.

90. In Sicily, Timoleon the Corinthian died ; he had
put in order all the affairs of the Syracusans and the
other Siceliot Greeks, and had been their general for
eight years.! The Syracusans revered him greatly
because of his ability and the extent of his services
to them and gave him a magnificent funeral. As the
body was borne out in the presence of all the people
the following decree was proclaimed by that Deme-
trius who had the most powerful voice of all the
criers of his time? : “ The people of Syracuse have
voted to bury this Timoleon son of Timaenetus, of
Corinth, at a cost of two hundred minas, and to
honour him to the end of time with musical, eques-
trian, and gymnastic games, because he destroyed
the tyrants, defeated the barbarians, and resettled the
mightiest of Greek cities, and so became the author
of freedom for the Greeks of Sicily.”

In this year, also, Ariobarzanes died after ruling
for twenty-six years and Mithridates, succeeding him,

1 Continued from chap. 83.

2 Nepos, Timoleon, 5. 4. Plutarch, Timoleon, 39. 1-3, gives
the same text of the decree except at the end, where instead
of mentioning freedom, he has: “ he restored their laws to
the Syracusans.” These threefold agones were the highest
form of “ heroic ” honours; cp. C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum
und griechische Städte (1956), p. 150.

7 åvoxíoas Dindorf: é&oxioas RF, oixýoas P, otxioas X.
8 So PX: rîs cet.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

i 3S TO í ‘Pwpaîor Sè Tpòs A
mévre mpos tToîs Tpidkovra. ‘Pwpaiot ðè mpòs Aa-
tivovs kat Kauravoùs maparačádpevot mepi TAW
Zoveocav évikņnoav kal rTÕv hrryÂévræwv mépos tís
xøópas ageliovro. ò è karwplwkws Tù páxNv
Mdàos ó ürmaros ebpidupevoev.

91. Er àpxovros Ò ’`Alúvyor Ivhodopov ‘Pa-
paîoi èv karéornoav úndrovs Kówrov Ilóràov
kal Tpépiov Aiuiàrov Mdueprov, oàvumiàs È nxen
mpõóTN mpos Taîs ékaròv kat éka, kaĵ’ Ñv èvika
2 ordðiov Kàeóuavrıs Kàerrópios. èri è toúrwv
Piirros ó Pacideds hyeuav rò rv “EdMývov
kaleorauévos kal ròv mpos Ilépoas móàepov vory-
oduevos “Arradov uèv kai Ilappeviwva mpoanré-
oTeiàev cis Tùv °Aciav, uépos tÑs Svvápews oùs
kal mpooráéas àcvÂepoðv ràs ‘Envias módes,
aùròs è oreúðwv uèv perà tis rÔv Îeðv yvóuns
eêmaveàéolat ròv mõdeuov ènņnpornoe rhv Ivbiav
el kparýoet roô Baoiàéws rôv Iepoðv. ý &
Expnoev aùT® Tóvðe Tov ypnouórv'

» ` e ~ s ? EA t +
EOTETTAL éV 0 Tapos, yet TÉÀos, éorw ò Oúowv.

ʻO uèv oĝv Diùmmos okoùÂs ëyovros Toô ypr-
apo mpòs TÒ iov ovupépov eeðéyero rò Àd-
yiov, ÖS TOÔ pavrtelov mpoéyovros ròv Iéponv
tepelov tpórov tvłýoeolar rò & áùņbès oùx oŭ-
rws elyev, dÀdà Toùvavriov èoýpawev èv navņyúpe

1 This is the dynasty of Cius in Mysia which later provided
the kings of Pontus. Cp. Books 15.90. 3 and note : 20. 111. 4.

2 Livy (8. 11. 11) states that the battle took place “ inter
Sinuessam Minturnasque.” For the events see ‘Broughton,
1-135.

3 The archon’s name was Pythodelus, and his term ran

BOOK XVI. 90. 2—91. 3

ruled for thirty-five. The Romans were victorious
in a battle against the Latins and Campanians in the
vicinity of Suessa and annexed part of the territory
of the vanquished. Manlius, the consul who had won
the victory, celebrated a triumph.?

91. When Pythodorus was archon at Athens, the
Romans elected as consuls Quintus Publius and Ti-
berius Aemilius Mamercus, and the one hundred and
eleventh celebration of the Olympic Games took place,
in which Cleomantis of Cleitor won the foot-race.3 In
this year, King Philip, installed as leader by the
Greeks, opened the war with Persia by sending into
Asia as an advance party Attalus and Parmenion,’
assigning to them a part of his forces and ordering
them to liberate the Greek cities, while he himself,
wanting to enter upon the war with the gods’ ap-
proval, asked the Pythia whether he would conquer
the king of the Persians. She gave him the following
response :

“ Wreathed is the bull. All is done. There is also
the one who will smite him.” 5

Now Philip found this response ambiguous but
accepted it in a sense favourable to himself, namely
that the oracle foretold that the Persian would be
slaughtered like a sacrificial victim. Actually, how-
ever, it was not so, and it meant that Philip himself
in the midst of a festival and holy sacrifices, like the

from July 336 to June 335 s.c. The Olympic Games were
held in midsummer, 336. The consuls of 339 s.c. were Ti.
Aemilius Mamercinus and Q. Publilius Philo (Broughton,
1. 137).

4 Continued from chap. 89. For these events cp. Justin,
9. 5. 8-9.

5 The oracle is cited in the same form by Pausanias, 8. 7. 6.

837/6 B.C.

336/5 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kal bev Buciais ròv Diùrrov orep ròv rað-
4 pov èoteuuévov opayýocołair. où uùv dàÀà Sééas

ovupayetv aùr® Toùs Îeoùs mepiyaphs Åv os rhs

'’Acias rò Makeðóvas sopévys atyuaàórov.

Eùĝòùs ov Âvoias peyadonpereis èmeréàet Toîs
Îeoîs kal ris Bvyarpòs Kàeordrpas rijs èé °Oìvp-
midðos ovveréàei ydpovs kai raúrņnv ’Adeéávõpw
ovvýórioe TÔ Pasie? rôv 'Hrepwrâv, defâ õè

5 övri yvnoiw ris `Oàvumidðos. dua õè raîs rôv
eðv tipais Bovàóuevos ós màelorovs rôv ‘EAÀv-
vwv ueraoyetv trs cùwxias ayðvás Te povoikoùs
peyadormpenreîs roie kal \aunpàs éoridoeis tÔv

6 piwv kal éévwv. Sıórep eÉ ándons Ts “EAdõos
perenéunero Toùs lioéévovs kal roîs éavroô idors
maphyyeie mapañapßdvew rv ånò ris čévns
yvwpipwv ós mÀeiorovs. opóðpa yàp éfioripeîro
pıdoppoveîoĝaı mpòs roùs "Ednvas ral Sià! tàs
Scõouévas aùr® rûs ĉàns ýyepovias tius raîs?
nmpoonkovoais ópÀiais dueißeoba.

92. Tédos Sè moàðv mavrayólev mpòs TV mav-
ýyvpv cvppeðvrwv kai trÕv åyóvav kral yápwv
ovvreñovuévæwv èv Aiyéais rs Mareðovias où ud-
vov kar’ dvõpa TÕv èmpavôv srepdvwoav aùròv
xpvooîs orepdvois, dààà ral trôv déioàdywv ró-
Acwv ai màeclovs, év afs v kai ) rôv ’Abnvaiwv.

2 davayopevouévov è roô orepávov roúrov Štà roô
kýpukos Tò Teňeuraîov elrev, dv mis èmpovàeúoas
Piàinny rÊ Paci? karapóyyn mpòs ’Abnvaiovs,

BOOK XVI. 91. 3—92. 2

bull, would be stabbed to death while decked with a 336/5 n.c.

garland. In any event, he thought that the gods
supported him and was very happy to think that Asia
would be made captive under the hands of the Mace-
donians.

Straightway he set in motion plans for gorgeous
sacrifices to the gods joined with the wedding of his
daughter Cleopatra, whose mother was Olympias ;
he had given her in marriage to Alexander king of
Epirus, Olympias’s own brother? He wanted as
many Greeks as possible to take part in the festivities
in honour of the gods, and so planned brilliant musical
contests and lavish banquets for his friends and guests.
Out of all Greece he summoned his personal guest-
friends and ordered the members of his court to bring
along as many as they could of their acquaintances
from abroad. He was determined to show himself to
the Greeks as an amiable person and to respond to
the honours conferred when he was appointed to the
supreme command with appropriate entertainment.

92. So great numbers of people flocked together
from all directions to the festival, and the games and
the marriage were celebrated in Aegae in Macedonia.
Not only did individual notables crown him with
golden crowns but most of the important cities as
well, and among them Athens. As this award was
being announced by the herald, he ended with the
declaration that if anyone plotted against King Philip
and fled to Athens for refuge, he would be delivered

1 Justin, 9. 6. 1.

1 The usual idiom does not require this preposition with
àpeißeoba.

2 raîşs added by Fischer (cp. Books 5. 73. 3; 17. 81. 2;
18. 8. 5 et passim).

DIODORUS OF SICILY

m~ ` ~
mapaðócıuov eivat Torov. ià è TS aùrouarTi-
#2
oúons puns ğorep belg Tivi mpovoig ĉieońýuawe
` ’ 4 3 lA ? b bù A D
TÒ Õaruóviov Tùv êcouévnv èmipovàiv eùbùs TÔ Du-
f > LA ` 2 U g t e
3 Àinnw. dkoàovbws è rovrois kal érepai tiwes wo-
mep evledlovoat yévovro hwval mpoðnàodosai TÙv
Toî Pacidéws katraorpodýv.
E A a À m ld N Lg e
v yap TÔ Pacidk® mórw Neorróàepos ò tpa-
ywðós, npwreðwv ti peyañopwvigq kai rÑ ÔóEN,
mpooráéavros dùTr® roô Diàimmov mpoevéykachar
~ li m~
TÕv ênmirerevyuévwv mTomudTwv kal uáùora TÕV
avnkóvrwv npòs rv karà trÔv Ilepoðv orpareiav,
` m
ò pèv Teyvirns Kpivas oikeîov únroàndlhocoĝhar Tò
moina T Õiaßdoer roô Piinrov rai rùv eùðar-
+ 3 “~ l A ~
poviav emnÀĵéai Povàóuevos roô Ilepoðv Bacu-
Àéws, kaimep oĝcav peydànv kal mepipónrov, rws
peTanéoot ToT àv eis Toùbvavriov ÚTnÒ TIS TÚXNS,
Nparto Aéyew róðe Tò monpa’

A A 3 + e L
ghpoveîre võv aibépos úpmàsrepov
kal peyáňwv meðiwv dpoŬpas,

afn? e z.
ppoveið úrepßpadàóuevor
óuwv čóuovs, adposúva
mpócw ßiorav Tekuaipópevor.

ó © duppdàde. rayúrovr?
Kkéàcvlov éprwr? okoriav,
advw © àpavros mpocéßa

` > LA 3 lá
arpas àhaipoðpevos eàriðas f
Ovarðv* moúuoylos “Aðas,*

1 So L. A. Post: rnws peranéooir åv PX, ueranéoor norè R,
petranéon nore F.
2 rayúnovv] rayýrovs Burges.

BOOK XVI. 92. 2—3

up.: The casual phrase seemed like an omen sent by 8336/5 s.c.

Providence to let Philip know that a plot was coming.
There were other like words also spoken, seemingly
divinely inspired, which forecast the king’s death.

At the state banquet, Philip ordered the actor
Neoptolemus, matchless in the power of his voice and
in his popularity, to present some well-received
pieces, particularly such as bore on the Persian cam-
paign. The artist thought that his piece would be
taken as appropriate to Philip’s crossing and intended
to rebuke the wealth of the Persian king, great and
famous as it was, (suggesting) that it could some day
be overturned by fortune. Here are the words that
he first sang :

“ Your thoughts reach higher than the air ;
You dream of wide fields’ cultivation.
The homes you plan surpass the homes
That men have known, but you do err,
Guiding your life afar.

But one there is who'll catch the swift,
Who goes a way obscured in gloom,

And sudden, unseen, overtakes
And robs us of our distant hopes
Death, mortals’ source of many woes.” ?

1 Such protective decrees were common (ep. Demosthenes,
C. Aristocr. 95), the most famous being the decree of Aristo-
crates proposed in honour of Cersobleptes in 353 s.c.

2 Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag.?, Adesp. 127 ; Bergk, Poet.
Lyr. Graec.? 3. 144-7145. The ode has been thought Aeschy-
lean. Lines 8-9 are quoted, with slight grammatical change,
by Philodemus, De Morte, col. 38. 12-14 (D. Bassi, Papiri
Ercolanesi, 1; Milan, 1914).

3 épmwv Bücheler: čprw Pal. Vat., é... . P, al X, čpyæ
cet.
4 So Reiske: Îavádrwv. 5 So Rhodoman : °Aŭsas.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kat Tà ToÝrwv èdeéfjs mpocovveîpe, mávra Tps TÙùV
4 òpoiav hepõpeva ĉıdvorav. ó è Pirros ýobeis
èri roîs dmqyyeàuévois dàos Ñv kal reàeiws pepd-
pevos TÑ Õravoig mpos thv roô Iepoðv Baciàéws
kataorpo$ýv, dpa è kal ròv mulóypnorov yp-
opòv dveàoyikero, mapanànoiav ëyovra Ŝıdvorav
Toîs mò TOÔ Tpaywot pnheîo..

Tédos è roô rmórov ĝiadvhévros kal rôv àyávwv
katra Tùv vorepaiav tùv àpxùv Àaußavóvrwv rò
pev mÀÑlos éri vuertòs oŭons ovvérpeyev eis Tò béa-
Tpov, ua © ńuépg ris mouris ywopévns oòùv
raîs ddas raîs peyadonperéot katraokevaîs el-
wda rõv óðeka lev ènóuneve rais re nu-
ovpyiais nEepTTÕS eipyaouéva kal tÑ Àaunpórnri
TOÔ màovrov Îavuaorðs kekoopyuéva’ oùv Šè troù-
Totis aùToÎ To Pidinrov tpiokaðékarov ènéureve
Oeomperès edwàov, oúvôpovov éavròv åmoseikvývros
toô Pacidéws roîs Sóðeka becoîs.

93. To è Bedrpov mànpwbévros aùròs é Oi-
Àros Het Àevkòv ëywv iudriov kal TPOTTETAXWS
toùs opvópovs parpàv åßeorôras ap éavroô
ovvakoñovleiv: eveðeikvuro yàp nâow őri TNpov-
pevos T kowh rõv ‘EdMývwv eùvoig tis tôv ŝopv-
2 pópwv udas oùk ëyet ypelav. Ttnàikaórns &
oŭons mepi aùròv Ûrepoyñs kal mávræv ènrawoúv-
Twv pa kai uakapıčóvrwv ròv čvěpa mapáðoos
kat mavreàðs dvéàmoros è$dvy karà toô Paciàéws
3 êmpovàù) kal Odvaros. iva 8è oadùs ó mepi Tov-
Twv yévnrar Àóyos, mpoekðyoóueða tràs alrias TS
empovàñs.

Ilavoaviías v rò uèv yévos Mares®v èk TÕS

BOOK XVI. 92. 3—93. 3

He continued with the rest of the song, all of it deal- 336/5 s.c.

ing with the same theme. Philip was enchanted with
the message and was completely occupied with the
thought of the overthrow of the Persian king, for he
remembered the Pythian oracle which bore the same
meaning as the words quoted by the tragic actor.

Finally the drinking was over and the start of the
games set for the following day. While it was still
dark, the multitude of spectators hastened into the
theatre and at sunrise the parade formed. Along
with lavish display of every sort, Philip included in
the procession statues of the twelve gods wrought
with great artistry and adorned with a dazzling show
of wealth to strike awe in the beholder, and along
with these was conducted a thirteenth statue, suit-
able for a god, that of Philip himself, so that the
king exhibited himself enthroned among the twelve

ods.1
i 93. Every seat in the theatre was taken when
Philip appeared wearing a white cloak, and by his
express orders his bodyguard held away from him and
followed only at a distance, since he wanted to show
publicly that he was protected by the goodwill of all
the Greeks, and had no need of a guard of spearmen.?
Such was the pinnacle of success that he had attained,
but as the praises and congratulations of all rang in
his ears, suddenly without warning the plot against
the king was revealed as death struck. We shall set
forth the reasons for this in order that our story may
be clear.

There was a Macedonian Pausanias who came of a

1 Cp. p. 101, note 3.

2 He walked between the two Alexanders, his son and his

son-in-law (Justin, 9. 6. 3-4), and so between those who had
most reason to wish his death.
95

DIODORUS OF SICILY

A A ld
° Opeoriðos kadovpévns, roô è Paocidéws owparo-
` ~ /
púňać kal ià rò kdààos pios yeyovæs roô Piir-
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A 2 m~
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ld 2 ld
mpos aùròv èxpýoaro Àóyois, pýoas dvðpóyvvov
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cîvai kal roùs rv Povàouévwv épwTas ETOipWS
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anácas tràs ġepopévas èr aùròv nÀnyas aveðégarTo
TÔ iiw oúópaTtı kal perhàdačev.

7 Aaßonbeions Sè ris mpádćews ó èv ”Arrtados,
eîs öv rÕv èé aùŭàñs kal moù Õvvauévav mapà TO
BacıàeT, ékdàcoev èni òðcînmvov ròv Ilavoaviav kai
moàùv eudopýoas àkparov mapéðwkev aŭro Tò
oôpa rToîs òpewkóuois eis vppiwv kal mapowiav

2. ma m~ ~
8 éraipikýv. ó è avavýas èk ris péðNs kal TÅ ToÔ
oúparTos VBpet mepraàyhs yevóuevos To °’ ArTtTdÀov
lA 3 A ke 4 e bi /
karņnyópnoev mi roô Paciàéws. ó ðè Drros
mapwtúóvðn èv èni r) mapavouig TÕS mpdéews, ià
D
Sè rùv mpos ”Arradov oikerótyTa kal TAV eiS TÒ
mapòv aùroô ypeiav oùk èßoúàero poorovnpetv'
5 i € m
9 v yàp ò ”"Arrados ts èv êmiyaunleions yvvarikòs
t This is perhaps a shortened form for the usual IMÀev-
pârtov.

1 Justin, 9. 6. 4-8. The Orestis was a district in western
Macedonia bordering on Illyria.

BOOK XVI. 93. 3-9

family from the district Orestis.: He a was bodyguard 336/5 s.c.

of the king and was beloved by him because of his
beauty. When he saw that the king was becoming
enamoured of another Pausanias (a man of the same
name as himself), he addressed him with abusive lan-
guage, accusing him of being a hermaphrodite and
prompt to accept the amorous advances of any who .
wished. Unable to endure such an iņsult, the other
kept silent for the time, but, after confiding to Attalus,
one of his friends, what he proposed to do, he brought
about his own death voluntarily and in a spectacular
fashion. For a few days after this, as Philip was
engaged in battle with Pleurias, king of the Illyrians,?
Pausanias stepped in front of him and, receiving on
his body all the blows directed at the king, so met his
death.

The incident was widely discussed and Attalus,
who was a member of the court circle and influential
with the king, invited the first Pausanias to dinner
and when he had plied him till drunk with unmixed
wine, handed his unconscious body over to the mule-
teers to abuse in drunken licentiousness. So he pre-
sently recovered from his drunken stupor and, deeply
resenting the outrage to his person, charged Attalus
before the king with the outrage. Philip shared his
anger at the barbarity of the act but did not wish to
punish Attalus at that time because of their relation-
ship, and because Attalus’s services were needed
urgently. He was the nephew ? of the Cleopatra

2 This battle can hardly be identified, in view of the many
wars fought by Philip against the Illyrians. The last one
mentioned by Diodorus was in chap. 69. 7.

3 This is the usually stated relationship. In Book 17. 2. 3,
Attalus is called Cleopatra’s brother, but otherwise, with
more probability, her uncle.

VOL. VIII E 97

LA]

(5)

DIODORUS OF SICILY

úno roô Paoiéws Kàcordrpas dðeàdiðos, ml dè
tis mpoaneoraàpévys Õuváuews eis Tw °`Aciav
orparnyðs mpokeyeipiopévos, év Õè Toîs modepikoîs
dyĝcw dvòpeîos. ıórmep ò Paocieùs mpaðvaı Bov-
Aóuevos roô Ilavoaviov tv èmi T® nmáber yeyevn-
Lévnv ðikaiav opyùv Õwpeds déioñðyovs dréveruev
aùr kal kara tův cwpartopvàakiav mpofyev
AÙTÒV ÈVTÍLWS..

94. “O è Ilavoavias dperdberov pvàdrrwv Tùv
opyùv čomevõe uù uóvov mapà ToÔ mpdéavros Àa-
Bev reuwpiav, dààà kal mapà To uù) Tiuwpotvros
aùr®. covveneÀdfero è raúrns Ts mTpoarpéoews
paora ó ocopior)s ‘Eppokpárys. roô yap Iav-
gaviov cyoàdġovros aùT® kai karà tùv ĝiarpıfiv
mvlouévov ms dv tıs yévorro êmihpavéorartos, ò
cohior)s danekpiðy eè tròv tà uéyiora mpáćavra
avéàor: TÑ yàp mept rovrov uvýuņ ovurepiàņngðý-
oechat kat Tròv Tùv avaipeow aùroô momodpevov.
dvevéyras ð mpòs Tův iav pyùňv ròv Àóyov kat
õa ròv Îvpòv oùðeuiav ts yvõøuns úrépheow
momodpevos v aùroîs Toîs Ýrokeruévois ayı TÙV
EmPovàdy ovveoTýoaTo TOL®ÕE Tiv TpóTW. UTTOVS
mapaornoápevos taîs mús maphàbe mpòs tràs els
Tò Oéarpov eioððovs éywv kekpvupévyv Keàricùv
udyaipav. Toî è Didimrmov roùs mapakoàovhoðv-
ras þiñovs rkeàeúoavros mpoeroeàbeiv eis rò Oéarpov
kal rÕv Õopvøópwv ðeoróøTtwv, ópðv rTòv Baosiàéa

21 These events cannot be dated exactly, but they must
have occurred some years before the assassination of Philip,
perhaps as early as 344 s.c. (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, p. 308).

BOOK XVI. 93. 9—94. 3

whom the king had just married as a new wife and he 336/5 s.c.

had been selected as a general of the advanced force
being sent into Asia, for he was a man valiant in
battle. For these reasons, the king tried to mollify
the righteous anger of Pausanias at his treatment,
giving him substantial presents and advancing him
in honour among the bodyguards.

94. Pausanias, nevertheless, nursed his wrath im-
placably,* and yearned to avenge himself, not only on
the one who had done him wrong, but also on the one
who failed to avenge him. In this design he was
encouraged especially by the sophist Hermocrates.?
He was his pupil, and when he asked in the course of
his instruction how one might become most famous,
the sophist replied that it would be by killing the one
who had accomplished most, for just as long as he was
remembered, so long his slayer would be remembered
also. Pausanias connected this saying with his private
resentment, and admitting no delay in his plans be-
cause of his grievance he determined to act under
cover of the festival in the following manner. He
posted horses at the gates of the city and came to
the entrance of the theatre carrying a Celtic dagger
under his cloak. When Philip directed his attending
friends to precede him into the theatre, while the
guards kept their distance, he saw that the king was

Pausanias waited a long time for his revenge, and it is curious
that he chose the occasion most advantageous for Alexander.
2 No sophist Hermocrates is otherwise known at this time,
but it may be possible to identify this man with the gram-
marian of the same name who is best known to fame as the
teacher of Callimachus. For the latter cp. F. Susemihl, Ge-
schichte der griechischen Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit,
2 (1892), 668; O. Stählin, W. Schmid, W. von Christs Ge-
schichte der griechischen Titteratur®, 2. 1 (1920), 126;

Funaioli, Real-Encyclopädie, 8 (1913), 887 f.
99

DIODORUS OF SICILY

` ~ m~
ueuovwpévov npooéðpape kal à TÕv mÀevpôv
b `
Siavraiav èvéykas màņnyiv ròv èv Paciàéa vekpòv
z ` e
ećéreiwev, aùròs ©’ erl ras múdas Kal ToÙS Torua-
[A ` A ~ z0 1 ¥ bù Aè
ouévovs npòs Tv hvyhv ébeev* immovs. eùbus Òe
tv owparohpvàdrwv ot èv mpòs TÒ cua TOÔ
e t a, m~
Baoiàéws æpunoav, ot È émi ròv troô opayéws
Srwyuòv eéeyóðnoav,” év oîs úmfpxov kail Aeóvvaros
` [d xy e hi la
kal Ilepĝikkas kai ”"Arraàos. ò ðe Iavoavias
` la rA 3 A E hI e
npoàaßov ris Cuwéews éphaocev àv émi rov immov
dvanņðńoas, eè uù tis únmoðéoews mepi dpureóv
tiva mepirÀakeions ëneoev. iómep ot mept TÒvV
$ la A
Iepõikkav karaàaßóvres aùròv èk Tis yis dviord-
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pevov kal ovyrevroavrtes aveîàov.
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kaf’ éavròv èni ris Eùpónmns Paciéwv kal tà Tò
uéyebos tris apxfs éavròv roîs ŝwðera eoîs ovv-

1 #0eev PX : ê&vébeev cet. ; ¿ĝe Dindorf.
2 ènexúðnoav PX.

1 The date of Philip’s death is discussed by K. J. Beloch,
Griechische Geschichte, 3. 2 (1923), 59. The news had not
reached Athens by the end of the civil year 337/6 B.c.; IG
ii?. 1. 240 in the tenth prytany does not know of it. On the
other hand, the time must be early in the summer, for Philip
was busy with preparations for an invasion of Asia Minor.
A possible clue to the date is furnished by the statement of
Plutarch, Alexander, 16. 2, concerning the battle of the Gra-
nicus: this would have taken place in the month Daesius, but
as that was unlucky, Alexander ordered the intercalation of
a second Artemisius. Since there is some evidence that the
intercalary month was the last month of the regnal year, this
establishes a certain presumption that Philip died and Alex-
ander came to the throne in Daesius ; and this squares well
enough with the evidence of the Attic inscription. Since
Alexander died in Daesius, the Oxyrhynchus chronologist
was correct in crediting him with thirteen years of reign.
See below on Book 17. 117. 5, p. 467, note 1.

100

BOOK XVI. 94. 3—95. 1

left alone, rushed at him, pierced him through hbis 336/5 s.c.

ribs, and stretched him out dead +; then ran for the
gates and the horses which he had prepared for his
flight. Immediately one group of the bodyguards
hurried to the body of the king while the rest poured
out in pursuit of the assassin ; among these last were
Leonnatus and Perdiccas and Attalus.? Having a
good start, Pausanias would have mounted his horse
before they could catch him had he not caught his
boot in a vine and fallen. As he was scrambling to
his feet, Perdiccas and the rest came up with him
and killed him with their javelins.

95. Such was the end of Philip, who had made him-
self the greatest of the kings in Europe in his time,
and because of the extent of his kingdom had made
himself a throned companion of the twelve gods.°

2 This is presumably the son of Andromenes, who like
Leonnatus and Perdiccas was a close friend and contemporary
of Alexander ; probably they were his bodyguards and not
Philip’s (the term may be used loosely ; Attalus was never
one of Alexander’s seven or eight bodyguards proper in
Asia, and Leonnatus not until 332/1, Perdiccas not until 330 ;
Berve, Alexanderreich, 1. 27). Pausanias was from Orestis,
and so were two of his slayers, while Attalus was Perdiccas’s
brother-in-law. It is tempting to suppose that they knew
of Pausanias’s plan and then killed him to silence him. U.
Wilcken (SB Ak. Berlin, 1923, 151 ff.) would find in P. Ogy.
1798 evidence that Pausanias was tried and executed, but
the text is fragmentary and obscure, and the theory is not,
to my mind, supported by Justin 11. 2, 1.

3 The implication of this claim on Philip’s part was that
he was in some fashion the equal of the Twelve and entitled
like them to worship ; øoúvðpovos is an equivalent to oúvvaos.
What precisely this meant to Philip and his contemporaries
is unknown ; cp. Habicht, Gottmenschentum, 14, note 3 ; É;
Cerfaux, J. Tondriau, Le Culte des souverains dans la civili-
sation gréco-romaine (1956), 123-125.

101

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Opovov katapiðuýoas TOoLaŬTNs éTUXE TS ToÎ piov
kataotpopis, äpéas é éT Tégoapa Tpos Toîs elkoar.
2 oke? ò’ oros ò Pacıiàcùs édayioras pè eis TÀ
povapxíav aġopuas mapeiànpévar, ueyiornv òè TÕv
Tap’ “Eqo povapxiðv kaqakrýoaoĝa, nèn-
Kkévat ÕÈ TÙV ýyepoviav oÙ% OŬTW òia rìs év roîs
ÖTÀotS dvðpayalías Ws Ša rs év Toîs Àóyois

3 óuÀias kal piàodpocúvns. paoi se kal aÙTÒV TÒV
Di\rrov oeuvúveocðar pâdàov èni t orparnyıkh
ovvéoet kal roîs ĝa rs ópAlas èmıreúypaow

4 jrep èni TÅ kara ras páyas! dvðpeig: trÕv pèv
yap karà Toùs dyÔvas karopfwuárwv peréyew
dmavras Toùs oTpartevouévovs, TÖV è ta TS
óuÀias yivopévwv èmirevyuátTwv aùtòv uóvov Àap-
Pávew Tv èmypapýv.

5 ‘Hues ò eneh mápeopev èm TV Didirrov
Teàcurýv, raúrnv uev tůýv PBiBàov aùroô mepiypdyo-
pev KaTÀ Tùv êv apx mpólecw, ris © èyouévns
àpxiv? Tv ` Adečdvõpov mapáànņpw TÎS Paoideias
Togápevot Tepasópeða nmepiàaßeiv árdaoas aùroô
tàs mpáčeis év uâ PiBàw.

1 udyas Reiske: ovppayias.
2 tv apxiv PX ; àpxĝs cet. Hertlein deleted rùv.

102

BOOK XVI. 95. 1-5

He had ruled twenty-four years. He is known to 8386/5 s.c.

fame as one who with but the slenderest resources to
support his claim to a throne won for himself the
greatest empire in the Greek world, while the growth
of his position was not due so much to his prowess in
arms as to his adroitness and cordiality in diplomacy.
Philip himself is said to have been prouder of his grasp
of strategy and his diplomatic successes than of his
valour in actual battle. Every member of his army
shared in the successes which were won in the field
but he alone got credit for victories won through
negotiation.!

Now that we have come to the death of Philip, we
shall conclude this book here according to our original
statement.? Beginning the next one with Alexander’s
accession as king we shall try to include all of his
career in one book.

t Diodorus mentions none of the suspicion which attached
to Olympias and Alexander concerning the assassination of
Philip, and his judgement on Philip is more favourable than
that of others. Cp. Justin, 9. 7-8, and for the suspicion,

Plutarch, Alexander, 9-10 ; Arrian, 3. 6. 5.
2 Stated in chap. 1. 1-3

103

BOOK XVII

Tõr Aroĝwpov Bóßàwv
Ts énrakaĝekdrys eis úo Sınpnuévns
Ñ MPOTN Tepiéyet TÕE

Qs’ AAééavôpos ĉiaðefáuevos Thv Bariàciav katéoryoe
TÀ KATA TÙ)V ApXÁV.

Q KN ž A 3 la 3 £

s Tà vewTepiovra TOv vOv dvekTÁTaATO.

‘Qs OýBas karaskáyas kat póßov érıetýoas Toîs
"EAàņŅo. erparyyòs avrokpádrwp Ts “EAàdâos Hpébn.

£ y , b ? 2 hj Á 3r p

Qs ĉea bàs eis Tv 'Asiav rovs ratpádmas éviknoe repi

N 3 z Ț z

Tòv év Ppvyig T pavixòðv ToTapóv,

‘Qs Miàyrov kai‘ AMrapvasoòv éĝeroiópkyoev.

Máxy Aapeíov rpòs ’AAéfavôpov év lose ris Kidi-
kias kal vikņy AÀeẸávõpov.

Túpov mtoiopkia kat Aiyórtov Tapdàņyis kal mdp-
oôos eis ”"Appwva To Bariàéws.

Iapáraĝıs év’ Appýdors 'AAecédvðpov mpòs Aapeĉov
kat viky’ AÀecẸdvõpov.

2 kd 2 `‘ P £ D ld
À Máx 'Avrımárpov rpòs Aakearpoviovs kal viry
LA

Avrirátpov.

“H ôevrépa mepiéyet rdôe

'Appýàwv dwois im Adeĝdvõpov kal karáànyıs
ToàÀðv ypypárov.
106

THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK OF
DIODORUS: IN TWO PARTS

CONTENTS OF PART ONE

How Alexander, having succeeded to the throne,
disposed the affairs of his kingdom (chaps. 1-7).

How he recovered the tribes which revolted (chap.
8. 1-2).

How he razed Thebes to the ground and terrified
the Greeks and was elected general plenipotentiary
of Greece (chaps. 8. 3-16).

How he crossed into Asia and defeated the satraps
at the river Granicus in Phrygia (chaps. 17-21).

How he took by siege Miletus and Halicarnassus
(chaps. 22-27).

The battle of Dareius against Alexander at Issus in
Cilicia and the victory of Alexander (chaps. 30-39).

The siege of Tyre, the occupation of Egypt, and
the journey of the king to Ammon (chaps. 40-52).

The battle of Alexander with Dareius at Arbela and
the victory of Alexander (chaps 53-61).

The battle of Antipater with the Lacedaemonians
and the victory of Antipater (chaps. 62-63).

CoNTENTS OF Parr Two

The capture of Arbela by Alexander and the seizure
of great wealth (chap. 64. 1-3).
107

DIODORUS OF SICILY

’Avdàņyis Tis Svváuews èv Baßvàðvı kal ðwpeat rToîs
dvêpayalýoası.

Ilapovría rôv årorraňévrov poÂopópov kal Tvp-
páxov.

Aidraĝıs kal kaTagkev) Ths Õvváuews.

“Qs 'AAéfavõpos mapéàaße Zoôrav kat Toùs êv aùÙry
Oqoravpoŭús.

‘Qs rv mapóðwv èykpar)s éyévero kal røv ôvopaço-
pévov Zovridðwv! Ivàðv ékpáryoev.

‘Qs roòùs dkpwrypiacbévras ‘EAàývwv eùepyérnoe kal
Tùv Ilepréroàw rapadaßòov ĉýprasev.

‘Qs kopdáras évérpnoe tà Barica.

Aapelov Îdvaros rò Býrosov.

A Àeéávõpov orpateía eis tùv “Ypraviav kaì r@v év
aŭt þpvopévwv mapaðówv arayyeàía.

‘Qs 'Adéfavõpos éri Mápåovs orpareóras raterodé-
unoe Tò čĝvos.

‘Qs Odàyorpis ý T@v 'Apafoviðwv Basıdcvovoa ovv-
épier A Ncdvòpo.

“Qs ó Barideùs dvikýrov éavròv efvat vopiras éhAwTe
Ttùv Tøv Ieprâv tpvpýv.

Erparela ' AAeẸdvõpov mpòs Troùs dpertykóras A peíovs
kat dàwois Ths Iérpas.

Emi Povi) roð Baridéows kaè kóñasis Tv êmiÂepévov,
Ôv oi emipavérrtartoi Iappeviwyr kat Pràóras.

Èrpareia A Àegdvõpov cis roùs Ilaporaviodsas kal rà

Gé > 3 7
TPAXVEVTA KAT AVTV.

1 Added by Wesseling (cp. chap. 68. 1, 2).
108

CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK

The refreshment of the army in Babylon and the
rewards given to those who had distinguished them-
selves in service (chap. 64. 3-6).

The arrival of the mercenaries and allies dispatched
to him (chap. 65. 1).

The organization and equipment of his army (chap.
65. 2-4).

How Alexander occupied Susa and its treasures
(chap. 65. 5-66).

How he mastered the passes and took possession
of the so-called Susian Gates (chaps. 67-68).

How he showed kindness to the Greeks who had
been mutilated, and took and sacked Persepolis
(chaps. 69-71).

How he set fire to the palace in a revel (chap. 72).

The murder of Dareius by Bessus (chap. 73. 1-4).

The expedition of Alexander into Hyrcania and
an account of its marvellous plants (chap. 75).

How Alexander took the field against the Mardi
and defeated them (chap. 76).

How Thalestris queen of the Amazons had relations
with Alexander (chap. 77. 1-3).

How the king, thinking himself invincible, imitated
the luxury of the Persians (chap. 77. 4-7).

The campaign of Alexander against the Areii who
had revolted and the capture of the “ Rock ” (chap.
78).

fhe conspiracy against the king and the punish-
ment of the conspirators, the most distinguished
among them being Parmenion and Philotas (chaps.
79-80).

T campaign of Alexander into the territory of
the Paropanisadae and his adventures there (chap.
82).

109

DIODORUS OF SICILY

, LA A

‘H yevopévy èv `Apeiois povopayia kat mapáànypis Tot
éĝvovs.

Búýorov roð dveàóvros Aapeîov Odvartos.

~ A

‘Qs ’AAéfavõpos Sià ris dvúðpov mapevÂeis mohdors
aréßaňe TÔV oTpatiwTÕV.

P e A "y

‘Qs roùòs Bpayyxíiðas Tò radary rò Ieprøov peToiki-
oôévras eis Trà čryara ris Barideias ðs mpoðóras T®V
‘EMývov aveîhev A Aé£avôpos.

‘Qs ó Barıeùs éri Zoyôravoùs kai Exúlas érTpåTevoev.

‘Os oi mpwreúovres Zoyõiavðv dmayópevot mpòs TÒv
Oávarov rapaðóćws éroðnoav.

p \
` A

‘Qs ’AAéfavõpos dmosrávras rToùs Zoyðiavoùs kare-
moéunoe kaè karéorpaĝev aùt@v mÀelovs TÖV Ôwõeka
pvpidðov.

‘Qs Baxrpiavoùs êkóñare kat Zoyõiavoùs TÒ deúTeEpov
EXEPØTATO kal TÓÀELS EKTLTEV EÙKUÍPWS TPÒS TÀS TÖV
ahırtapévwv koàdoes.

A lę , A b3 e A 3 `

mórTtavıs Tpiry Zoyĉiavðv kat QÀAWTLS TÔV EiS T)V
llérpav karapvyóvrov.

Iep roù év Bacisrois! kuvnyiov kal tob màýÂovs rv
éy aùTG Onpiwrv.

II b A 3 bS VAN £ e 7 bi A A `

epè TRS eis Tòv Aióvurov apaprias kat TNS TApà TÒV
mórov avapérews KÀeiTov.

Iepi rìs Kado hévovs Teñevris.

Pè ri i
lé A ra 3

Zrpareia To Barıdéws es Toùs kadovpévovs Naúra-
kas? kaè phopà TÅs Svvápews trò TodÀñs xióvos.

‘Qs ” A Aéĝavêpos épac els ‘Pofdvys TIS ’Oéváprov yy-

2O A. A 2 5 s A KN A
pev aùTùv kat Tov hiwv moàdoùs érere ypa Tùs TOV

érichpov Bapßápov Ovyartépas.

1 Bazaira in Curtius, 8. 1. 10.
2 Nautaca in Curtius, 8. 2. 19.

110

CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK

The single combat that took place in the territory
of the Areii and their annexation (chap. 83. 1-6).

The death of Bessus, the murderer of Dareius (chap.
83. 7-9).

How Alexander marched through the desert and
lost many of his men (this and the subsequent chap-
ters are missing).

How the Branchidae, who of old had been settled
by the Persians on the borders of their kingdom,
were slain by Alexander as traitors to the Greeks.

How the king led his troops against ‘the Sogdiani
and Scythians.

How the chieftains of the Sogdiani, who were being
led off to execution, were unexpectedly saved.

How Alexander defeated the Sogdiani who had
revolted and slew more than one hundred and twenty
thousand of them.

How he punished the Bactriani and subdued the
Sogdiani a second time and founded cities in suitable
places to restrain any who rebelled.

The third rebellion of the Sogdiani and capture of
those who took refuge in the “ Rock.”

Concerning the hunt in Basista and the abundance
of game there.

Concerning the sin against Dionysus and the slay-
ing of Cleitus at the drinking bout.

Concerning the death of Callisthenes.

The campaign of the king against the people called
Nautaces and the destruction of the army in heavy
snow.

How Alexander, enamoured of Roxanê, daughter
of Oxyartes, married her and persuaded numbers of
his friends to marry the daughters of the prominent
Iranians.

111

DIODORUS OF SICILY

` A 3 L3 w ld
Iapaskev Ths éri Ivõoùs oTpateias.
Eppà) eis rv 'Ivõixv kaè dvaiperis àpònv Tot
mpúrtov éðvovs mpòs karárànéiv Tv &AÀwv.
‘Qs rv Nvsiav òvopafopévyv móňv evepyérnoe ià
` , DN z LA
Tùv amò Aiovórov ovyyéverav.
‘Qs Mdosarat móňMv òyupàv kropĝýcas roùs pioĝo-
pópovs áravras Àaurpõs dywvirapévovs katékopev.
‘Qs rv "Aopvov kadovpévyv Ilérpav, dváňwrov del
yeyevnpévny, éeToMópryoTev.
‘Os Tagiàny pèv Tòv Baridéa ræv Ivõðv rposyydyero,
IHópov è eydy rapardfet vikýras kait TOÔ TÕpMAaTOS
ld 3 lA ` 2 ? a 3 -3 ?
kparýras, aréðwke Thv Basideiav aùte ôt dvõpayað iav.
ArayyeÀia Tøv karà tùv yúópav mapaĝófwv ðßpewv re
kat T@v þpvopévwv kaprõv.
‘Qs rà TÀNTiÓyw wv EÔvÂV TÀ uè í à
nriöxwpa rv éÂvôv TÀ èv npornydyero, TÈ
Ôè kaTemodéunoev.
‘Qs rv órd Zwrelbyv Teraypévnv èyeipóraTo.
II s A 3 fà A > ? a 2 d
epi TNS eùvopias TOV êv TaÛÚTY TÅ XÓpg TóÀcwv.
s Ph 3 kag A z 3 L wN
Iep rĝs dperĝs TÕv wpnÂévrwv ”Aefdvõpy kvvâv,
Iep ris dønyýrews? rob Ivõôv Baridéws.
e y: A
Qs rot Adefdvõpov Povdopévov ĉiaßivar tòv T'dy-
yny ToTapòv kal orpaTteúeiv éri roùs lavõapiðas voua-
2 e F 3 e z
opévovs ot Maxeðőóves oùx trýkovrav,
e
Qs ópia Oépevos ts orpateias ô Basıiheùs èrÑAbe rà
Aoir rav ` Ivõðv.?

l! Máccaya in Arrian, 4. 26. 1; Maoóya mós Strabo, 15. 1.
27; ad Mazagas Curtius, 8. 10. 22.
2 Dindorf would supply ®nyéws from chap. 93. 2.

112

CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK

Preparation for the campaign against the Indians.

Invasion of India and complete annihilation of their
first nation in order to overawe the rest.

How he benefited the city named Nysia because
of his relationship to it through Dionysus.

How, after plundering the stronghold of Massaca,
he cut down all the mercenaries although they fought
magnificently (chap. 84).

How he took by assault the Rock called Aornus,
which had always proved impregnable (chap. 85).

How he won over to his side Taxiles, king of the
Indians, and in a great engagement defeated Porus,
took him prisoner and gave him back his throne be-
cause of his gallant conduct (chaps. 86-89).

An account of the marvellous serpents in the
country and of the fruits which grow there (chap. 90).

How he won over to his side many of the neigh-
bouring tribes and defeated others (chap. 91. 1-4).

How he subdued the country that was subject to
Sopeithes (chap. 91. 4).

Concerning the good government of the cities in
this country (chap. 91. 4-6).

Concerning the excellence of the dogs presented
to Alexander (chap. 92).

Concerning the story told by the king of the
Indians (chap. 93. 1-3).

How, when Alexander desired to cross the Ganges
River and march against the people called Gandari-
dae, the Macedonians mutinied (chaps. 93. 4-94).

How, after marking the furthest point reached by
his army, the king visited the remaining regions of
the Indians (chap. 95).

3 MSS. add xal roćevðeis èrwðývevoe, transferred by Cospus
to follow °Qkeavóv infra.

113

DIODORUS OF SICILY

? N

‘Os Sià rot Ivo? rorapot karéràevrev émè Tòv kaTa

Pd
pernpBpiav Nkeavóv, kat Toĝevðels ékivðvvevosev.?
A [L
Iep ris yevopévys povopayias ék mpokÀýorews.
~ A 2 A

Ilep rôv kararoheunÂévrov Ivõðv è dpporépwv tov

uepôv ToÙ Torao péxpt TOD Qkeavoð.
vO a , 2 ` , ` Ani i

Ilep râv rapaðófwv? kaè vopipwv Tapa Tots EyXwpiots

~ A $. 2 3 f
Kat TOv Onprósn Biov éxóvtwv.

‘Qs oi ròv Qkeavòv mÀeúravres ovvépiĝav `A Aecdvðpy

` ? 3 , Os OEN À a
mapà dAaTTav FTpPaTOTEÕEVKÓTL Kat TA KATA TÒV TÀOVV
arýyyeiàav.

Qs rády èkmàeúravres ToAÀùv Ts mapaßadarrias
xópas mapéràcvrav.

e la] A 7 [a ? ? s

Qs rôv Ieprôv tpi pvplovs veaviskovs ériÀé$as kal
maeúras Tà moàepmkà TV čpywv dvTíTUypaA kaTé-
okebaure T Marovic pdñayyt.

‘Qs “Aprados ĉà TÅv Tpvpiv kal tràs irmeppodàs rõv
Saravnpárov ĉiaßànleis épvyev èx Baßvàðvos kat rot
Sýpov rõv ` AÂnvalwv ikérys êyévero.

t N 5 a o’ a 5 z ` A z

Ns raðpàs ék Tis’ ArtTtıkis dvypéðn rat TÔv ypypárov
e 2. ` s r ao’ /
émrtakória èv TáÀavtra mapéĝero rois’ AOnvaiots, TeTpa-
kir yida Ôè kal pobopópovs kraki yiàíovs? mepi Tal-
vapov TS Aakwvikhs améMrev.

‘Qs 'AAéfavõpos roòs yeynpakóras Tv Mareðóvov

td ni z LA 2 3 p
xpeoàvrýoas kat karava`ðóras púpia TAÀavTA ATÉÀAVTEV
eis TS maTpilõas.

‘Qs TTATLACÕVTWV rov Markeðóvøv ékóňaTe TOÙS aiTlOvs.

1 See note 3 on page 113.

2 So Cospus: mapaĝóoewv.
3 So MSS. : éfakıoyıàíovs chap. 108. 6.

114

CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK

How he sailed down the Indus River to the south-
ern o and almost died of an arrow wound (chaps.
96-99).

Concerning the single combat that issued from a
challenge (chaps. 100-101).

Concerning the Indians whom he conquered on
both banks of the river as far as the Ocean (chaps.
102-103).

Concerning the marvels and practices found among
the inhabitants and about the men who live a brutish
existence (chaps. 104-106. 3). '

How the naval expedition through the Ocean re-
joined Alexander` as he was encamped by the sea
and gave an account of their voyage (chap. 106. 4-7).

How again setting sail they skirted a long expanse
of coastline (chap. 107. 1).

How he selected thirty thousand young Persians,
trained them in military exercises and formed them
into a counterpart of his Macedonian phalanx (chap.
108. 1-3).

How Harpalus, who was accused of luxurious living
and excessive expenditures, fled from Babylon and
sought the protection of the people of Athens (chap.
108. 4-7).

How he fled from Attica and was killed; he had
deposited seven hundred talents of his money with
the Athenians and placed four thousand talents and
eight thousand mercenaries on Taenarum in Laconia
(chap. 108. 7-8).

How Alexander, having paid the debts of his
veteran Macedonians, which cost him ten thousand
talents, returned them to their homes (chap. 109. 1-2).

How the Macedonians revolted and he punished
their ringleaders (chap. 109. 2-3).

115

DIODORUS OF SICILY

‘Qs Mevréorys yaye mpòs’AAéfavõpov ék tôv Ileprov
èmıÀéas roĝóras kat ogdevõovýras pvpiovs.*

Qs ràs ráĉes ó Bacıideùs émoisev avapíĝas Toîs
Maxesóoı IMépras.

‘Qs roîs èmiyóvois mairi puplois ort tàs arávas kal
maseias po hoùs árar éxophyet.

‘Qs Aewrbévys parto kiveîv Tòv Tpòs Maxeôóvas Tóàe-
pov.

‘Qs ’AAéfavõpos êrì Koosaiovs ésrpáreroev.

‘Qs ropevpévov To Barıéws eis Baßvàóva rpoeîrov
oi Kaàðaiot tG 'Adefdvåpy Teheurýoeiv aðróv, éðv eis
thv Baßvàðva eicéàby.

‘Qs ó Baorheds év px pèv kareràdyn kat Tapýà-
Aage tùův Baßvàðva, Čorepov © rò röv ‘EAàyvikðv
piàocópov regeis karývryoev eis Thv mów.

Ilep rob rÀýÂovs rôv rapayevopévov mper perv.

Ilep ris ‘Hpairiwvos rapis kaè roð rÀýhovs tõv eis
aùrhv čaravnÂévrwv xpnpáTwv.

Ilep rôv oypelwv rõv yeyernpévov Adeédvõpy kaè TÅS
TEÀEVTIS QAÙTOD.

1 So MSS.: ŝıouvpíovs Cospus, cp. Arrian, 7. 23. 1.

116

CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK

How Peucestes brought to Alexander ten thousand
bowmen and slingers whom he had recruited from
among the Persians (chap. 110. 2).

How the king reorganized his army by interming-
ling Persians with Macedonians (chap. 110. 1).

How he paid expenses and educational fees for all
the soldiers’ children, ten thousand in number (chap.
110. 3).

How Leosthenes made preparations for starting a
war against the Macedonians (chap. 111. 1-3).

How Alexander campaigned against the Cossaeans
(chap. 111. 4-6). :

How, as the king was on his way to Babylon, the
Chaldaeans prophesied to Alexander that he would
die if he entered Babylon (chap. 112. 1-3).

How the king at first was frightened and passed
Babylon by, but later, persuaded by the Greek philo-
sophers, entered the city (chap. 112. 4-6).

Concerning the multitude of embassies that arrived
there (chap. 113).

Concerning the funeral of Hephaestion and the
large sum expended on it (chaps. 114-115).

Concerning the omens that appeared to Alexander
and concerning his death (chaps. 116-118).

117

BIBAO? EIITAKAIAEKATH

‘H uèv mpò traúrys púpos, ooa TÌS ŠANS
a da éEkaDekdTh, TV Apxùv čoxev ano TÎsS
Diinnov TOÔ ’Auóvrov Paocideias: mepreýpðnoav
Ò èv aùr) mpáčers at èv roô Didinrov nâca
pÊXpt TS TedevTisS, ai ðè TÕv AAW Paoidéwv TE
kat eĝvôv kal móňcwv ó oat yeyóvaoı KATA TOÙS Ts
Paoideias TaúTns Xpóvovs, õvras erôv eikoct kal
2 recodpwv. èv raúrņ ôè tàs ovveyeîs mpaées
avaypádhovres apćtópeða pėv aro Tîs AAegdvðpov
Bacıdeias, mepiňaßóvres è Tà TOÚTW TÖ Paoide?
mpaxhévra uéxpi TS TeÀevris ovvavaypdjopev kal
Tà dpa ToŬúrTois ovvreàeolévra èv Tois yvwpigo-
évois uépeot Tis oikovuévņs: oðtrw yàp párta
Únoàaußdvouev tràs mpáćeis eùuvnuoveðrovs éoe-
olai, kepañarwdðs rTehcicas kail ovveyès xovcas
raîs apyaîs rò Téàos.

Ev óàlyw è ypõővw peydàas mpdéeis oros ô
Baoieùs karerpydoaro kal Õià Tiv iiav oúveciv
Te kal avõpeiav únepeßdàero TÔ peyéber rÕv épywv
návras Troùs Ë alvos TÅ výuņ nmapaðeðouévovs
4 Bacıideîs: èv ëreci yap Õwðeka karaortpepduevos
tis pèv Eùpwrns oùk diya, rùv è `Aciav oyeðòv
dnacav eikórws nepıpónrov oye tův ðóčav kal
roîs maàuioîs pwo kal Ņuihéors iodbovoav. dààà
yap oùk avaykatov ýuîv êv TÔ Tmpooruiw Tmpoàap-
118

BOOK XVII

1. The preceding book, which was the sixteenth of
the Histories, began with the coronation of Philip the
son of Amyntas and included his whole career down
to his death, together with those events connected
with other kings, peoples and cities which occurred
in the years of his reign, twenty-four in number. In
this book we shall continue the systematic narrative
beginning with the accession of Alexander, and in-
clude both the history of this king down to his death
as well as contemporary events in the known parts of
the world. This is the best method, I think, of en-
suring that events will be remembered, for thus the
material is arranged topically, and each story is told
without interruption.

Alexander accomplished great things in a short
space of time, and by his acumen and courage sur-
passed in the magnitude of his achievements all kings
whose memory is recorded from the beginning of
time. In twelve years he conquered no small part of
Europe and practically all of Asia, and so acquired a
fabulous reputation like that of the heroes and demi-
gods of old. But there is really no need to anticipate

119

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Bávew tre rÕv karwpfwpévuv roúrw rÔ ßaoideî:
aùral yàp al karà pépos mpaćeis ikavõðs unvúcovot
57ò péyebos rs déns aŭro. ’Adétavðpos ov
yeyovæs karà marépa èv a$ ‘Hpakàéovs, karà
òè uņnrépa rÔv Alakıĝðv oireiav ëoye Tv púow
kal Tv aperhv Tis rÕv mpoyóvwv eùðočías. ńueîs
Sè roùs dpuórrovras T ypa xpõvovs mapaĝévres
emi ràs oikeias tijs Úrmokeiuévns iorTopias mpåķes
rpepópela. i

2. Er àpyovros yap ` Abývnow Eùawérov “Pw-
paîot karéornoav úndrovs Aeúkiov Ďoŭúpiov kał
I'diov Maviov. ènmi è roúrwv °`Aàééavõpos rade-
Éduevos Tùv Baciàciav mpõrov èv roùs poveîs roû
martpòs Ts dpuotoúoņs Ttıuwpias ŅÉiwoe, perà
òè rara rs raps To yovéws Tùv evõeyouévnv
ETLMÉÀAELAV TMONTÁUEVOS KATÉOTNOE TÀ KATA TÙV
dpxův moù káiov Ñ) mávres mpooeðókyoav. véos
yap æv mavredðs kal ða Tyv hAkiav Úrnő Twwv
karadpovoúuevos mpôrTov uèv Tà TAON oikelois
Aóyois mapeorýoaro mpos eùvorav: ë$n yàp voua
póvov ôinàdybaı Bacidéws, tàs Sè mpdéeis yerpio-
Oýocohat uyðèv karaðeéorepov TiS ni To0 martTpòs
yevoévys oikovouias’ čmerra raîs npeoßeiars xp-

1 Plutarch, Alexander, 2. 1. Alexander’s most prominent
ancestor on his mother’s side was Achilles. Both the Aeacids
and the Argeads traced their ancestry back to Zeus.

2 Evaenetus was archon from July 335 to June 334 B.c.
Broughton (1. 138) gives the consuls of 338 s.c. as L. Furius
Camillus and C. Maenius.

3 Diodorus has not previously suggested that any others
knew of the plans of Pausanias, who was killed immediately
and so could not reveal any accomplices (Book 16. 94. 4).
Alexander himself was the principal beneficiary of the
120

BOOK XVII. 1. 4—2. 2

in the introduction any of the accomplishments of this
king ; his deeds reported one by one will attest suffi-
ciently the greatness of his glory. On his father’s side
Alexander was a descendant of Heracles and on his
mother’s he could claim the blood of the Aeacids, so
that from his ancestors on both sides he inherited the
physical and moral qualities of greatness.! Pointing
out as we proceed the chronology of events, we shall
pass on to the happenings which concern our history.

2. When Evaenetus was archon at Athens, the
Romans elected as consuls Lucius Furius and Gaius
Manius.? In this year Alexander, succeeding to the
throne, first inflicted due punishment on his father’s
murderers, and then devoted himself to the funeral
of his father. He established his authority far more
firmly than any did in fact suppose possible, for
he was quite young and for this reason not uniformly
respected, but first he promptly won over the Mace-
donians to his support by tactful statements. He de-
clared that the king was changed only in name and
that the state would be run on principles no less effec-
tive than those of his father’s administration. Then
he addressed himself to the embassies which were

murder, and he has been suspected of complicity, especially
because, as only half of Macedonian blood, he was not uni-
versally popular. At all events, the known victims of this
purge were Alexander’s own rivals : his older cousin Amyn-
tas, son of King Perdiccas III ; the family of Alexander of
Lyncestis, although he himself was spared; and Philip’s
wife Cleopatra and her infant daughter, killed by Olympias.
These murders were not forgotten (Plutarch, Alexander, 10.
4: On the Fortune of Alexander, 1. 3. 327 c; Curtius, 6. 9.
17 and 10.24 ; Justin, 11. 2. 1-3 and 12. 6. 14). These events
are ignored by Arrian, and Curtius’s preserved narrative
begins only when Alexander was in Phrygia.
4 Justin, 11. 1. 8.

121

335/4 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

paricsas hiàavôpóærnws mapekdàeoce roùs “Ednvas
Tnpeiv tùv mpòs aùrov matporapáðorov eùvoiav.

3 rÔv è orpariwtTÕv mvkvàs momoduevos ékoràoias
ueàéras Te kal yvpvacias moàeikas ceùnebi karte-
okeúace Tv úvapv.

"Eywv ðe ris PBacıcias ëpeðpov ”Arradov Tòv
aðeàdov Kàcordrpas ris èmiyaunheions rò Pı-
Àinnmov Torov ékpwev êk ToÔ Chv peraorhoav kai
yap èrúyyave maôíov èk rijs Kàeorárpas yeyovòs
T Dinny ris redeurijs roô Baciéws ðàlyais

4 mpórtepov ńuépas. ó & ”Arraños mpoaneoraà-
pévos v eis rhv °`Aclav orparnyòs trv vvápewv
pera Ilappeviwvos, eùepyerikòs Ò &v ral raîs
óuiàiais èkbepareóúwv roùs ortparıórTas peyáàns
erúyyavev amroðoyñs v rÔ orparoréðw. eùÀóyws
ov Torov eðdapeîro rore ts apxis dvrirorý-
antar cvuvepyoùs Aaßov rÊv ‘Eààńvwv roùs vav-

5 riovpévovs éavr®. Šórep rÕv piňwv mpoyeipiod-
pevos ‘Ekxaratov éfaréoreiriev eis Tv °Aciav perà
rÔv ikavôv otparıwrtÕv, oùs évroààs udora
èv ayayeŭv CÕvra ròv ”Arrañov, êav è roro uÙ
Súvnraı karepyácacðar, Soopovioat ròv ävëpa

6 rùv Tayiornv. oêros pèv oĝv ĵiaßàs els rùv ° Aoiav
kai ovupiéas roîs mepi ròv Iapueviwva kal ”Ar-
TaÀov èmerýper TÒV kapòv TS mpokeyeiptouévns
npaews.

3. Aàééavõðpos è mulóuevos moods rv ‘EÀ-
ÀAńvæv pereópovs eivat mpòs kawoTouiav eis moÀàùv

2 aywviav evémimrev. ’Abnvaîot uèv yàp Anpocbé-
vovs ðnuaywyoðvros kara rv Makeðóvwv túv re

1? In Book 16. 93. 9, Attalus was called Cleopatra’s nephew,
but he was apparently her uncle and guardian (Berve, Alex-
122

BOOK XVII. 2. 2—3. 2

present and in affable fashion bade the Greeks main- 335/4 s.c.

tain towards him the loyalty which they had shown
to his father. He busied his soldiers with constant
training in the use of their weapons and with tactical
exercises, and established discipline in the army.

A possible rival for the throne remained in Attalus,
who was the brother of Cleopatra, the last wife of
Philip, and Alexander determined to kill him. As a
matter of fact, Cleopatra had borne a child to
Philip a few days before his death.! Attalus had
been sent on ahead into Asia to share the command
of the forces with Parmenion and had acquired great
popularity in the army by his readiness to do favours
and his easy bearing with the soldiers. Alexander
had good reason to fear that he might challenge his
rule, making common cause with those of the Greeks
who opposed him, and selected from among his
friends a certain Hecataeus and sent him off to Asia
with a number of soldiers, under orders to bring
back Attalus alive if he could, but if not, to assassinate
him as quickly as possible. So he crossed over into
Asia, joined Parmenion and Attalus and awaited an
opportunity to carry out his mission.

3. Alexander knew that many of the Greeks were
anxious to revolt, and was seriously worried. In
Athens, where Demosthenes kept agitating against

anderreich, 2. 94). He may well have been disaffected because
of the murder of Cleopatra and her daughter, but he had no
known claim upon the throne of Macedonia. He was, at all
events, loyal to Philip and hostile to Philip’s assassin (Book
16. 93. 5-9).

123

DIODORUS OF SICILY

* A bd [A 3 ` A e
Pirinnrov reàeuriv douévws Nkovoav kat TÅS Nye-
povias rôv ‘EàMńvwv oùxk e£eyøwpovv Tots Maxe-

3
óo, ianpeofevodpevot è mpòs ”Arradov év
` `
åmoppýrois ovveríbevro kowonpayiav kal ToÀÀàds

Ea ~ > JA
Tv méewv mpoerpénrovro ts ¢éàevÂepias avré-
xeobar.

Airwàol òè kardyeiw roùs e£ ° Arapvavias puya-
Sas épnpicavro cià Dinrrov neipav eiànpóras ths
pvyĝs. `Apßpakıiðraı è merohévres ` Apiordpyw
Tùy pèv nrò Dinrov karaorabeîcav povpàv
Er ` ` ld ? + ò A 8 š
eééßBadov, tiv Sè mów ênoiņoav ðnpokpareîohar

e lá ` lA a ~ ` > A ’
4 óuoiws è roúrois Qnfaîoi rÅv èv êv t Kaðpeig
ppovpàv èkßaàciv èpnpisavro, r © °’ Adcédvròpw
u) ovyywpeiv riv rv ‘EdMývwv hyeuoviav. °Ap-
káðes ðe oùre Piirnw ovveywpnoav tv hyeuo-

ld 2 m e Z y 3 9? 2
viav põvor rv ‘Edivæv oùr 'Aàecédvòpw rpoc-

L4 m~ > EA d > ~ `
5 éoyov: rv © dwy Iedorovvyoiwv ° Apyeîoi kai
° Hàeîoi kai Aakeĝaruóviot kai tives ETepot mpòs
Tv aùTovouiav ©puNoav. TÖV ÖÈ ÚTNEPOLKOÝVTWV

y # 3 Can kd 3) 7 ` 3 l
tùv Mareðoviav éhvõv oùk ðàiya mpòs dnóoracw
öpua kat TOA) Tapay) kareîye ToÙs TÕE karor-
kovras Papßpápovs.

AAN uws TmAkoúrwv mpayudrwv kat TocoŬ-
Twv póßwv kareyóvræwv rýv Bacideiav ° AàéEavõpos
véos ©V TMAVTEÀAÔS ÄTMAVTA TÀ KATA TÙÅV APXÙV
Òvoyep mapaðófws kai ovvróuws kaTeorýoaTto'
os èv yàp merlo? ià ris dias mpoonyáyero,

a $ l TA A ` + lA
oùs è pófw ewphwoarto, Twàs Sè Pia yerpwod-
evos Únmnkóovs mtorýoaTto.

LA ` ` e z "a ka

4. Ipõrovs è Oerradoùs únouvýoas ts ap-

ł Justin, 11. 2. 4-5. Aristarchus, presumably an Ambra-
ciot, is otherwise unknown. Diodorus has inverted the rôles of
124

BOOK XVII. 3. 2—4. 1

Macedon, the news of Philip’s death was received 335/4 s.c.

with rejoicing, and the Athenians were not ready to
concede the leading position among the Greeks to
Macedon. They communicated secretly with Attalus
and arranged to co-operate with him, and they en-
couraged many of the cities to strike for their free-
dom.

The Aetolians voted to restore those of the Acar-
nanians who had experienced exile because of Philip.
The Ambraciots were persuaded by one Aristarchus
to expel the garrison placed in their city by Philip
and to transform their government into a democracy.
Similarly, the Thebans voted to drive out the garrison
in the Cadmeia and not to concede to Alexander the
leadership of the Greeks. The Arcadians alone of
the Greeks had never acknowledged Philip’s leader-
ship nor did they now recognize that of Alexander.
Otherwise in the Peloponnesus the Argives and
Eleians and Lacedaemonians, with others, moved to
recover their independence.! Beyond the frontiers of
Macedonia, many tribes moved toward revolt and a
general feeling of unrest swept through the natives
in that quarter.?

But, for all the problems and fears that beset his
kingdom on every side, Alexander, who had only just
reached manhood, brought everything into order im-
pressively and swiftly. Some he won by persuasion
and diplomacy, others he frightened into keeping the
peace,? but some had to be mastered by force and so
reduced to submission.

4. First he dealt with the Thessalians, reminding
the Arcadians and the Lacedaemonians ; it was the latter who
had never been subject to Philip. Cp. further below, chap. 4.

2 Cp. below, chap. 8. 1.
3 Arrian, 1. 1. 3 (with reference to Athens).

125

DIODORUS OF SICILY

xaias ap’ ‘Hparkàéovs ovyyeveias kat Adyois pidav-
Opónrois, ére è peydàais rayyeiais perewpisas
Eneoe Tv matponrapdõortov hyepoviav rijs ‘EAdõos
aùr ovyxywpoa kow ts OQerradias ðóyparı.

2 uera è roúrovs tà ovuvopitovra! rôv èbvõv els
Tv poiav eùvorav mpocayayó evos maphÀbev els
Ióas kai rò rôv ` Augıkrvóvwv ovvéðpiov ovvaya-
yov émewev éavr® kow Öóyparı Öobğvar TÅV

3 rðv ‘EdMývwv hyepoviav. roîs © °`ApußbpakıórTais
cranrpeopevópevos kai piňavðpórnws ópàýoas čne-
cev aùroùs Ppaye? mpoeiànpévai rhv uéààovoav úr
aùroĵ iðoohaı pera mpohvpias aùrovopiav.

4 Ilpòs è riv karádràņnéw rv aneloivrwv ye
Tùv úvaıv Tv Makeðóvwv kekosunuévyv kara-
mÀnkTikÕsS. teiars è raîs dðorroplais ypnoápe-
vos kev eis ùv Bowwriav kal mànoiov ris Kaĝ-
pelas karaorparoneceóoas ènéornoe ròv póßov

5 ri móde rõv Onfaiwv. rab’ ôv ù ypóvov *Aby-
vaot mvðópevor Tův eis Bowwriav nmápoĝov roô
Paoiàéws tÑs mpoŭïnapyovons karaġpovýocews àrd-
orņnoav' yàp ŻýTNs ToÔ veavíokov kal ý Sià TÔv
mpágcewv èvépyera Toùs dÀdotpio$povoðvras ueydá-

6 Aws eéénànrrev. Sıðrep `Abnvaîor rà pèv ånò Tis
xópas &fņpicavro kararouitew, rÔv ŝè TEXÕV
TÅV evõeyouévnv emiuéiciav moieîohar mpòs Sè ròv
’Aàéfavðpov mpégßeis éfanréoreiav, déroûvres ovy-
yvóunv čyew, eè Thv ýyepoviav ù Tayéws ovyyw-
poĝow.

7 Ev ðè Toîs mpéoßeot kal Anpoobévns èrneugpheis
où ouvhAbe perà rõv ÄAàwv mpòs ròv ’Adétavôpov,
dA’ êr roô KiÂarpõvos dvékappev eis tàs `Abńvas,

1 So Dindorf (cp. chaps. 76. 1, 96. 3): oùs auvoplčovras.
126

BOOK XVII. 4. 1-7

them of his ancient relationship to them through 335/4 s.c.

Heracles and raising their hopes by kindly words and
by rich promises as well, and prevailed upon them
by formal vote of the Thessalian League to recognize
as his the leadership of Greece which he had inherited
from his father. Next he won over the neighbouring
tribes similarly, and so marched down to Pylae,
where he convened the assembly of the Amphictyons
and had them pass a resolution granting him the
leadership of the Greeks. He gave audience to the
envoys of the Ambraciots and, addressing them in
friendly fashion, convinced them that they had been
only a little premature in grasping the independence
that he was on the point of giving them voluntarily.

In order to overawe those who refused to yield
otherwise, he set out at the head of the army of the
Macedonians in full battle array. With forced
marches he arrived in Boeotia and encamping near
the Cadmeia threw the city of the Thebans into a
panic. As the Athenians immediately learned that
the king had passed into Boeotia, they too abandoned
their previous refusal to take him seriously. So much
the rapid moves and energetic action of the young
man shook the confidence of those who opposed him.
The Athenians, accordingly, voted to bring into the
city their property scattered throughout Attica and
to look to the repair of their walls, but they also sent
envoys to Alexander, asking forgiveness for tardy
recognition of his leadership.

Even Demosthenes was included among the en-
voys; he did not, however, go with the others to
Alexander, but turned back at Cithaeron and re-

1 Justin, 11. 3. 1-2. Alexander had in Achilles a common
ancestor with the Aleuadae of Larissa.

127

DIODORUS OF SICILY

eire Šia ra meroùrevpéva karà Makeðóvwv opn-
leis, eire Bovàópevos tT® Paci rôv Ilepoðv
8 dueprrov aúròv iadvàdrrew. modà yàp xph-
pard aow aùròv eiàņndévai mapa Ilepoðv, tva
moùreúnrat karà Makeðóvav: mepi ðv kal Tòv
Aloyiwvnyv paciv òveðitovra T® Anpochévet kard
Twa Àdyov Tùv wpoðokiav ciretv, Nv pévror TÙv
dardvyy émikékàvrev aùroô rò Baciùıkòv ypvoiov.
éorar è ovðè roô? ikavõv’ oùðeis yàp MØTOTE
9 mÀoŬrTos Tpõrmov novnpoð mepieyévero. o è’ AAéé-
avõðpos toîs mpéopeoi rõÕv ° Alnvaiwv piàavbpórovs
darokpiceis oùs améàvoe To modo póßov rTòv
òfuov.

To & '`Adecédvõpov mapayyeidavros eis Kopu-
Qov dravrâv rás re mpeoßeias kal roùs ovvéðpovs,
ened) ovvàlov ot ovveðpeveiw elwlóres, ðradey-
Ocis ò Bacideùs kal Àóyois èmeikéot ypnoduevos
enee Tos “EAnvas ynoicachai orparnyòv aùro-
kpáropa ris ‘“Eàdõos ecîvaı ròv '’Aàétavðpov kal
ovorpareðei éri roùs [lépoas úrèp © eis rovs EÀ-
Àņvas ééńýpaprov. ruy&v ğè ravrns rs tufs ô
Basics êmavijàbe perà ris ðvvápews eis Maxe-
ôoviav.

5. “Hpueîs & emet rà rara thv ‘Eddõa ShAbo-
pev, peraĝıpdoouev ròv Àóyov èri tràs karà TÙ
’Aciav npáéeis. perà yàp rhv Piimrov redev-
Tùv "ATrados TÒ èv mpõTov éreyeipei vewrepitew
kal mpòs `Alyvaiovs ovveribero koworpayiav kar
’A\cEdvðpov, vorepov è peravońoas Tv èv àro-
õoleiosav aùr mapa Anuoolévovs èmioroàùv TN-
pýoas dnméoreie mpòs `Aàééavðpov kal Adyois
diàavôpórois èreipâro tràs ka’ aúroô ĝiaßoààs
128

BOOK XVII. 4. 7—5. 1

turned to Athens, whether fearful because of the 8335/4 r.c.

anti-Macedonian course that he had pursued in poli-
tics, or merely wishing to leave no ground of com-
plaint to the king of Persia. He was generally
believed to have received large sums of money from
that source in payment for his efforts to check the
Macedonians, and indeed Aeschines is said to have
referred to this in a speech when he taunted Demos-
thenes with his venality : “ At the moment, it is
true, his extravagance has been glutted by the king’s
gold, but even this will not satisfy him ; no wealth
has ever proved sufficient for a greedy character.” 1
Alexander addressed the Athenian envoys kindly and
freed the people from their acute terror.

Then he called a meeting at Corinth of envoys and
delegates, and when the usual representatives came,
he spoke to them in moderate terms and had them
pass a resolution appointing him general plenipo-
tentiary of the Greeks and undertaking themselves
to join in an expedition against Persia seeking satis-
faction for the offences which the Persians had com-
mitted against Greece.? Successful in this, the king
returned to Macedonia with his army.

5. Now that we have described what took place in
Greece, we shall shift our account to the events in
Asia. Here, immediately after the death of Philip,
Attalus actually had set his hand to revolt and had
agreed with the Athenians to undertake joint action
against Alexander, but later he changed his mind.
Preserving the letter which had been brought to him
from Demosthenes,? he sent it off to Alexander and
tried by expressions of loyalty to remove from him-

1 Aeschines, 3. 173, with a slightly different word order.
2 Justin, 11. 2. 5. 3 Plutarch, Demosthenes, 23. 2.

VOL. VIII F 129

DIODORUS OF SICILY

2 årorpipeobar: roô & ‘Ekaralov karà tàs toô Pa-
oiÀdws evroààs Sododovýoavros röv” Arradov ý pèv
karà t)v `Aciav rôv Mareðóvwv Súvapıs rav-
carto ToÎÔ uerewpiteobai mpòs aróortacw, To pèv
? Arráàov mepovevuévov, roô õè Iappeviwvos oikeid-
rara ðiakeipévou mpòs ` Aàéfavòpov.

Ilepl dè ris rôv IHepoôv Baoidcias péddovras
hus dvaypáģew àvaykatóv ori Řpayù roîs xpó-
vois npoavañaßeiv rùv ioropiav. Ọıàinrov yàp
črt Baociieúovros pye rôv Ilepoðv °Qyos rai
npocepépero roîs órorerayuévois wus Kal Piaiws.
uigovpévov è aùroô à Tùv yaderórnra TÕV
tpórwv Baywas ó yıàiapyos, eùvoðyos èv &v TÙV
Eéw, movnpòs Õè kal moàepikòs Thv púow, dvete
dapudkw ròv “Qyov ıd Tiwos iatpoð, Tòv è vew-
rarov TÕv viðv roô Baoidéws Apor’ eiohyayev
4 eis T)v Baociàelav. dveîàe òè kat roùs dòcàhoùs ToÔ
Bacıàéws, õðvras véovs mavreðs, ôTmws povwleis ó
veaviokos uÂdov Ýmýkoos aùT® yévntTat. ToÔ Òè
pepakiov Taîs yevopévais Tapavoulats mpockó-
nrovros kal pavepoð kabeorðrTos Ört TIuwpPHOETAL
Tòv avlévryv trÕv dvouņuárwv, phdoas aùroð ràs
emBovàas ð Bayas aveîàe ròv `Apoùv uera rÔv
5 rékvwv rtpirov éros Ņòn PBaciàevovra. èpńuov ð
òvros To Pacıàéws orkov kal unòevòs övros Tob

1 Apor] ° Apoñv F.

1 Continued from chap. 2, above. Itis incredible that the
assassination of Attalus could have occurred without the

130

BOOK XVII. 5. 1-5

self any possible suspicion. Hecataeus, however, fol- 835/4 r.c.

lowing the instructions of the king literally, had him
killed by treachery,!: and thereafter the Macedonian
forces in Asia were free from any incitement to re-
volution, Attalus being dead and Parmenion com-
pletely devoted to Alexander.

As our narrative is now to treat of the kingdom of
the Persians, we must go back a little to pick up the
thread.? While Philip was still king, Ochus °? ruled
the Persians and oppressed his subjects cruelly and
harshly. Since his savage disposition made him
hated, the chiliarch Bagoas, a eunuch in physical fact
but a militant rogue in disposition, killed him by
poison administered by a certain physician and placed
upon the throne the youngest of his sons, Arses. He
similarly made away with the brothers of the new
king, who were barely of age, in order that the young
man might be isolated and tractable to his control.
But the young king let it be known that he was of-
fended at Bagoas’s previous outrageous behaviour
and was prepared to punish the author of these crimes,
so Bagoas anticipated his intentions and killed Arses
and his children also while he was still in the third
year of his reign.t The royal house was thus ex-
tinguished, and there was no one in the direct line of

connivance of Parmenion, who may have been pleased to be
rid of the head of a rival faction at court (but Curtius, 6. 9. 18,
reports that Attalus was Parmenion’s son-in-law). And
Attalus could not be left alive after the execution of his niece.

2 Continued from Book 16. 52. Cp. Justin, 10. 3.

3? Ochus has been mentioned previously by his throne name
Artaxerxes.

4 The king lists give Arses two years, 338-336 s.c., but he
was in his third regnal year at the time of his death. His
second year, 337/6 B.c., was the only full one which he
enjoyed.

131

DIODORUS OF SICILY

4 +
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ékaora nàwcovow: hues Ò eml rò ovveyès Ths
ioropias tpepópeba.
132

BOOK XVII. 5. 5—6. 3

descent to claim the throne. Instead Bagoas selected 335/4 s.c.

a certain Dareius, a member of the court circle,
and secured the throne for him. He was the son of
Arsanes, and grandson of that Ostanes who was a
brother of Artaxerxes, who had been king.! As to
Bagoas, an odd thing happened to him and one to
point a moral. Pursuing his habitual savagery he
attempted to remove Dareius by poison. The plan
leaked out, however, and the king, calling upon
Bagoas, as it were, to drink to him a toast and hand-
ing him his own cup compelled him to take his own
medicine. '

6. Dareius’s selection for the throne was based on
his known bravery, in which quality he far surpassed
the other Persians. Once when King Artaxerxes ?
was campaigning against the Cadusians, one of them
with a wide reputation for strength and courage
challenged a volunteer among the Persians to fight in
single combat with him. No other dared accept, but
Dareius alone entered the contest and slew the chal-
lenger, being honoured in consequence by the king
with rich gifts, while among the Persians he was con-
ceded the first place in prowess. It was because of
this prowess that he was thought worthy to take over
the kingship. This happened about the same time
as Philip died and Alexander became king.

Such was the man whom fate had selected to be
the antagonist of Alexander’s genius, and they op-
posed one another in many and great struggles for
the supremacy. These our detailed narrative will de-
scribe in each case. And we may now proceed with
our story.

1 Artaxerxes II, 405-8359 s.c.
2 Artaxerxes III (Ochus), 359-338 s.c.

133

DIODORUS OF SICILY

7. Aapeîos yap mapaàaßav tùy Baocidelav pò
~ ~ ld “~ ? a h LA
uèv rs Diinrov reňevris eġidoriueîro tròv uéà-

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X z A
kal mapdõðofov ovußaivet yiveohaı mepi toro rò

1 ŝia added by Kallenberg (cp. chap. 4. 5).
134

BOOK XVII. 7. 1—5

7. Dareius became king before the death of Philip 335/4 s.c.

and thought to turn the coming war back upon Mace-
donia, but when Philip died, Dareius was relieved of
his anxiety and despised the youth of Alexander.
Soon, however, when Alexander’s vigour and rapidity
of action had secured for him the leadership of all
Greece and made evident the ability of the young
man, then Dareius took warning and began to pay
serious attention to his forces. He fitted out a large
number of ships of war and assembled numerous
strong armies, choosing at the same time his best
commanders, among whom was Memnon ‘of Rhodes,
outstanding in courage and in strategic grasp. The
king gave him five thousand ? mercenaries and ordered
him to march to Cyzicus and to try to get possession
of it. With this force, accordingly, Memnon marched
on across the range of Mt. Ida.

Some tell the story that this mountain got its name
from Ida, the daughter of Melisseus.* It is the
highest mountain in the region of the Hellespont and
there is in its midst a remarkable cave in which they
say the goddesses were judged by Alexander.+t On
this mountain are supposed to have lived the Idaean
Dactyls who first worked iron, having learned their
skill from the Mother of the Gods. An odd occur-
rence has been observed in connection with this
mountain which is known nowhere else. About the

1 See Book 16. 52. 4.

2 This number seems small for the task assigned Memnon,
but it is hardly likely that it should be emended to 50,000, the
total number of the King’s Greek mercenaries (Curtius, 5.
11. 5). Polyaenus refers to Memnon’s 4000 troops (5. 44. 4).

3 Melisseus, king of Crete, is reported to have been the
father of Adrasteia and Ida, to whom the infant Zeus was

given to nurse (Book 5. 70. 2). See Apollodorus, 1. 1. 6.
4 The Judgement of Paris. 5 See Book 5. 64. 3-5.

135

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Öpos. Karà yàp TÅùV TOÔ kuvòs ÈmTOÀÑv em äkpas
ris kopvps à Tùv vyvepiav TOÔ TEpLÉXOVTOS
åépos úmeprerf yiveobar Tv dkpav TiS TÕV avéu wv
nvoñs, ópâĉcðar Šè ròv ÑArov ETL vuKTOS oÙONS ava-
réàÀovra, tràs dkrivasş oÙK ÈV KUKÀOTEpE? OXÁLATL
yeypaupévov,! &Ààà Tùy pàóya rarà moddoùs Tó-
movus ëyovra Õeonrapuévnyv, Öore okey mvpà
mÀeiw biyydvew roô rs ys ópítovros. per
àíyov õè ovváyeraı raðra mpòs ëv uéyelos, čws
äv yévnrar tpinàchpov Õidornpa' kat TóT” HÒN TÀS
ńuépas èmÀaßoúoņns rò gawópevov roð NÀiov
uéyebos nàņnpwbèv tv trs pépas õidleow kara-
okevdter.

‘O È oĝv Méuvæv debor rhv pewny dpvw TÀ
róde rÔv Kvtiryvôv mpocéreoev kat map’ ÒÀlyov
aùris èkvpievoev: aronecav è ris èmpofs Tùv
yópav aùrôv èrópðyoe kal moňàðv Aaúpwv kv-

f. t
9 pievoev. dpa è rovrois nmparropévois lappeviwv

T púviov pèv nóv ùv kara kpdros éġnvðparoði-
oaro, Iirdvyv è moùopkoðvros aùroð Mépuvwv
èmihpaveis kat karanàņnédpevos roùs Mareðóvas

10 ëìvoe Trùv moMopkiav. perà è rara Kdààas

uèv ëywv Makeõóvas kal mobopópovs otpatıóTas

1 yeypaupévov, after mepiryeypauuévov, Post: terpaupévov RX :
uévovra F; awveotpaupévov or ovvéyovra Hertlein ; méurovra
Dindorf ; reropvevpévov Fischer (cp. Plato, Timaeus, 1. 33 B).

1 According to the calculations of Mr. Alan E. Samuel, this
would be the heliacal rising of Sirius, which occurred about
20th July (P. V. Neugebauer, Astronomische Chronologie,
Berlin & Leipzig, 1929, Vol. 2, Tables E 58-62). Professor
Otto Neugebauer writes that the rising would occur between

136

BOOK XVII. 7. 5-10

time of the rising of the Dog Star,! if one stands upon 335/4 s.c.

the highest peak, the stillness of the surrounding
atmosphere gives the impression that the summit is
elevated above the motion of the winds, and the sun
can be seen rising while it is still night. Its rays are
not circumscribed in a circular orb but its flame is
dispersed in many places, so that you would think
that there were many patches of fire burning along
the horizon. Presently, then, these draw together
into one huge flame the width of which reaches three
plethra.? Finally, as the day dawns, the usually ob-
served size of the sun’s ball is attained and produces
normal daylight.:

Memnon traversed this mountain and suddenly
falling upon the city of Cyzicus came within an ace
of taking it.4 Failing in this, he wasted its territory
and collected much booty. While he was thus oc-
cupied, Parmenion took by storm the city of Grynium
and sold its inhabitants as slaves, but when he be-
sieged Pitanê ë Memnon appeared and frightened the
Macedonians into breaking off the siege. Later
Callas with a mixed force of Macedonians and mer-

18th and 20th July, but that these references in the Greek
authors are not to be pressed too closely.

2 The plethron was 100 Greek feet or somewhat less than
100 English feet, and varied somewhat. It is impossible to
know its precise value in Diodorus or his source.

3 A somewhat different account of the same phenomenon
is given by Pomponius Mela, 1. 18. Day began with the
first appearance of the sun’s rim above the horizon, and the
previous streaks of light occurred while it was still, strictly
speaking, night. Cp. C. Bailey on Lucretius, 3 (1947), 1426 f.
(pointed out by Prof. Robert J. Getty).

4 Reported with some details by Polyaenus, 5. 44. 5.

5 Grynium and Pitanê were old Aeolian cities on the Bay
of Elaea. Parmenion was pursuing Philip’s mission of
“ liberation ” (Book 16. 91. 2).

137

DIODORUS OF SICILY

èv ri Tpwdõı ovvĝpe uagnv mpòs Toùs Iépoas,
čvras roàdaràaciovs, kal Àeihpheis dreywpnoev ets
rò ‘Poirewov.

Kal rà uèv xarà Tùv °Aoiav èv Tovrois Ñv.

8. ’ AàAéEavðpos è tàs karà TÙV ‘Edda koa
payàs karamaúoas orpdrevoev èni tùy Opqkyy
kal ToÀÀà èv éhvy Oparia raparrópeva kaTamàn-
dpevos Únorayivat KATNVÁYKACEV, eniAbev òè kat
rv IMaoviav koi riv IAvpiða kai ras ópópovs
raúraıs yÓpas kal TOÀÀOÙS TÕV KATOLKOVVTWV Per-
Bdpwv àġeornróras yerpwoduevos úmnkóovs mávras

2 roùs mÀņnorwywopovs Bapßápovs érmorýoato. mepi
trara Ò’ övros aùroô maphodv tives åmayyéàdovrtes
moddods rôv ‘Edývæwv vewrepitew kal moas ThS
“EAàdôos médeis mpòs åróoraow wpunkévat, pd-
Mora è @nBalovs. èéml è roúroers ó Paoideùs
rapoévvlels enavñàbev eis rův Mareðoviav oneŬ-
Swv ràs karà rùv ‘EMdôa mañoar Trapayds.

3 Onbaiwv Sè rv èv ri Kaðueig ppovpav èkpdà-
ew hioripovpévwv kai noàopkovvrwv Tv dkpav
kev ó Baoideds ddvw mpòs Tùv móÀw kal kat-
corparonéðevoe mÀnoiov rõôv Onfôv perà máons

4 ris uvápews. oi ðè Onfatoi mpò uèv rs ToÔ
Baciàéws mapovoias tùv Kaðpeiav rdpois Ba-
feiais kal oravpõópaoıi mvukvoîs nmepiéßadov wore
uýre Bońðeiav aùroîs Súvaoĥðaı ýT ayopàv eio-

5 méwpar, mpòs è 'Apkdõas ral `Apyelovs, ért Òè

1 Rhoeteium is a promontory at the mouth of the Hellespont
north of Ilium. Calas (as the name is properly spelled) was
the son of a Harpalus, of a family prominent in the Elimiotis.
Later he commanded the Thessalian cavalry in Alexander’s
army (chap. 17. 4), and then remained in Asia Minor as

138

BOOK XVII. 7. 10.—8. 5

cenaries joined battle in the Troad against a much 335/4 s.c.

larger force of Persians and, finding himself inferior,
fell back on the promentory of Rhoeteium.!

That was the situation in Asia.

8. Now that the unrest in Greece had been brought
under control, Alexander shifted his field of opera-
tions into Thrace.? Many of the tribes in this region
had risen but, terrified by his appearance, felt con-
strained to make their submission. Then he swung
west to Paeonia and Illyria and the territories that
bordered on them. Many of the local tribesmen had
revolted, but these he overpowered, and established
his control over all the natives in the area. This task
was not yet finished when messengers reached him
reporting that many of the Greeks were in revolt.’
Many cities had actually taken steps to throw off the
Macedonian alliance, the most important of these
being Thebes. At this intelligence, the king was
roused to return in haste to Macedonia in his anxiety
to put an end to the unrest in Greece.

The Thebans * sought first of all to expel the Mace-
donian garrison from the Cadmeia and laid siege to
this citadel; this was the situation when the king
appeared suddenly before the city and encamped
with his whole army near by. Before the king’s
arrival, the Thebans had had time to surround the
Cadmeia with deep trenches and heavy stockades so
that neither reinforcements nor supplies could be
sent in, and they had sent an appeal to the Arcadians,

satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia ; cp. Berve, Alexanderreich,
2, no. 397.

2 This campaign is described in detail by Arrian, 1. 1-6.

3 Justin, 11. 2. 7-10.

4 The siege of Thebes is described more briefly in Justin,
11. 3. 6-7 ; Plutarch, Alegander, 11-12 ; Arrian, 1. 7-8.

139

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Ca e 1
Hàelovs mpeoßeúoavres Ņéiovv Bonleîv. opoiws
+ 3 [A
Sè kal mpòs °Abyvaiovs mepi ovppayias ênpéopevov
~ ? a
kal mapà Anuochévovs õmàwv mAÑÂos év ðwpeats

6 Àaßóvres roùs avóràovs kabĵwnmàķov. TÕV Ò èri

rùv Bońberav maparerànuévwv ot pèv êv JI eàorov-
výow orparıbras éénmepmpav èri ròv `Iloĝuòv kai
Siarpißovres èkapaðókovv, npooðokipov roô pa-
oÀéws ğvros. Alnvañor © èmpiosavro pèv
Bonbeîv roîs Onfalors, merohévres úmò Anpocbé-
vous, où uévroi ye Thv óva kéneppav, kapa-
Sokoôvres rv poryv roô moàépov. ó ðè ris èv TÌ
Kaôueigq povpâs ýyoúpevos Piúras ópðv tovs
Onßalovs peydàas mapaokevàs Torovuévovs Tpos
Tùv moopkiav kait Tà Teixy þioTtTiuóTEpov kare-
okeúacev kal Bev navroðanðv nmAÑÂos Torud-
“ero.

9. Enel © ó Baoiňeùs dveàmiorws èk Tùs
Opákrys ke perà máons tis Švváucews, at pėv
ovuuayiar Toîs Onpaiois Soratouévny eîyov TÙV
mapovoiav, h Õè TÕv modepiwv Õúvapıs ópodoyov-
uévnv kai pavepàv ènoieîro tùv Úrmepoxýv. TŐTE ĎE
ovveðpeúoavres oi Ņyeuóves mpoeßoveúoavro mept
ToÔ moàéuov kal nâow Eðoéev únrèp ris aùrovopias
Sıaywvigeohai. roð è mAýlovs émikupwoavTos
TYV yvóunv åmavres meTà Tos mpobvuias eÎyov
éroiņws ĝiakıvðvvevew.

ʻO Sè Bacıiàeùs rò pèv mpõrov ovyiav ÑÙye,
Seðoùs ueravoias ypóvov eis Tò Bovàeúcacðai kal
vouibæwv uù) roàuýoew piav mów mpòs TNÀAkaŬTNv
Súvapıv naparáćčacðai. eľye yap ó ’Añéfavðpos
karà torov röv karpòv megoùs pèv mÀciovs TÕV
Tpiopvpiwv, inreîs Ò oùk èdàdrrovs Tpioyiàiwv,
140

BOOK XVII. 8. 5—9. 3

Argives, and Eleians for help. They appealed for 335/4 s.c.

support from the Athenians also, and when they
received from Demosthenes a free gift of weapons,
they equipped all of their citizens who lacked heavy
armour. Of those who were asked for reinforcements,
however, the Peloponnesians sent soldiers as far as
the Isthmus and waited to see what would happen,
since the king’s arrival was now expected, and the
Athenians, under the influence of Demosthenes,
voted to support the Thebans, but failed to send out
their forces, waiting to see how the war would go.?
In the Cadmeia, the garrison commander Philotas
observed the Thebans making great preparations for
the siege, strengthened his walls as well as he could,
and made ready a stock of missiles of all sorts.

10. So when the king appeared suddenly out of
Thrace with all his army, the alliances of the Thebans
had furnished them with only a hesitant support
while the power of their opponents possessed an
obvious and evident superiority. Nevertheless their
leaders assembled in council and prepared a resolu-
tion about the war ; they were unanimous in deciding
to fight it out for their political freedom. The mea-
sure was passed by the assembly, and with great en-
thusiasm all were ready to see the thing through.

At first the king made no move, giving the
Thebans time to think things over and supposing
that a single city would never dare to match forces
with such an army. For at that time Alexander had
more than thirty thousand infantry and no less than
three thousand cavalry, all battle-seasoned veterans

1 Justin, 11. 3. 3-5; Plutarch, Demosthenes, 23. 2.
141

DIODORUS OF SICILY

í © evnhAnkó T î j
mávras Ò evnhànkóras roîs moàeproîs Kkwðúvois
kal ovveorparevuévovs iinnw kal oyeðòv èv

2 a D
máoas Taîs dyas áņTTýTovs yeyovóras: ðv ù

a > a A 8 l `K kd #

Taîs aperaîs kal mpobupiairs merorðws ’Aàéfavðpos
lA m~ ~ “~
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4 et èv obv ot OyaTor Toîs kaipoîs ettavres ĝrerpe-
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ĝe Od A e À As 2 `
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enehú ip TÀ 1 rv ‘EAÀdô IS à
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móàcpov.
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amıévai mpos aùròv kal peréyew rijs kows Toîs
er E e ` a
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> f 3 lg “~
dvrekýpvćav amró tiwvos Úļmàoð mýpyov ròv Bovàć-

` m~ 2
pEVOV LETA TOÔ peydàov Paoidéws kal Onfaiwv
? m ` GA
eAevhepoĝy Toùs “EħMnvas kai karaàúew ròv Ths
A 2
6 “EAMdõos rúpavvov mapıévai rpòs aùrovs. őðev
3 d `

Aàégavõpos meprañyùs yevópevos eis ómrepßád-

kd X ~

ovoav opyņv mpoñÀbev kal madon Tıpwpia Toùs

l a Ea e
Onßaiovs pereàbeîv čkpwev. oĝros uèv ov àro-
4 ~ ` la
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£ A KA h]
cvveorýoaTto kai TAa mpòs ròv kivõvvov mape-
OKEVAČETO.
142

BOOK XVII. 9. 3-6

of Philip’s campaigns who had hardly experienced a 8335/4 s.c.

single reverse. This was the army on the skill and
loyalty of which he relied to overthrow the Persian
empire. Ifthe Thebans had yielded to the situation
and had asked the Macedonians for peace and an
alliance, the king would have accepted their proposals
with pleasure and would have conceded everything
they asked, for he was eager to be rid of these dis-
turbances in Greece so that he might without dis-
traction pursue the war with Persia.

Finally, however, he realized that he was despised
by the Thebans, and so decided to destroy the city
utterly and by this act of terror take the heart out
of anyone else who might venture to rise against him.
He made his forces ready for battle, then announced
through a herald that any of the Thebans who
wished might come to him and enjoy the peace which
was common to all the Greeks. In response, the
Thebans with equal spirit proclaimed from a high
tower that anyone who wished to join the Great King
and Thebes in freeing the Greeks* and destroying the
tyrant of Greece should come over to them. This
epithet stung Alexander. He flew into a towering
rage and declared that he would pursue the The-
bans with the extremity of punishment. Raging in
his heart, he set to constructing siege engines and
to preparing whatever else was necessary for the at-
tack.

1 Plutarch, Alexander, 11. 4. That is, according to the
terms of the Peace of Antalcidas (Xenophon, Hellenica, 5. 1.
31). In asimilar manner, the Athenians had appealed to the
Greeks against Sparta in the decree of Aristoteles setting up
the so-called Second Athenian League (317 B.c.; SIG 147).

1 So Hultzsch : mapeîvar.
143

DIODORUS OF SICILY

10. Oi 8’ "Enves nvvÂðavóuevoi Tò péyebos T&v
nepil roùs Onfaiovs rwôúvæwv évopópovv èri raîs
npooĝokwpévais mepi aùrÕv ovupopaits, où Ùv Bo-
nev y èróàpwv TÅ móet Öà TÒ MponTeTrÕS Kat
dßoúàws eis ópodoyovuévyv amóàciav éavTův ðe-

2 Swkévar. ol è Onfaîoi Taîs èv eùroàuiars mpo-
Oóuws áveðéyovro roùs kwĝúvovs, pýpais É Tiot
udávrewv kal lev onpeiois Ņropotvro.

Ilpôrov pèv yàp êv TÔ Ts AýunrTpos iep® Àe-
nrTòv ápáxvņs üßaoud Tı ðranereraopévov wpON, TÒ
uèv uéyeĝos čyov iparíov, kýkàw ðè mepipavov

3 lpw TÌ kar’ oùpavòv orkvîav. mept o TÒ pèv êv
Acàġoîs ypnorýpiov čðwrev aùroîs róvðe ròv
xpnopóv'

a lg m A ’ m
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a L
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TÒ Õè mdrpiov rÔv Onfaiwv uavreîov roôrov éé-
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ioròs úßaivóuevos &AÀ\w kakóv, dÀÀw duewov.

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úm aùrv è tův ëhoðov roô Paociàéws oi karà
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Tùv ayopàav dvõpiavres éġávnoav iðpõras apıév-
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ma 7
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wvv adiévar, T) è Aipky karda tTùv èmihpdáverav
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` Kal 3 ~ LA e e > ` 1
ôe rov ek Aeàdôv unvúovres ri ò aro Dwréwv
144

BOOK XVII. 10. 1-5

10. Elsewhere in Greece, as people learned the 385/4 s.c.

seriousness of the danger hanging over the Thebans,
they were distressed at their expected disaster but
had no heart to help them, feeling that the city by
precipitate and ill-considered action had consigned
itself to evident annihilation. In Thebes itself, how-
ever, men äccepted their risk willingly and with good
courage, but they were puzzled by certain sayings of
prophets and portents of the gods.

First there was the light spider’s web in the temple
of Demeter which was observed to have spread itself
out to the size of an himation, and which all about
shone iridescent like a rainbow in the sky. About
this, the oracle at Delphi gave them the response :

“ The gods to mortals all have sent this sign ;
To the Boeotians first, and to their neighbours.”

The ancestral oracle of Thebes itself had given this
response :

“ The woven web is bane to one, to one a boon.”

This sign had occurred three months before Alex-
ander’s descent on the city, but at the very moment
of the king’s arrival the statues in the market place
were seen to burst into perspiration and be covered
with great drops of moisture. More than this, people
reported to the city officials that the marsh at On-
chestus was emitting a sound very like a bellow, while
at Dircê a bloody ripple ran along the surface of the
water. Finally, travellers coming from Delphi told
how the temple which the Thebans had dedicated

145

DIODORUS OF SICILY

vaós, ôv ðpúcavro Onßator, huarwpévny ëxwv Tù
opodiv ópârat. i , , ,

Oi dè émi! rhv TÕv onpeiwv Òrdrprow doyoñov-
uevoi oņpaivew épacav TÒ pèv üpaopa beðv árò
Tis móàews ywpiopóv, TÒ Ôe rìs ipiðos xpõpa
TpayLATÆV TOKOV XEUŐVA, TOV ðe TÕV åvõpt-
dvræv ipðra Únmeppdàdovoav kakordðeav, Tò È
èv nÀeloot Tómois hawõuevov alpa póvov modùv
6 karà Tv mów egópevov. ovveßovðàevov oðv tõv
Oev havepôs onpawóvrwv Tv Ecopévny Ti Tóc
ovuhopàv pů ovykaraßaiveiw eis TÒ ĉia páxNs
kpivew Tòv móàepov, érépav è idàvow Enreîv ĉia
Adywv doħaàecorépav. ,

Où ùv ot O®nfaToi ye raîs pvyaîs ¿pañakúvovrto,
roùvavriov è Toîs Îvupoîs mpoayhévres dvepipvn-
akov &ÀÀńàovs Tùv èv Aeúrrtpois eùnpepiav kai TÕV
dwr mapardécwv èv als Îavpaorðs rais iðiais
àvõpayaðiíaıs daveàmiorovs vikas TeEptETOýOaVTO.
oi èv ov Qnfatoi Toîs mapaorýuaocw dvòðperðtTepov
LĜâov Ñ) ppoviuwTepov ypnodpevoi Tpoémtecov els
mdavõnņuov tis matpiðos dÀcbpov.

11. “O è Bacıdeùs èv trpio Taîs mdoas huépars
éroipacdpevos? Tà mpòs Tùv mToopkiav tàs vvd-

1 The manuscripts are unanimous in reading èri here and
in chap. 94. 4, where we should rather expect repi (Books
2. 40.43; 17. 99. 5), and editors have tended to correct ac-
cordingly.

2 So Dindorf: éroruaoduevos Tà mpos Tùv moàopkiav kal
Tràs Ôvvápes Seiero Tv orpariav RX ; éroruacdpevos mpòs Tùv
noàopkiav tàs uvapers reiÀero Tiv otpatıdy F.,

1 The naos at Delphi was the great temple of Apollo which
was under construction in the period 360-330 s.c. The

146

BOOK XVII. 10. 5—11. 1

from the Phocian spoils was observed to have blood- 335/4 B.C.

stains on its roof.

Those who made a business of interpreting such
portents stated that the spider web signified the
departure of the gods from the city, its iridescence
meant a storm of mixed troubles, the sweating of the
statues was the sign of an overwhelming catastrophe,
and the appearance of blood in many places foretold
a vast slaughter throughout the city. They pointed
out that the gods were clearly predicting disaster for
the city and recommended that the outcome of the
war should not be risked upon the battlefield, but that
a safer solution should be sought for in conversations.

Still the Thebans’ spirits were not daunted. On
the contrary they were so carried away with enthusi-
asm that they reminded one another of the victory
at Leuctra and of the other battles where their own
fighting qualities had won unhoped for victories to
the astonishment of the Greek world. They indulged
their nobility of spirit bravely rather than wisely, and
plunged headlong into the total destruction of their
country.

11. Now the king in the course of only three days
made everything ready for the assault. He divided

epigraphical record is assembled by E. Bourguet in the
Fouilles de Delphes, 3. 5 (1932). Much was done in 346 in
the archonship of Damoxenus, “ when peace was established,”
and there were Theban naopoioi in that year, along with
many others. The Thebans had taken a hand in plundering
the Phocians after Philip’s victory, and the Phocians were
obligated to make annual payments to restore what they had
borrowed from the sanctuary (Book 16. 60. 2). But there is
otherwise no suggestion that Phocian funds were applied to
the temple construction, and it is quite certain that the
Thebans themselves did not build or rebuild or dedicate the
temple of Apollo.

147

DIODORUS OF SICILY

l LA ` ` 4 a
ueis Õieiàero eis Tpia pépn kat TO pév Tois xapa-
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kúuacı TOS mpPÒ TÜS TÖÀEWS KATEOKEVAOUÉVOLS
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ovvioraro. ol èv yàp Makreðóves ða rò mAÑOos
m~ > m~ £ ` 2 A z A
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cwuáTwv pópas Únepéyovres kal rToîs év rToîs
yvuvaciois ovveyéoiw abàýpacw, črt è TÔ mapa-
z. ~ a a
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148

BOOK XVII. 11. 1-5

his forces into three parts and ordered one to attack 3835/4 s.c.

the palisades which had been erected before the city,
the second to face the Theban battle line, and the
third as a reserve to support any hard pressed unit of
his forces and to enter the battle in its turn. For their
part, the Thebans stationed the cavalry within the
palisades, assigned their enfranchised slaves, along
with refugees and resident aliens, to face those who
drove at the walls, and themselves made ready to
fight before the city with the Macedonian force about
the king which was many times their number. Their
children and wives flocked to the temples ánd implored
the gods to rescuę the city from its dangers.

When the Macedonians approached and each divi-
sion encountered the opposing force of Thebans, the
trumpets blew the call to arms and the troops on both
sides raised the battle cry in unison and hurled their
missiles at the enemy. These were soon expended and
all turned to the use of the sword at close quarters, and
a mighty struggle ensued. The Macedonians exerted
a force that could hardly be withstood because of the
numbers of their men and the weight of the phalanx,
but the Thebans were superior in bodily strength and
in their constant training in the gymnasium. Still
more, in exaltation of spirit they were lifted out of
themselves and became indifferent to personal danger.
Many were wounded in both armies and not a few
fell facing the blows of the enemy. The air was filled
with the roar of fighters locked in the struggle, moans
and shouts and exhortations: on the Macedonian
side, not to be unworthy of their previous exploits,

1 Fischer suggests xal yoveîs after yvvaîkes (cp. chap. 13. 6
and Book 18. 22. 4, 24. 2).
149

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Baiois u) mepuðeîv rékva kal yvvaîkas kat’ yoveîs
únèp avõparoðiopo? kivðvuvevovras kal T)V naTpiða
mavoikiov nò roùs Mareðóvwv bvupoùs úroreoot-
cav, uvnolfvar è tjs èv Aecúkrpois kai év Mav-
twvelgq páxs? kat trv mapà nâoi nepipoýrwv
avõðpayaĵņuárwv. émi moàùv uèv ov ypóvov
ioópporos v ) páx Šia Thv Úreppoàv ris trôv
aywviouévwv &vòðpeias.

12. Merà òè rara ð '`Adéfavðpos ópðv roùs
èv Onfalovs éroipws únèp tis devhepias ayw-
viouévovs tovs è Makeðóvas káuvovras Ti paxn
nmpocérače roùs mi Ts êßeðpias Terayuévovs ĝia-
céfachaı ròv ayva. oi èv oĝv Mareðóves dġvw
mpooreoóvres roîs Onyfaiois rarakórois Bapeîs
2 ênékewTo TOIS moÀeuiois kal ToÀÀoùs avýpovv. où
uv ot Onpaîor rs virns èteywpovv, Toùvavriov
òè TÅ didotiuig mpoayhévres mdvrwv tÔv Sewôv
kateppõvovv. ml rocoto è raîs avôðpayaliaıs
mpoéßnoav wore Bov rı Mareðéves ópooyoðow
Hrrovs eîvae Onfaiwv, kal rôv wv nmdádvrwv
ciwhórwv év raîs ıaðoyaîs TÔv moňeplwv Seðiévar
Toùs dkepaiovs TÕv edeðpevóvrwv oĝrot uóvot TóTe
Opacúrepotr mpòs roùs kıvõúvovs úrñpćav, ô® oi
nmoàépioi ciaðoyv eéémeuav rois KkatTanovovpé-
vois Úrò tis kakonrabeias.

'Avvneppàńrov è rs didoriulas ywouévns ó
Paocideùs kKaravońoas rwa nmvàlða kKaradeàeiu-
pévnv rò rôv dvàdkrwv efanéoreiie Iepõikkav
HETA otpariwrÂv ikavâôv karañaßéobat raúryv kal

1 yuvaîkas kal added by Radermacher.

2 R. Laqueur (Hermes, 86 (1958), 261 f.) would explain
the singular páyņs by referring to chap. 10. 6 above: Dio-
150

BOOK XVII. 11. 5—12. 3

and on the Theban, not to forget children and wives 885/4 z.c.

and parents threatened with slavery and their every
household lying exposed to the fury of the Macedo-
nians, and to remember the battles of Leuctra and of
Mantineia and the glorious deeds which were house-
hold words throughout Greece. So for a long time
the battle remained evenly poised because of the
surpassing valour of the contestants.

12. At length Alexander saw that the Thebans
were still fighting unflinchingly for their freedom, but
that his Macedonians were wearying in the battle,
and ordered his reserve division to enter the struggle.
As this suddenly struck the tired Thebans, it bore
heavily against them and killed many. Still the
Thebans did not concede the victory, but on the con-
trary, inspired by the will to win, despised all dangers.
They had the courage to shout that the Macedonians
now openly confessed to being their inferiors. Under
normal circumstances, when an enemy attacks in
relays, it is usual for soldiers to fear the fresh strength
of the reinforcements, but the Thebans alone then
faced their dangers ever more boldly, as the enemy
sent against them new troops for those whose strength
flagged with weariness.

So the Theban spirit proved unshakable here, but
the king took note of a postern gate that had been
deserted by its guards and hurried Perdiccas with a
large detachment of troops to seize it and penetrate

dorus’s source referred to only one battle, and Diodorus added

Mantineia.
151

DIODORUS OF SICILY

4 maperoneoeîy eis T) TmOÀAwW. ToÚrtTov Õe Tayů TÒ
nmpocraylhèv morýoavros ot èv Mareðóves dia rhs
nvuàiðos maperoérecov eis Thv mów, oi ĝe Onpator
katanenrovņnkóres uv Tv nmpæryv hdàayya TÕv
Maxesðóvav, davriraylhévres ©’ eùpworws T ðevrépa
eùéAmbes hoav mept rs vikns’ os è karevónoav
pépos Ts móňcws kareànupévov, eùbùs aveyæpn-
5 cav évròs TÕv reyÕðv. dpa Öè TOÚTOLS MpaTTO-
pévois ot èv rv OnBaiwv inmrmeîs ópoíws rToîs
meķoîs ovvérpeyov eis TÙůV TÖÀw kal ToAÀoùs èv
rõv ilav ovunaroðvres Õıépleipov, aùrol &è
TETrapaypévws eloimrmevov eis Thv mów, v &è Taîs
Õreédðois kal rdøpois roîs olkeloris ÖTÀoS mepi-
mintrovres èreàeúrwv. ot è rùv Kaôpeiav pov-
poîvres êkyvlévres èk tis akporóàcews anmývrTwv
Toîs Onfaiois kai rerapaypévois èmireoóvres modòv
Emroiouv póvov.

13. Ths è mócews roôrov ròv tpõrov karaa-
Pavopévns modai kal moikiàat mepioráoeis èvròs
TÕv Teyðv èyivovro. ot èv yàp Marxeðóves Sià
Tv ómepnhaviev roô kypúyparos mikpórepov %
ToàekóTepov mpocehépovro roîs @yfalois kal
perà Tos åmeðñs émipepópevor Toîs YTuyNKóov
ades dvýpovv mávraşs roùs mepirvyyávovras.
2o è Onfaîor rò dıdeňeúbepov ris yvyis ŝa-
pvàdrrovres rocoðrov areîyov roô hidotwewv dor
év raîŭs dmavrýoeoi ovurÀékeobat kal tàs mapà
TÕv nodeulwv emorâochai nànyás’ éaňwkulas yàp
Ts móňcws ovðeis Onfaiwv éwpdðy senleis rôv
Maxeðóvwv geicachaı roô Eñv ovåè TposéTmiTTOV

1 Arrian (1. 8. 1), quoting Ptolemy, places this incident at
the beginning of the siege, before any other fighting, and
152

BOOK XVII. 12. 3—13. 2

into the city.! He quickly carried out the order and 335/4 s.c,

the Macedonians slipped through the gate into the
city, while the Thebans, having worn down the first
assault wave of the Macedonians, stoutly faced the
second and still had high hopes of victory. When
they knew that a section of the city had been taken,
however, they began immediately to withdraw within
the walls, but in this operation their cavalry galloped
along with the infantry into the city and trampled
upon and killed many of their own men ; they them-
selves rode into the city in disorder and, encountering
a maze of narrow alleys and trenches, lost their footing
and fell and were killed by their own weapons. At
the same time the Macedonian garrison in the Cad-
meia burst out of the citadel, engaged the Thebans,
and attacking them in their confusion made a great
slaughter among them.?

13. So while the city was being taken, many and
varied were the scenes of destruction within the walls.
Enraged by the arrogance of the Theban proclama-
tion, the Macedonians pressed upon them more furi-
ously than is usual in war, and shrieking curses flung
themselves on the wretched people, slaying all whom
they met without sparing any. The Thebans, for their
part, clinging desperately to their forlorn hope of
victory, counted their lives as nothing and when they
met a foeman, grappled with him and drew his blows
upon themselves. In the capture of the city, no
Theban was seen begging the Macedonians to spare
his life, nor did they in ignoble fashion fall and cling

says that Perdiccas acted on his own initiative. He may have
tried to repeat the manœuvre at Halicarnassus (chap. 25. 5).
As later, he was presumably in command of one of the six
battalions of the phalanx.
2 Plutarch, Alegander, 11. 5.
153

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 roîs TÕv kparoúvrwv yóvaow dayevvðs. dÀŇX? oùTe
TÒ TS aperis ndhos Nàceîro mapa roîs moeulois
OÙTE TÒ TS HUEÉpaAS IKOS ÑPKEL TPOS TV ØUÖTNTA
TS Tıuwpias, tâoa è Y mös ékeßopeîro maðiwv
óuoî kal maphévwv éÀkopévwv kal TÒ TÑS TEKOŬVONS
oiktpòv êmıPowuévwv õvopa.

Kabódov’ è rõv orkwv ovv das tTaîs ovyyevelais
ápračouévwv mávðņpos Úrpxe Tis móňews avðpa-
4 moðiouós. Ttv è únodeàciupévwv Onfalwv ot
pėv kaTaTeTpwp evot TA ocwpaTa kal Arobvyotvres
guvenÀékovro ToÎs moàepiots, ouvanobvýoKkovTes T
rÕv èylpõv darmwàcig, ot Sè kàdoparı óparos
epeiðóuevot ovvývrwv Toîs mihepopévois kal ŝi-
aywvičópevot Tòv ÜorTaTov AyÕva TpoeTipwV TÙV
5 éàevbepiav ts owrnpias. modot è dóvov yevo-
pévov kal TÑS TÓÀcwsS kard mdávra tTóTov vekpôv
mÀnpovuévys oùk Ñv ortis av oùk àv NÀéNoe ràs
Túyas trÕv akàņnpoúvrwv. rat yap rÔv ‘Edńvæwv
Ocomieîs kai Iarareis, ére © 'Opyouévioi Kai
Tives QÀAÀoL TÕv dÀdoTtpiws ĝiareruévwv mpòs Toùs
Onßaiíovs ovorparevóuevot TÔ Bacıiàe? ovveicére-
oov? eis Tv mów kal rv idiav čyOpav èv roîs TÔv
YTVXNkőTÆV AKÀANpýpacwv vaneðeikvuvro.

Aiò kal mdy mod ral ĝewà karà tùv mów
ópâôv v ywópeva: “Enves yàp úp ‘EdMúvwæv
dvņnàceðs dvņpoûvro kal ovyyeveîs Úrò rv karà
yévos mpooņnkóvrwv ßoveðovro, uņðepiav èvrporňv
tis ópoßóvov ĝiaňékrov mapeyouévns. réìos Šè
Tis vurròs êmxaraňapoðons at uèv oikia Šinp-
máyņoav, rékva è kal yvvaîkes kal ol yeynpakóres
eis Tà lepà karamepevyóres perà TÑS EOxáTNS
úppews anmýyovrto.

154

BOOK XVII. 13. 2—6

to the knees of their conquerors. But neither did the 335/4 s.c.

agony of courage elicit pity from the foe nor did the
day’s length suffice for the cruelty of their vengeance.
All the city was pillaged. Everywhere boys and girls
were dragged into captivity as they wailed piteously
the names of their mothers.

In sum, households were seized with all their mem-
bers, and the city’s enslavement was complete. Of
the men who remained, some, wounded and dying,
grappled with the foe and were slain themselves as
they destroyed their enemy ; others, supported only
by a shattered spear, went to meet their assailants
and, in their supreme struggle, held freedom dearer
than life. As the slaughter mounted and every
corner of the city was piled high with corpses, no one
could have failed to pity the plight of the unfortu-
nates. For even Greeks—Thespians, Plataeans and
Orchomenians and some others hostile to the The-
bans who had joined the king in the campaign +—
invaded the city along with him and now demon-
strated their own hatred amid the calamities of the
unfortunate victims.

So it was that many terrible things befell the city.
Greeks were mercilessly slain by Greeks, relatives
were butchered by their own relatives, and even a
common dialect induced no pity. In the end, when
night finally intervened, the houses had been plun-
dered and children and women and aged persons who
had fled into the temples were torn from sanctuary
and subjected to outrage without limit.

1 Justin (11. 3. 8) names Phocians, Plataeans, Thespians,
and Orchomenians; Plutarch (Alexander, 11. 5) and Arrian
(1. 8. 8), Phocians and Plataeans only.

1 So Rhodoman ;: xaĝóàwv. 2 So Hertlein : ovvéreoov.

155

DIODORUS OF SICILY

14. Tôv õè Onfaiwv dvnpéhnoav èv rèp tToùs
éćakıoyıÀlovs, atyudàwra è cwopara cvvýxyðn
nÀàciw rÕv Tpopvpiwv, ypnudTwv è dmorov nAÑ-
bos Seepophin.

“O è Bacıdeds rods pèr Treàcurhoavras rõv Ma-
keðóvwv éla e, mÀciovs õvras TÕV TMEVTAKOCIWV,
` ` ld A e 2 X. 3? l
Toùs è ovvéðpovs rv “EMývwv ovvayayæav èré-
Tpepe TÔ kow ovveðpiw næs ypnoréov TÅ móde
A ld lá ky la M >?

2 rv Onfaiíwv. mporebeions ov Bovàñs trv aà-
Àotpiws Õiakeruévwv roîs Onpaiois riwwès èreyel-
povv ovußpovàeðew draparrýrois Tiuwpiais etv
mepißadeîv aùroús, ameðcikvvov © aùroùs Tà TÔV
2 2 A ~ e 2 bi
Papßdpwv meġpovņkóras karà rôv ‘EňMývæv: kal
yàp èrl Zépéov ovupayoðvras roîs Iépoais srpa-
F: ` ~ e lA ` ld m~ e £
Tevrévar kata tis ‘EAàdõos xal uóvovs rôv ‘EA-
vwv œs eùepyéras Tıuâchar mapà roîs Bacidefoi
rõv Ilepoðv kai mpò rv Paciàéwv tois mpec-
3 Peúovor rôv Onfaiwv riheohaı Opóvovs. mTodàà Sè
kal Àa roraðra SeeÀlóvres mapÕčvvav tràs Tv
ovvéðpwv Ņļvyàs karà rôv Onfaiwv ral mépas
3
epnhiocavro tv èv nów karaokdiat, roùs &
> À lA 3 8 ld 8 A ô ` Ið "~
aixuañwrTovs anoðóolar, roùs è puydðas rv Ony-

+ s m~
Baiwv aywyipovs úrdpyeiw èé ándons rs ‘Edd-
os kal unõéva rôv ‘Edúvwv óroðéyecðar Onßatov.

e A m
40 Òe Pacideùs dkoovbðws rÅ roô ovveðpiov yvóun

` La
Tv uèv tów karaokdpas moàùv ènéornoe póßov
Tots dhiorauévois tôv ‘EMývav, roùs © aiyua-
lA
ÀdrTovs Aaduporwàńoas ŅOporsev åpyvpiov ráňavra
TETPAKÓCLA kal TEGCApáKOVTA.

1 The figures of the Theban losses are not elsewhere re-
ported, and W. W. Tarn (Cambridge Ancient History, 6. 356)
regarded the second as conventional, referring to the figure

156

BOOK XVII. 14. 1-4

14. Over six thousand Thebans perished, more than 335/4 s.c.

thirty thousand were captured, and the amount of
property plundered was unbelievable.:

The king gave burial to the Macedonian dead, more
than five hundred in number, and then calling a
meeting of the representatives of the Greeks put
before the common council the question what should
be done with the city of the Thebans. When the
discussion was opened, certain men who were hostile
to the Thebans began to recommend that they
should be visited with the direst penalties, and they
pointed out that they had taken the side of the bar-
barians against the Greeks. For in the time of
Xerxes they had actually joined forces with the Per-
sians and campaigned against Greece, and alone of
the Greeks were honoured as benefactors by the
Persian kings, so that the ambassadors of the Thebans
were seated on thrones set in front of the kings. They
related many other details of similar tenor and so
aroused the feelings of the council against the The-
bans that it was finally voted to raze the city, to sell
the captives, to outlaw the Theban exiles from all
Greece, and to allow no Greek to offer shelter to a The-
ban. The king, in accordance with the decree of the
council, destroyed the city, and so presented possible
rebels among the Greeks with a terrible warning. By
selling off the prisoners he realized a sum of four
hundred and forty talents of silver.?

given by Arrian (2. 24. 5) after the capture of Tyre; but in
that case Diodorus (chap. 46. 4) gives 13,000. Diodorus
(with Justin) omits the picturesque story of Timocleia, which
would not have interested Arrian. It is given by Plutarch
(Alexander, 12).

2 The same figure appears in a fragment of Cleitarchus
(Athenaeus, 4. 148 d-f; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen

157

DIODORUS OF SICILY

15. Merà òè rara cis ràs Alvas tanréorerde
Toùs éarrýoovras TÕv pyrópwv éka roùs kar
aùToî meroùrevuévovs, v únipyov êmpavéorarot
Aņnuoolévns kai Avkoðpyos. ovvayðeioņs ov èk-
kàņoias kal rv mpeoßevrôv ecicayhévrwv eis rò

A e `Y ~ > Fa m~ 2 ? bi
nÀñbos ó èv Õfpos dkoúsas rÕv Àdywv eis Toààùv
aywviav kai dnopiav èvéreoev. pa pèv yàp
y ` m~ ? > ’ A KA hS h
Eomevðe TÒ TÅS móews déiwpa rnpeîv, dpa sè ŝià

p £ S lA kd ? y h
Tiv Onpaiwv dmódceiav ekrerànypévos rò Sewòv
mepipopos ralerorýrer, vovðeroúpevos roîs rôv
TÀNTLoxöpwv ATVXÁLAOCL.

pi AÀ ~ à ` À t lA ` ~ ? 1

o\ÀÕv ÒE Aoywv yivouévwv kata thv èkkànoiav
Dwkiwv èv ó ypyorós, dvrTiToÀTEevóueEvosS ToîS
ÁJ a
mepi röv Anpochévyv, pn Seõv rods éfarrovuévovs
z
ppýoachðat ràs Aew kópas kai tràs ‘YarwhÂas
kai Tòv Îdvartov ékovolws Ýropeîvar veka TOÔ uN-

A > Z m
ev davýreorov malev tùv marpiða kal rùv åvav-

ld ~
piav kal Serdiav wvelðike TÕv uù Bovàouévæv Úrėp

~ + ~ m~ ~ A
Ths módews reàevrâv: ó Sè fuos rorov uèv roîs
z JEt
Oopúßois éééßBade, mpoodvrws droúwv roùs Àóyovs.
+ $ 1
3 Anuoolévovs è Àdyov medpovriouévov Šreàbóvros
e Cal 3 Ea A
ô òñuos eis ovundleav rôv dvõpôv mpoayhels
` D
pavepòs v owtew Povàóuevos roùs ävõðpas.
kd ` m~ m
Eri redeuris è Anudòns, mererouévos órò tÂÔv
` LA e
mept Anpochévyv, œs hacı, mévre traàdvrois àp-

1 So Wesseling: Aewrópas.

no E e a
Historiker, no. 137, F 1), but applying to the total wealth
found in the city. This would be a rate of 88 drachmae a
head for 30,000 slaves. Tarn suggests 8000, which would
make the average price 330 drachmae, but there is no real
evidence for the price of slaves at this time (W. L. Wester-
mann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity

158

BOOK XVII. 15. 1-3

15. After this he sent men to Athens to demand 835/4 s.c.

the surrender of ten political leaders who had op-
posed his interest, the most prominent of whom were
Demosthenes and Lycurgus. So an assembly was
convened and the ambassadors were introduced, and
after they had spoken, the people were plunged into
deep distress and perplexity. They were anxious to
uphold the honour of their city but at the same time
they were stunned with horror at the destruction of
Thebes and, warned by the calamities of their neigh-
bours, were alarmed in face of their own danger.

After many had spoken in the assembly, Phocion,
the “ Good,” who was opposed to the party of Demos-
thenes, said that the men demanded should remember
the daughters of Leôs and Hyacinthus ? and gladly
endure death so that their country would suffer no
irremediable disaster, and he inveighed against the
faint-heartedness and cowardice of those who would
not lay down their lives for their city. The people
nevertheless rejected his advice and riotously drove
him from the stand, and when Demosthenes delivered
a carefully prepared discourse, they were carried
away with sympathy for their leaders and clearly
wished to save them.

In the end, Demades, influenced, it is reported, by
a bribe of five silver talents from Demosthenes’s sup-

(1955), 28). Plutarch (Alexander, 11. 6) and Arrian (1. 9. 10)
report that Alexander spared the house of Pindar.

1 This number is given by Plutarch (Demosthenes, 23. 3) as
from Idomeneus and Duris, but he thinks eight rather, whom
he names.

2 The Attic hero Leôs sacrificed his daughters to avert
danger to the city ; so also Erechtheus, whose name may lie
behind the unknown Hyacinthus. Cp. Lycurgus, C. Leocr.
98-99; Demades, Duod. Ann. 37; Aeschines, C. Ctes. 161;
Plutarch, Phocion, 17. See Addenda.

159

DIODORUS OF SICILY

yupiov, ouveßoúñeve èv oúģew Toùs kivðvvevovrtas,
mapavéyvw è pýħiopa yeypappévov hioréyvws"
nepieîye yàp Tmapairnow rv åvðpõv kal èray-
yeàlav roô koàdlew karà roùs vópovs, àv ow
4 dérot Tipwpias. ó pèv ov Ôfjpos daroðeéduevos
ùv èrivorav roô Anudõov ró Te pýhiopa kúpwoe
kal ròv Aņnudsnv peb’ érépwv ànéorerde npeoßevriv
npòs ròv acıiàéa, Sods évroàùv kai mepi rÕv Oq-
Baiwv puydðwv dfrðoar ròv 'Adéfavðpov ovyxyw-
poar T® Šńuw roùs mepevyóras OnPaiovs ro-
5 ôéyeolar. ó è Anudõns mpeoßeúoas kal th ToÔ
Àóyov ewóryrTi mdvra katepyacápevos čmeLoE TV
’ AAéÉavõpov aroddoar roùs åvõpas TÕv èykàņnupdtTwv
kal rAÀAÀa ndvra ovyywpoat rois ` Alnvaiors.

16. Merà è rara ó pèv Pacıdeùs raveàbwv
uerà tis Svváuews eis Thv Marxeðoviav ovvýyaye
Toùs hyepóvas TÖV OTpPaTLWTÕV KaL TOÙS ALoÀoyw-
rdrovs tÕv piàwv kat mpoéðnke Bovàiw mepi trĝs
eis rùv ° Aciav ĝiaßdoews, nóre xp) otpareðew kal
2 rivi Tpórw yepioréov Tv móÀcpov. TÖV Õè mepi
Tòv `Avrirarpov kai Tlappeviwva ovufovàevóvrwv
npórepov nmaðororýocachat kat TóTE Tos TNÀAKOŬ-
Tois èyyerpeîv épyois, Öpaortikòs ©v Kal npòsS TĜTAV
npdáčews dvaßoàńv dorpíws Õıakeiuevos dvreîne
roúrois’ aioypòv yàp Úrmdpyew drepaivero TÒV
úno tris ‘Eddõos hyeuóva kabeorauévov roô ro-
Àéuov kal TATpPIKAS AVIKÝTOVS ÕVVÁMELS TApELAN-
öra kabłĝoðbaı yduovs émireàoðvra kat Tékvwv
3 yevéoeis dvapévovra. Šðdéas ov aùroùs mepi Toĵ
1 Justin (11. 4. 9-12) adds that the exiled Athenian leaders

went off to Persia, and Arrian (1. 10. 6) speaks particularly of
Charidemus, while failing to mention the part played in this

160

BOOK XVII. 15. 3—16. 3

porters, counselled them to save those whose lives 3385/4 s.c.

were threatened, and read a decree that had been
subtly worded. It contained a plea for the men and
a promise to impose the penalty prescribed by the
law, if they deserved punishment. The people ap-
proved the suggestion of Demades, passed the decree
and dispatched a delegation including Demades as
envoys to the king, instructing them to make a plea
to Alexander in favour of the Theban fugitives as
well, that he would allow the Athenians to provide a
refuge for them. On this mission, Demades achieved
all his objectives by the eloquence of his words and
prevailed upon Alexander to absolve the men from
the charges against them and to grant allsthe other
requests of the Athenians.?

16. Thereupon the king returned with his army to
Macedonia, assembled his military commanders and
his noblest Friends and posed for discussion the plan
for crossing over to Asia. When should the campaign
be started and how should he conduct the war?
Antipater and Parmenion advised him to produce an
heir first and then to turn his hand to so ambitious an
enterprise, but Alexander was eager for action and
opposed to any postponement, and spoke against
them. It would be a disgrace, he pointed out, for one
who had been appointed by Greece to command the
war, and who had inherited his father’s invincible
forces, to sit at home celebrating a marriage and
awaiting the birth of children.? He then proceeded

embassy by Demades. Plutarch (Alexander, 13) states that
Alexander was moved by his own clemency. The mission
of Demades is described by Plutarch, Demosthenes, 23. 5.

2 This incident is not mentioned by Justin or Arrian, or by
Plutarch in the Alexander, but is given in the Demosthenes,
23. 5.

VOL. VIII G 161

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ovupépovros kal mapopuńýoas ià trv Àðywv mpos
Toùs dyðvas voias peyañorpenreis roîs Îeoîs ovv-
eréàccev ev Aiw ris Makeðovias ral okyvixoùs
åyôðvas Aıl kaiè Moúoas, os `Apyéàaos ő mpo-
4 Baoicúoas mpôros karéðeiče. rùův è mavýyvpw
e$’ hpépas vvéa ovveréàeoev, ékdorn rv Movoðv
eravupov huépav àvaðeićas. okyviv è kara-
okevacdpevos ékarovrákwov ToÚs TE QiÀovs kal
roùs hyeuðvas ëtt è roùs aro rÕv móňewv mpé-
opeis mapédaßev mi tv eùwyiav. Àaurpaîs ĝè
mapackevaîs ypnoduevos kat ToÀÀoùs èv éoTid-
cas, mdon Sè rH uvduer rados iepeîa kat TAAÀa
Tà mpos Tv ecùwyiav davýkovra mpocavéaße Tò
otparóreðov.

17. Er’ àpxyovros © ’Abúývyoi Kryoidéovs ‘Po-
paîot èv úrdrovs katréorņnoav [diov Lovàrikiov
kai Aevkiov Ilaripiov. ’Adétavðpos è perà Ts
vváuews mopevheis mi ròv “Edýorovrov ĉefi-
Baoe rv Súvauıw èk ts Eùpømns eis tv °Aciav.
2 aùròs è uarpaîs vavoiv éčńýkovra kararÀcúoas
npòs Thv Tpwdða yæpav npõôros rv Mareóvwv
ámò ris vews Ņkóvrioe uèv TÒ Sópv, mýéas & eis
TÀv yiv kal aùròs darò ris vews dpadàóuevos mapà
rôv Îeðv dnrepaivero Tùv °Aciav Séyeolar Sopikty-
3 rov. Kal toùs èv rapovs tTÕv hpowv Axyıàéws
Te kal Atlavros kai TÕv dÀAÀwv êvayiopacı kal Toîs
dÀdois Toîs mpòs eùðokiav dvýkovow èriunoev,

2? Arrian (1. 11. 1), after mentioning the sacrifice to Olym-
pian Zeus, adds: ““ others say that he held games in honour of

the Muses.” That is to say, this was not mentioned by
Ptolemy or (probably) Aristobulus, Arrian’s primary sources.

162

BOOK XVII. 16. 3—17. 3

to show them where their advantage lay and by
appeals aroused their enthusiasm for the contests
which lay ahead. He made lavish sacrifices to the
gods at Dium in Macedonia and held the dramatic
contests in honour of Zeus and the Muses which
Archelaüs, one of his predecessors, had instituted.!
He celebrated the festival for nine days, naming each
day after one of the Muses. He erected a tent to
hold a hundred couches ? and invited his Friends and
officers, as well as the ambassadors from the cities, to
the banquet. Employing great magnificence, he
entertained great numbers in person besides dis-
tributing to his entire force sacrificial animals and
all else suitable for the festive occasion, and put his
army in a fine humour.

17. When Ctesicles was archon at Athens, the Ro-
mans elected as consuls Gaius Sulpicius and Lucius
Papirius.* Alexander advanced with his army to the
Hellespont and transported it from Europe to Asia.
He personally sailed with sixty fighting ships to the
Troad, where he flung his spear from the ship and
fixed it in the ground,* and then leapt ashore himself
the first of the Macedonians, signifying that he re-
ceived Asia from the gods as a spear-won prize. He
visited the tombs of the heroes Achilles, Ajax, and
the rest and honoured them with offerings and other

2 The size of this structure may be judged from the fact
that Agathocles’s Hall of the Sixty Couches was one of
the wonders of Sicily (Book 16. 83. 2). The tent accompa-
nied EAAS on his expedition (Athenaeus, 12. 538 c,
539 d).

3 Ctesicles was archon from July 334 to June 333 B.c.
Broughton (1. 138 f.) lists C. Sulpicius Longus as one of the
consuls of 337, and L. Papirius Crassus as one of the consuls
of 336. The latter is apparently repeated in chap. 29. 1.

4 Justin, il. 5. 10.

163

335/4 B.C.

334/3 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 4 ` A 3 ` a 3 À fd 8 lA
aùròs Õè rov eéeracuov Tis akoàovÂhoúons ðvvápews
akpipôðs êrorýoaro.

Eúpéðņoav è meoil Mareðóves èv uúpiot kal

+ ud ` e E lė
òoyidor, oúupayoi è émrTakioyiàor, pobodópot
òè mevrakıoyiNor, kal roórwv andvræwv Iappeviwv
4 elyce rùv hyeuoviav. °’Oôpúoai è kal Tppañdo?
Kal IAvpioi ouvykoàovlovv émrtakioyioi, Točo-

m~ N ` ~ kd lA t + er
TÖV Õè kal TÕv `Aypıdvwv kañovpévwv yidlot, WOTE
` o
Toùs dmavras evar mečoùs tTpiouvpiovs kal ĝo-
xtÀlovs.? imneîs & únñpyov Mareðóves uèv yiňtot
’ z a
kal ôktakóoioi, PiAwrov roô Iappeviwvos ýyov-
lA bi ` l 4 kd ld KJ
pévov, @errañol è yiňMot kal òkrakóciot, Ôv
e a Can
nyero Kdàdas ó ‘Apráàov, rv è dAMAwv ‘EdMńvæv
e 2 e D a m
ot mavrtes éčakóociot, v hyeîro 'Epiyvios,? Opâres
` z
è mpõõpouor kal Iaioves èvvaróoior, Káoarðpov
y e l4 A
exovres yepõva, wore cúurTavraşs Úmápyew ín-
meîs TerpakıoyiÀlovs kat mevrakoclovs. ot pèv oĝv
3 39 lA “~
HET’ ° Adeédvõpov õraßdvres els rùv °Aclav roooô-
i ~ ka a

5 rot TÒ nÀÑbos foav. oi & èni ris Eùpórns nro-
1 ~ D

ÀcÀeruuévoi orpariðrtai, Êv 'Avrinarpos eye rùv

1 So MSS. : mevrarıoyiňor edd.
? kal &ayıÀlovs added by Fischer ; the same figure is given
by Justin, 11. 6. 2.

Ha n Wesseling (cp. chap. 57. 3 et passim): Eùpúyvios

SENEE E E E E,
i aR 11. 5. 12; Plutarch, Alevander, 15. 4; Arrian,

? Diodorus is our only source for the detailed troop list of
Alexander. Justin (11. 6. 2) gives simply 32,000 foot and
4500 horse; Plutarch (Alexander, 15. 1), 80,000-43,000 foot

164

BOOK XVII. 17. 3-5

appropriate marks of respect, and then proceeded to 334/3 v.c.

make an accurate count of his accompanying forces.
There were found to be, of infantry, twelve thou-
sand Macedonians, seven thousand allies, and five
thousand mercenaries, all of whom were under the
command of Parmenion. Odrysians, Triballians, and
Tlyrians accompanied him to the number of seven
thousand ; and of archers and the so-called Agria-
nians one thousand, making up a total of thirty-two
thousand foot soldiers. Of cavalry there were eight-
een hundred Macedonians, commanded by Philotas
son of Parmenion ; eighteen hundred Thessalians,
commanded by Callas son of Harpalus ; six hundred
from the rest of Greece under the cemmand of
Erigyius ; and nine hundred Thracian and Paeonian
scouts with Cassander in command, making a total of
forty-five hundred cavalry. These were the men
who crossed with Alexander to Asia.? The soldiers
who were left behind in Europe under the command

and 4000-5000 horse ; Arrian (1. 11.3) *‘ not much more than ”
30,000 foot and 5000 horse. Plutarch (De Fortuna aut
Virtute Alegandri, 1. 3. 327 pje) states that Aristobulus
gave 30,000 foot and 4000 horse, Ptolemy 30,000 foot and
5000 horse, and Anaximenes 43,000 foot and 5500 horse.
Plutarch (Alexander, 15. 1) adds that Alexander had with
him only seventy talents (from Aristobulus) and provisions
for thirty days (Duris), while Onesicritus stated that he was
in debt in the amount of 200 talents. It will be noted that
Diodorus’s figures for the cavalry add up to 5100, and not to
4500, as stated.

Diodorus correctly states that Philotas commanded the
Companion Cavalry and Callas the Thessalians, but Erigyius
did not get command of the Allied Cavalry until the arrest of
Alexander of Lyncestis in the winter of 334/3. “ Cassander
is a mistake, or he is otherwise unknown; Ariston com-
manded the Scouts at the Granicus and later (Berve, Alex-
anderreich, 2, nos. 138 and 302).

165

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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nyepoviav, meoil èv óripxov ópio kal ĝioyiňot,
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1 g e a `
2 So Rhodoman: inreîs 8è púpiot kal yiMot ral mevra-
LOL.

2 So MSS. : °Adegávõpov Rhodoman.
3 So edd. : drokreiver.

t êv added by Kallenbach.
166

BOOK XVII. 17. 5—18. 1

of Antipater numbered twelve thousand foot and 8334/3 s.c.

fifteen hundred horse.:

As the king began his march out of the Troad and
came to the sanctuary of Athena, the sacrificant
named Alexander noticed in front of the temple a
statue of Ariobarzanes, a former satrap of Phrygia,
lying fallen on the ground, together with some other
favourable omens that occurred. He came to the
king and affirmed that he would be victor in a great
cavalry battle and especially if he happened to fight
within the confines of Phrygia ; he added that the
king with his own hands would slay in battle a dis-
tinguished general of the enemy. Such, he said,
were the portents the gods disclosed to him, and par-
ticularly Athena who would help him in his success.

18. Alexander welcomed the prediction of the seer
and made a splendid sacrifice to Athena, dedicating
his own armour to the goddess. Then, taking the
finest of the panoplies deposited in the temple, he
put it on and used it in his first battle. And this he
did in fact decide through his own personal fighting
ability and won a resounding victory. But this did
not take place till a few days later.

1 These figures are not given elsewhere.

2 The well-known temple at IHium (Arrian, 1. 11. 7; Plu-
tarch, Alexander, 15. 4).

3 It may be that Diodorus has garbled his source; no
sacrificant Alexander is otherwise mentioned, and this may
be a mistake for Aristander (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no.
117). Ariobarzanes was satrap of Phrygia in 388-361 B.C.,
and then arrested and punished as a rebel. His statue may
have been overthrown at that time.

4 Cp. chap. 21. 2, below, and Arrian, 1. 11. 7-8, who states
that the arms were carried before him into battle. The shield
was carried by Peucestes in the assault on the citadel of the
Malli in 325 (Arrian, 6. 9. 3).

167

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Oi è rôv Ilepoðv catpdrai kal orparņyol toô
4 a A 2 s UA e Z
pèv kwdboar rv Mareðóvwv rv caßaow úoréph-
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ovvepoðicve karà orópa pèv u) rariwõvveðew, Thv
ðe yópav hleipew kai ti onmáve TÔv dvaykaiwv
etpyew roùs Mareðóvas rs eis roŭurpocðev
l EA ` A 2? ? Di
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KA ~ SA e k4 aa > lA

àpiora pèv ovvepovàcvev, ws êk TÕv drorteàecud-
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Twv èyevýĝy pavepóv, où uv ënmee roùs dAÀovs

e lg ~ ~

nyepovas, ws avdéra ovupovàcúwv rs Mepoôv

4 peyadopvyias. iðmep emkparoúons ris roô ði-

aywvieoĝatr yvøuns ofroi êv ràs mavrayólev
Òvvduers peranepfdpuevoi kal ToààarÀdoot yev-
pevor tv Mareðóvwv mpoñyov émi ®pvylas TÕS
ep ‘Edànoróvrov.! rareorparoréðevoav &è Tapa
ròv T pavkòv morapóv, npoßañdóuevoi Tò peth pov

~ EA m
TOÔ mpoerpnuévov TotTauoÎ.

19. “O è ’Adéfavðpos mvlópevos riv ovvõpouùv
rv Rapßapıxðv vvráuewv npoñye kal TÚVTOMOV
TNV mopelav mooduevos dvreorparoréðevoe roîs
Toàeuiois, wore åvà uévov pev TÕv mapeufpoi®v
ròv lpovicóv. oi èv oĝv Bápßapor tův ómóperav
kaTeÀnuuévot Thv havyiav Ñyov, kerpikóres Tois
moàeulois émbéohar karà Tv &dBaow toô mora-
poĵ: kal ĝeonacuévys tis rôv Maxeðóvwv pdàay-
yos pgðlws rporepýoew nreàdußovov èv TÌ páxN
168

BOOK XVII. 18. 2—19. 2

Meanwhile, the Persian satraps and generals had 331/3 s.c.

not acted in time to prevent the crossing of the
Macedonians,! but they mustered their forces and
took counsel how to oppose Alexander. Memnon,
the Rhodian, famed for his military competence,
advocated a policy of not fighting a pitched battle,
but of stripping the countryside and through the
shortage of supplies preventing the Macedonians
from advancing further, while at the same time they
sent naval and land forces across to Macedonia and
transferred the impact of war to Europe.? This was
the best counsel, as after-events made clear, but, for
all that, Memnon failed to win over the other com-
manders, since his advice seemed beneath the dignity
of the Persians. So they decided to fight it out, and
summoning forces from every quarter and heavily
outnumbering thé Macedonians, they advanced in
the direction of Hellespontine Phrygia. They pitched
camp by the river Granicus, using the bed of the
river as a line of defence.

19. When Alexander learned of the concentration of
the Persian forces, he advanced rapidly and encamped
opposite the enemy, so that the Granicus flowed be-
tween the encampments. The Persians, resting on
high ground, made no move, intending to fall upon
the foe as he crossed the river, for they supposed
they could easily carry the day when the Macedonian

1 The battle of the Granicus is described by Justin (11. 6.
8-13), Plutarch (Alegander, 16), and Arrian (1. 12. 6-16. 7).
A good analysis of this and Alexander’s other battles is given
by Major General J. F. C. Fuller, The Generalship of Alex-
ander the Great (1958).

2 Arrian, 1. 12. 9.

1 ‘Edànoróvrov Wesseling ; ‘EdMúýorovrov.
169

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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oùk éàdrrovs rv ðéka uvpidðwv, omiobev È’ emite-

1 mpokweîv] mpokpivew Reiske, which is certainly possible.
2 So Freinsheim (cp. chap. 34. 5; Book 15. 92. 1; Arrian,
1. 12. 8): 'Appeopiðpovs RX, Eppeopiðpovs F.

1 This account of the battle differs from that of Arrian (1.
13) in two respects which cannot be reconciled. There, the
attack takes place in the late afternoon and in the lower
course of the Granicus, where the river flows through rela-
tively flat country but in a deep and muddy bed. He, as Plu-
tarch also (Alexander, 16), describes the action as taking
place between Macedonians trying to cross and Persians
holding the river bank. Diodorus, in contrast, places the
battle at dawn, and lets the Macedonians cross without diff-
culty and engage the Persians on the far bank. Probably

170

BOOK XVII. 19. 3-5

phalanx was divided. But Alexander at dawn boldly 334/3 s.c.

brought his army across the river and deployed in
good order before they could stop him.! In return,
they posted their mass of horsemen all along the
front of the Macedonians since they had decided to
press the battle with these. Memnon of Rhodes
and the satrap Arsamenes held the left wing each
with his own cavalry ; Arsites was stationed next
with the horsemen from Paphlagonia; then came
Spithrobates satrap of Ionia at the head of the
Hyrcanian cavalry. The right wing was held by a
thousand Medes and two thousand horse with Rheo-
mithres as well as Bactrians of like number.3 Other
national contingents occupied the centre, numerous
and picked for their valour. In all, the cavalry
amounted to more than ten thousand. The Persian
foot soldiers were not fewer than one hundred thou-
sand,* but they were posted behind the line and did

he located the battle further upstream, in the foothills.
According to Plutarch (Alexander, 16. 2), the battle would
have occurred in the Macedonian month Daesius, but as that
was unlucky militarily, Alexander ordered the intercalation
of a second Artemisius. See further above, p. 100, note 1.

2 The novelty of this arrangement consisted in the fact that
each army placed its cavalry in front at the point of contact.
This may not have been specifically planned, Alexander
threw his cavalry across the river to gain a bridgehead, and
the Persians naturally countered with their cavalry, so that
a piecemeal engagement followed.

3 Arsites was the satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia and
Spithridates of Lydia and Ionia (Arrian, 1. 12. 8). Arrian
names these Persians and adds Petines and Niphates, but does
not give the Persian order of battle. He gives that of the
Macedonians, which Diodorus omits, in 1. 14. 1-3. Arsamenes
(Arsames, Curtius, 3. 4. 3; Arrian, 2. 4. 5) was satrap of
Cilicia.

a Justin (11. 6. 11) gives the Persian strength as 600,000,
Arrian (1. 14. 4) as 20,000 foot and 20,000 horse.

171

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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1! This comment is a rationalization after the event. The
Persian infantry would not move up to meet the Macedonian
cavalry.

172

BOOK XVII. 19. 5—20. 3

not advance since the cavalry was thought to be 334/3 s.c.

sufficient to crush the Macedonians.!

As the horse of each side joined battle spiritedly,
the Thessalian cavalry posted on the left wing under
the command of Parmenion gallantly met the attack
of the troops posted opposite them ; and Alexander,
who had the finest of the riders on the right wing
with him, personally led the attack upon the Persians
and closing with them, began to inflict substantial
losses upon them.

20. But the Persians resisted bravely and opposed
their spirit to the Macedonian valour, as Fortune
brought together in one and the same place the finest
fighters to dispute the victory. The satrap of Ionia
Spithrobates, a Persian by birth and son-in-law of
King Dareius, a man of superior courage, hurled
himself at the Macedonian lines with a large body of
cavalry, and with an array of forty companions, all
Royal Relatives ? of outstanding valour, pressed hard
on the opposite line and in a fierce attack slew some
of his opponents and wounded others. As the force
of this attack seemed dangerous, Alexander turned
his horse toward the satrap and rode at him.?

To the Persian, it seemed as if this opportunity for
a single combat was god-given. He hoped that by
his individual gallantry Asia might be relieved of its

2 This was an honorary title of high nobility in the Persian
Empire, as later in the Hellenistic kingdoms.

3 According to Arrian (1. 14. 6-7), Alexander opened the
battle with a mixed force under Ptolemy the son of Philip,
probably the one of the bodyguards who was killed at Hali-
carnassus. He had light troops including the Scouts under
Amyntas the son of Arrhabaeus, a battalion of the phalanx,
and a squadron of the Companions. His mission was to open

a gap in the Persian line. Then Alexander, as usual, charged
with the Companions obliquely towards the Persian centre.

173

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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1 F omits ’Aàeédvôpov . . . kal riv, RX omit xal TV e..

katuoxvuvbĝvan No MS. has the full text printed here.
2 So Reiske: foun.

„1 If Alexander may be assumed to have carried a shield on
his left arm, it would have been possible for the javelin to pass
through this and his breastplate and catch in his epomis on
the right shoulder (not the shoulder itself, since Alexander
was not wounded ; Plutarch, Alegander, 16. 5), although
this would have required a remarkably violent cast, especially
since the weapon, dangling from the right arm, must have
passed its entire length completely through the shield. This
174

BOOK XVII. 20. 3-6

terrible menace, the renowned daring of Alexander 8334/3 s.c.

arrested by his own hands, and the glory of the
Persians saved from disgrace. He hurled his javelin
first at Alexander with so mighty an impulse and so
powerful a cast that he pierced Alexander’s shield
and right epomis and drove through the breastplate.!
The king shook off the weapon as it dangled by his
arm, then applying spurs to his horse and employing
the favouring momentum of his chaige drove his
lance squarely into the satrap’s chest. At this,
adjacent ranks in both armies cried out at the super-
lative display of prowess. The point, however,
snapped off against the breastplate and the broken
shaft recoiled, and the Persian drew his sword and
drove at Alexander ; but the king recovered his grip
upon his lance in time to thrust at the man’s face and
drive the blow home. The Persian fell, but just at
this moment, Rhosaces, his brother, galloping up
brought his sword down on Alexander’s head with
such a fearsome blow that it split his helmet and

all suggests some exaggeration if not confusion, and it is
doubtful if the Macedonian cavalry carried shields ; Alex-
ander is shown without one in the mosaic from the House of
the Faun in Pompeii, which, of course, pictures the Battle of
Issus, and not that at the Granicus (cp. Berve, Alexander-
reich, 1. 104, n. 4; such pictures as that in Doro Levy,
Antioch Mosaic Pavements, 2 (1941), LXIX, c, however, show
that cavalry could carry shields ; so also Polybius, 6. 25;
but in Arrian 1. 6. 5 and 4, 23. 2, mounted troops carried
shields only when they expected to fight on foot). If this
shield is the same as the koplon taken from Ilium and men-
tioned below, chap. 21. 2, it may be that, as Arrian reports
(1. 11. 7-8), it was actually carried before him by an attendant
(this does not, of course, make the course of the javelin any
more easily explicable). In the mosaic, Alexander wears the
chlamys over his breastplate, and fastened with a fibula on
his right shoulder.

175

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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Karraðokðv ýyoúpevos.
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4 Aiò kai moÀÀ®v hyeuóvwv avaipebévrav kal TÂÔv
Iepoixðv rdécwv ánacôv nò rv Makesdvwv
HTTwuévwv mpõrTov uèv oi karà ròv ’AÀdéavspov
TeTaypévot ġvyeiv jvaykdoðnoav, erà è traôra
kal rÕv AAAwv rparévrwv ò èv Bacıeùs podo-

1 'Aničóns RX ; 'Arvtóns F.

1 That is, Spithridates and Rhosaces. This incident is
variously reported. In Plutarch, Alexander, 16. 4-5, Rho-
saces and Spithridates attacked Alexander simultaneously ;
the king killed the former, while the latter cracked his helmet
and was run through by Cleitus’s spear. In Plutarch, De
Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1. 1. 326 r, the antagonists
are Spithridates and Mithridates. In Arrian, 1. 15. 7-8,

176

BOOK XVII. 20. 6—21. 4

inflicted a slight scalp wound. As Rhosaces aimed 334/3 n.c.

another blow at the same break, Cleitus, surnamed
the Black, dashed up on his horse and cut off the
Persian’s arm.

21. The Relatives now pressed in a solid body about
the two fallen ment; at first they rained their
javelins on Alexander, and then closing went all out
to slay the king. But exposed as he was to many and
fierce attacks he nevertheless was not overborne by
the numbers of the foe. Though he took two blows
on the breastplate, one on the helmet, and three on
the shield ? which he had brought from the temple
of Athena, he still did not give in, but borne up by
an exaltation of spirit surmounted every danger.
After this, several of the other noble Persians fighting
against him fell, of whom the most illustrious were
Atizyes and Pharnaces, brother of Dareius’s queen,
and also Mithrobuzanes who commanded the Cap-
padocians.?

Now that many of their commanders had been
slain and all the Persian squadrons were worsted by
the Macedonians, those facing Alexander were put
to flight first, and then the others also. Thus the

Mithridates is Dareius’s son-in-law. Alexander dismounted
him with his lance. Rhosaces cracked Alexander’s helmet
but was overborne by the king, while it was Spithridates
whose arm was severed by Cleitus. The text of Diodorus
here might allow one to suppose that Alexander also was
thrown to the ground, and a figure appearing in two of the
reliefs of the Alexander Sarcophagus in Constantinople, with
cracked helmet and broken spear, has been thought to be
Alexander at the Battle of the Granicus, but this is all very
uncertain. 2 Cp. chap. 18. 1 above.

3 Arrian, 1. 16. 3, gives a longer list of Persian casualties,
but omits the name of Atizyes. Diodorus gives this name also
among the Persians who fell at Issus (chap. 34. 5).

177

DIODORUS OF SICILY

yoúuevov rís åvpayaßías rò mpwreîov" åmnvéykaTo
kal ris Ans vikns čðoće páňorT’ aiTıos yeyovévat,
perà è roôrov oi rv OQerradðv inreîs piora
raîs elas ypúpevoi kal capópws &ywvioduevot
5 peyáàņv èr’ àvõpeiq óav čoyov. perà è TÅV
rÕv innéwv tporhv ol meot ovufadóvres dAAńàors
àiyov ypóvov ğywvioavro" ot yàp Pápßapot Šia Tv
tÂv innéwv trpon)v karanàayévres kal taîs pvuyaîs
6 èvõóvres mpòs pvyùv &ppnoav. åvypéðnoav ðè ræv
Ilepoôv oi mávres meğol èv mÀeiovs TÕv pupiwv,
inneîs 8è oùk eddrrovs ĝioyiAlwv, etwyphônoav ð’
únèp roùs Šıopvpiovs. perà è Tùv uáxqv ó ßŘa-
oiàcùs rods rereeurnkóras lape peyañonperðs,
onevðwv ià TAÚTNS TS Tı ÎS TOÙÒS OTPATLØTAS
rpoĝvporépovs karacrevácat mpòs rToùs èv Taîs
udáyas kuĝúvovs.

Aros © dvañaßàv tùv Súvapıv mpoñye ða rìs
Avõiasy kal rhv pèv rÕv Bapõiavôv nóv kal TàS
åkpornódeis črt è roùs év aùraîs Înoavpoùs map-
éàaße Mibpivovs? toô carpárov mapaðóvros ékov-
Tiws.

22. Eis Sè rhv Miànrov ovurepevyórwv rôv ta-
owbévrwv èk tis uaxns Ilepoðv perà Mépuvovos

1 So Stephanus : mpørorTov.

2 So X: Mðpivovs R, Mibpývovs F; cp. chap. 64. 6;
Arrian, 1. 17. 3, 3. 16. 5.

1 By allowing their entire cavalry force to be first contained
and then routed by the Macedonians, the Persian comman-
ders left their infantry without protection from the flanks and
rear, and with little chance of withdrawal. Arrian (1. 16. 2)
speaks only of the annihilation of the Greek mercenary
phalanx. According to Diodorus, the Persian infantry would

178

BOOK XVII. 21. 4—22. 1

king by common consent won the palm for bravery 331/3 s.c.

and was regarded as the chief author of the victory,
and next to him the Thessalian cavalry won a great
reputation for valour because of the skilful handling
of their squadrons and their unmatched fighting
quality. After the rout of the cavalry, the foot
soldiers engaged one another in a contest that was
soon ended. For the Persians, dismayed by the rout
of the cavalry and shaken in spirit, were quick to flee.!
The total of the Persian infantry killed was more than
ten thousand ; of the cavalry not less than two
thousand ; and there were taken alive upwards of
twenty thousand.? After the battle the king gave
magnificent obsequies to the dead,’ for he thought it
important by this sort of honour to create in his men
greater enthusiasm to face the hazards of battle.

Recovering his forces, Alexander led them down
through Lydia and took over the city of the Sardians
with its citadels and, what is more, the treasures
stored therein, for Mithrines the satrap surrendered
them without resistance.4

22. Since the Persian survivors of the battle to-
gether with the general Memnon had taken refuge

have got away with a loss of some thirty per cent of its
effectives.

2 Plutarch, Alegander, 16.7, gives the Persian casualties as
2500 horse and 20,000 foot; Arrian as 1000 horse and the
most of the Greek phalanx, except for 2000 who were cap-
tured.

3 The Macedonian casualties were 9 foot and 120 horse
(Justin, 11. 6. 12), 9 foot and 25 horse (Plutarch, Alexander,
16. 7), or 30 foot and 60 horse (including 25 “ Companions,”
Arrian, 1. 16. 4). These were honoured with statues (Justin,
Plutarch, Arrian, ll.ce.; Velleius Paterculus, 1. 11. 8-4).

4 Plutarch, Alexander, 17. 1. The account of Arrian, 1.
17—18. 2, is fuller.

179

DIODORUS OF SICILY

toî orparņyoð ò uèv Paciàeùs nmànoiov rs móňews
orparoneðevoas kab’ huépav ovveyeîs mpooßoàas
2 roîs relyeciw ék ðiaðoyjs émoicîro, ot è moop-
koúpevot TÒ èv TmpÕTOV pgÕiwS ATÒ- TÖV TEYÔV
NuUvovTo, TOÀAAÔV èv orparewr®v ŅOporouévwv eis
Tùv mów, Peiðv è kai rÕv dwy TtÕv eis TV
moopkiav ypnoipwv Sapi yopnyiav éyovres'
3 èret ðe o Paocideùs pidoriuórepov Taîs Te pnyavaîs
EOdÀEVE TÀ TEXN kat TV TOMOpPKIAV ÈVEPYECTATNV
énoieîro kard yv dpa kal karà Odàarrav ol te
Makxeðóves ia Tv mirrõóvrwv reryðv eloefiátovrto,
Tyvikaĵra katıoyvõuevot mpos vyv èrpárovro.
4 eùlù © oi Miorot ueb ikernprðv TÂ Baoideî
mpoonrintovres mapéðwkav opâs aùroùðs kal TÙV
nów. TtÔv è Papßfápwv ot èv nò rôv Make-
óvwv avņnpébnoav, ot 8è ris móews krinrtTovres
B éëpevyov, oi © dAdo mdvres jÀwoav. ó & ’AÀé-
éavõpos roîs èv Miàņoiois piàavbpónrws mpoon-
véxðn, roùs © ovs dmavras éénvðparoðioaro.
rs òè vavrikÎs Övváuews oðons dyphorov kal
ardvas peydàas êyoúons karéàvoe TÒ vavrikòv
nÀùv oÀiywv veðv, als expiro mpòs Tùv mapako-
pòv rÕv moNopkyrekôv opydvwv, èv aÎs ĝoav ai
nmap ? A ĝnvaiwv ves ovupayiðes eLkoow.

23. "Evrot è Aéyovor ròv `AàéÉavõpov otparnyı-
kôs ènmwoñoat Tùv ToÔ oróàov kardìvow' mpoo-
Soxiuov yap övros roô Aapelov ral peňovons
ueydàns maparáźews ovvredeîołar vouioat Toùs

areðóvas ékhvuórepov aywvieîohat maparpebeions

2 ris karà tTùův huyùv eàriðos. rò © aùrò mpõâéa

Plutarch, Alexander, 17. 1; Arrian, 1. 18. 3-19. 6.
180

BOOK XVII. 22. 1—23. 2

in Miletus, the king set up camp near the city and 334/3 s.c.

every day, using his men in relays, made continuous
assaults on the walls. At first the besieged easily
defended themselves from the wails, for many
soldiers were gathered in the city, and they had
abundant provision of missiles and other things useful
for the emergency. But when the king, in a more
determined fashion, brought up siege engines and
rocked the walls and pressed the siege véry actively
both by land and by sea, and the Macedonians forced
an entry through the crumbling walls, then at last
yielding to superior force, they took to flight. Im-
mediately the Milesians, falling before the king with
suppliant olive boughs, put themselves and their city
into his hands. Some of the Persians were slain by
the Macedonians, others, breaking out of the city,
sought refuge in flight, and all the remainder were
taken captive. Alexander treated the Milesians
kindly but sold all the rest as slaves.! Since the naval
force was now useless and entailed great expense, he
dismissed the fleet with the exception of a few ships
which he employed for the transport of his siege
engines. Among these was the Athenian contingent
of twenty ships.?

23. There are those who say that Alexander’s
strategic conception was sound, when he dismissed
his fleet. For Dareius was still to be reckoned with
and there was bound to be a great battle, and he
judged that the Macedonians would fight more des-
perately if he deprived them of all hope of escape by
flight. He employed the same device, they say, at

2 Arrian, 1. 20. 1. Naval operations were resumed six
months later under the command of Hegelochus and Am-
photerus (Curtius, 3. 1. 19).

181

DIODORUS OF SICILY

karà Tùv èri [pavkĝ® uáxyv' karà vórTov yàp
Àapeîv ròv morauóv, mws unõeis èmpáànra
peúyeiww mpoðńdov trs dmwàeias oŭons tTÕv Šıwko-
pévwv êv TÔ ToÔ morapoî peibpw. kal yàp karà
Toùs Üorepov ypővovs `Ayalokàća tròv Dupakosiwv
Pacıàéa punoápevov tůýv ° Adeédvõpov orparņyiav
3 avéàmioTov kal peyádànv viryv nepinrorýoachar ia-
Pávra yàp avrov eis Aßpúnv per’ dàiyns Svvápews
kal tàs vas pnpýoavra mapeàéoðat pèv tôv
otpatriwrÂv TAs Èk roô heúyew éàriðas, ouvavay-
kdoat è yevvaiws dywvisachaı ral ŝıà Torto
Kapynõoviwv dvriraybévrwv moais uvpidot viki-
oa.
4 Mera è tùv dàwow rtis Miàýrou tò mÀñOos
Tõv Iepoðv kai rôv puolopópwv, éri ©’ oi mpakrı-
kóTtaTot TÕv ýyeuóvwv ovvéðpauov eis tùv ‘AÀ-
kapvacoóv. aŬTn è ý TÓAùLS ueylorn TÖV katTà TYV
Kapíav Ñv, Paciàcia pèv éoynkuîa rà Kapôv,
dkporóàcci è kañðs kekoounuévy. karà Sè ròv
aùTtòv Karpòv Méuvov pè Tv Te yuvaîka kal Tà
TéÉkva pòs ĴAapeîov Emepmpe kal ToúTw mapabé-
pevos àa èv Úréàaße tris dopadeias aùrÂôv kaìôs
menpovoñoðba, äpa Òe TÒV Pacıàéa kañoùs óuńpovs
Exovta mpobvuórepov EumioTeúoew aÙùT® TYV TÕV
Awy ńyepoviav: õrep Kal ovvéßn yevéoðar. eùbùs
yàp ð Aapeĉos Ememfev ÈTOTOÀàS Tmpòs ToÙS karà
Odàarrav oikoûvras, mpoordrrwv dravras úra-
kovew TÔ Méuvov. Šiómep oros mapadaßàv rùv
TÕv wv yeuoviav mapeoreváero mávra Tà yp-
oa mpòs Todtopkiav èv ti móàet rÕv ‘AMxapvac-
céwv..
24. “O è Baordeùs ’Aàétavðpos Tà uèv moop-
182

(en

BOOK XVII. 23. 2—24. 1

the battle of the Granicus, where he placed the stream 8331/3 B.0.

at his rear, for no one could think of flight when
destruction of any who were followed into the bed of
the river was a certainty. There is also, they note,
in later years the case of Agathocles, king of the
Syracusans, who copied the strategy of Alexander
and won an unexpected and decisive victory. He had
crossed to Libya with a small force and by burning
his ships deprived his men of any hope of escape by
flight, thus constraining them to fight like heroes and
thereby win a victory over the Carthaginians, who
had an army numbering many tens of thousands.!

After the capture of Miletus, the bulk of the Per-
sians and mercenaries, as well as the most enterpris-
ing of the commanders, concentrated their forces at
Halicarnassus. This was the largest city in Caria,
containing the palace of the kings of the Carians,
and was well provided with interior fortresses. About
the same time Memnon sent his wife ? and children to
Dareius, because he calculated that leaving them in
the king’s care was a good way to ensure their safety,
while at the same time the king, now that he had
good hostages, would be more willing to entrust
Memnon with the supreme command. And so it
turned out. For Dareius straightway sent letters to
those who dwelt next the sea, directing them one
and all to take orders from Memnon. Accordingly,
having assumed the supreme command, he made all
the necessary dispositions for a siege in the city of
the Halicarnassians.

24., King Alexander had his siege engines and pro-

1 See Book 20. 7.

2 This wife, Barsinê the daughter of Artabazus, was cap-
tured after Issus and was believed later to have born Alex-

ander a son, Heracles.
183

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kKNTikà TÕv òpydvwv kal oîrov karà Îdàarrav
ekópuoev mi tùv ‘Aùkapvaooóv, aùròs è perà
rdons Tis Svváuews mpoñyev èri Kapias kal tàs
ev TÑ mapóðw módes npooýyero rais hıňavðpw-
miats’ Lára & eùepyéTEL TAS ‘Ednviðas TOÀELS,
morð aùTàs aùrovóuovs kal aßopoňoyýrTovs, mpoo-
emàéyav ór tìs trôv ‘EMúvwv èhevhepõcews
2 veka ròv mpòs Ilépoas módepov ènravýpnrai. övri
© aùr karà Ttův óðorropiav ànývryoév ri
yúvarov, õvopa èv "Aa, yévei è mpoońkovoa rÅ
Kapõv dpxĝ. évrvyoúonņs & aùrñs mepi tis mpo-
yovixis Õvvaoreias kai enbeions Ponbĝoat raúryv
pēv ékédevoe mapañaßewv trùv ris Kaplas åpxńv,
roùs è Kâpas iðlovs êroiýoaro raîs eùvolais Öià
3 Tv Tis yuvarkòs Taúrņs eùepyeciav: eùbùs yàp ai
módeis macat npeoßelas åmooréàovoai ypvooîs
otehávois èriuņoav ròv Bacia kal mávra ovp-
mpárrew êmņyyelÀavro.

‘O ðè ’AdéEavðpos mànoiov rûs nóňews orparo-
meðevoas ovveorýoaro moMopklav èvepyòv kal
4 kaTaTÀnkTikýv. TÒ èv yàp TpôrTov Toîs reiyeot
npoopoñàs ovveyeîs ék ĝraðoyjs éroreîro kal Siud-
pevev év Toîs kivðúvois' perà è rara navroðanràs
unxavàs êmorýoas kal tràs mpò tis móňews tá-

povs yworpiot yeàwvais dvaràņnpócas ià tôv
kpiðv éodàeve Toùs múpyovs kal Tà ueračò ueso-
múpyia. karaßaňðw Šè uépos ti ToÔ reiygovs rò

Aorròv hòn Sià ris èr yepòs páyys èßıdéero Sià
1 So Fischer (cp. Book 2. 27. 1): rpiol.

1 Arrian, 1. 23. 7-8. Ada had been “ dynast ” of Caria
previously on the death of her elder brother and husband,
184

BOOK XVII. 24. 1-4

visions conveyed by sea to Halicarnassus while he 834/3 s.c.

himself with all his army marched into Caria, winning
over the cities that lay on his route by kind treat-
ment. He was particularly generous to the Greek
cities, granting them independence and exemption
from taxation, adding the assurance that the freedom
of the Greeks was the object for which he had taken
upon himself the war against the Persians. On his
journey he was met by a woman named Ada, who
belonged by blood to the ruling house of Caria.!
When she presented a petition to recover the position
of her ancestors and requested hbis assistance, he gave
orders that she should become the ruler of Caria.
Thus he won the loyal support of the Carians by the
favour that he bestowed on this woman. For straight-
way all the cities sent missions and presented the
king with golden crowns and promised to co-operate
with him in everything.

Alexander encamped near the city and set in
motion an active and formidable siege.? At first he
made continued assaults on the walls with relays of
attackers and spent whole days in active fighting.
Later he brought up all sorts of engines of war, filled
in the trenches in front of the city with the aid of
sheds to protect the workers, and rocked the towers
and the curtains between them with his battering
rams. Whenever he overthrew a portion of the wall,
he attempted by hand-to-hand fighting to force an

Idrieus (Book 16. 69. 2) but had been ousted by her younger
brother Pixodarus (Book 16. 74. 2; cp. Strabo, 14. 2. 17.
657).

C NE 1. 20. 5-23. 6. Diodorus omits Alexander’s abor-
tive attack on Myndus (Arrian, 1. 20. 5-7), and his narrative
is told rather from the Persian than from the Macedonian side
(W. W. Tarn, Alexander the Great, 2? (1948), 13 f.)

185

DIODORUS OF SICILY

5 roô TTÓPATOS eis TÙ TóÀAv eioreceîv. Méuvwv
Dè TÒ èv TmpÕTOV ToÙS npooßáňovras - ToîS TEiXEoL
Maxreðóvas paðiws huúveTo, Todðv ÖvrTwv êv TÅ
mÕÀEL aTpaTLwTÂÕV' karà Ô TAS tõv Spydvwv
npoopoñàs uera Toðv oTpatiwTÂv êryeópevos
èk TÎS móÀcws vurTòs mûp évéBae raîs unyavaîs.
6 peyáňwv © ayovov mpò rìs TOÖÀEWS TUNOTALÉVWV
ot èv Mareðóves raîs aperos ToÀÙ mpoeîyov, o
Sè Ilépoai TÔ mÀàýhei kai traîs mapaokevaîs ênàco-
vékrovv' ovvýpyovv yàp aùrtoîs ot drò TÔV TELXÔV
cvvaywviópevoi kal Toîs oévßeàćot karaméàTais
os èv dmékrewov TÕv moelwv, oŬs è kaTe-
TÍTpwWOKOV.

25. “Opo è at re odàmyyes sńýpawov tap
dauporépois rÒ moàemkòv kai Bo) mavrayóbev eyi-
VETO, OVVETLONLAWOUÉVWV TÕV OTPATLWTÕV TAS
2 map ékarépwv dvòpayaĥiaıs. ot èv yàp tùův èv
raîs unyavaîs aipopévnv eis ùpos pàdya Katémavov,
ol Ò eis xeîpas gvumÀekóuevot TOÀDV È êroiovy pó-
vov, ANo ò évròs TÖV TITTÓVTWV TELYÕV åvTøko-
Òópovv ërTepa rTeiyy moù trÔv mpoürmapyővrwv
3 Papúrepa Ttaîs mapaokevaîs. TÕv ò ġyeuóvwv
TÕv nepil ròv Mépvova Tm pokivõvvevóvTwv kal pe-
ydas ðwpeàs Sðóvrwv Tos dvòpayaloðow áv-
vmépßànros hidoya map àuporépois È êyivero mept
4 ris virNs. òo kal mapiv ópâv TOÙS pèv Tpavpacıv
évavriotis TEPLTINTOVTAS katl KkaTà Tàs Àrropvyias
dmohepopévovs è EK TÎS UÁXNS, TOÙS ÕÈ mepiPaivovras
TA TITMTOVTO oópaTa Kal mept Tî ToÝTwv dvarpé-
TEWS peyáňovs dyðvas cvviotTauévovs, QÀÀovsS ðe
òid Tùv úmeppoàiv tõv ewâv évõiðóvras òn kal

à ris rò rv yeuóvwv mapakàýocews máÀw
186

BOOK XVII. 24. 4—25. 4

entry into the city over the rubble. But Memnon at 334/3 B..

first easily beat off the Macedonians assaulting the
walls, for he had large numbers of men in the city.
Where the siege engines were attacking, he issued
from the city at night with numbers of soldiers and
applied fire to the machines. Fierce fights occurred in
front of the city, in which the Macedonians showed
far superior prowess, but the Persians had the ad-
vantage of numbers and of fire power. For they had
the support of men who fought from the walls using
engines to shoot darts, with which they killed some of
the enemy and disabled others.

25. At the same moment, the trumpets sounded
the battle signal on both sides and cheers came from
all parts as the soldiers applauded in concert the feats
of brave men on one side or the other. Some tried
to put out the fires that rose aloft among the siege
engines ; others joined with the foe in close combat
and wrought great slaughter ; others erected secon-
dary walls behind those which crumbled, heavier by
far in construction than the preceding. The com-
manders under Memnon took their places in the front
line and offered great rewards to those who dis-
tinguished themselves, so that the desire for victory
rose very high on both sides. There could be seen
men encountering frontal wounds or being carried
unconscious out of the battle, others standing over
the fallen bodies of their companions and struggling
mightily to recover them, while others who were on
the point of yielding to the storm of terrors were
again put in heart by the appeals of their officers and

187

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Oappoðvraşs kat veapoùs raîs ypvyaîs yivouévovs.
5 réÀos è mpòs aùraîs raîs múdars ëmeoóv tives TÕV
Maxeðóvwv kai oùv aùroîs Neorróeuos hyer,
avùp èmihavhs.

Merà õè rara úo uèv mópywv ecis čðados kaby-
pnuévwv kai òveðv pecorvpyiwv èppiupévwv TÔV
pèv Iepõikkov orparrwrÂv tives pebvolévres mpo-
merÕðs vukròs mpocéßadov roîs tris dkporóàcws
Teiyeow: ol Òè mepi ròv Méuvova ovvvohoavres ùv
åneipiav rÕv mpocßañiðvrwv kal èregeðóvres kal
TÔ màe moàù mpoéyovres èrpébavro roùs Maxe-
6 Õčvas Kral moàoùs avýpovv. yvwolévros è roô
ovußeßnkóros źeßońðovv modol rv Makeðóvæwv
kal peyáàns uáxys yevopévņs kal rv mepi ròv
Aàéfavõòpov êmipavévrwv oi pèv Iépoar Biachévres
ovvekàeioĝðnoav eis thv mów, ó è Baciàeùs roùs
meoóvras mpò ToÎ reiyovs Marxeðóvas iarnpvrev-
odpevos ğrnoev úmoonóvðovs. `Eġıdàrys èv oĝv
kal Opaoúßovos ot ’Alnvaîoi ovuuayoðvres roîs
Hépoais ovveßoúevov pů &Dóvat roùs vekpoòs
mpòs rapýv, ò è Méuvwv ovveyopnoe.

26. Mera è rara 'Egıdàrns Bovdevouévæv rôv
hyeuóvæv ovveßoúeve uù mepiuéveiv dws äv áìov-
ons Ts móàcws aiyudàwrot karaorÔôcw, ÀX’
aùroùs Toùs ýyepóvas mpokwôvveðovras TÕV wo-

1 According to Arrian (1. 20. 10), Neoptolemus, the son
of Arrhabaeus and brother of that Amyntas who accompanied
Alexander as a staff offcer (Arrian, 1. 12.7; 14.1; 28. 4),
had deserted to the Persians and was killed in the attack on
Halicarnassus. Diodorus here places him on the Macedonian

188

BOOK XVII. 25. 4—26. 1ı

were renewed in spirit. At length, some of the Mace- 334/3 r.c.

donians were killed at the very gates, among them an
officer Neoptolemus, a man of distinguished family.!

Presently two towers were levelled with the ground
and two curtains overthrown, and some of Perdiccas’s
soldiers, getting drunk, made a wild night attack on
the walls of the citadel.. Memnon’s men noticed the
awkwardness of these attackers and isśuing forth
themselves in considerably larger numbers routed the
Macedonians and killed many of them. As this situa-
tion became known, large numbers of Macedonians
rushed up to help and a great struggle took place,
and when Alexander and his staff came up, the Per-
sians, forced back, were confined within the city, and
the king through a herald asked for a truce to recover
the Macedonians who had fallen in front of the walls.
Now Ephialtes and Thrasybulus,? Athenians fighting
on the Persian side, advised not to give up the dead
bodies for burial, but Memnon granted the request.

26. After this at a council of the commanders,
Ephialtes advised them not to wait till the city was
taken and they found themselves captives ; he pro-
posed that the leaders of the mercenaries should go
out themselves in the front rank and lead an attack

side—and in view of the continued trust reposed by Alexander
in his brother, this is a more reasonable account.

2 Two men only of Perdiccas’s battalion ; the event took
place some days later (Arrian, 1. 21. 1). Was Perdiccas
trying to repeat his success at Thebes (chap. 12. 3)? It was
the kind of exploit which Alexander would reward liberally.
The drunkenness may have been a fiction, since Perdiccas
acted without orders.

3 Two of the Athenian generals whose surrender had been
demanded after the capture of Thebes (chap. 15. 1). Cp.
Realencyclopädie, 5 (1905), 2852 f. ; 5 A (1936), 575. Arrian
(1. 10. 4) mentions Ephialtes but not Thrasybulus.

189

DIODORUS OF SICILY

2 Boġópwv' èmıbéchat roîs moàcuiors. ó è Méuvwv
ópõðv trov Egdıdàryv mpòs dperiv öppðpevov kat
peydňas éywv àmiðas èv aùr Sià Tùův avõpeíav
kal Tv TOÔ cwuaros pounv ovveyæwpnoev aùrÂ

3 mpárrew ó Boúdorro. ó è SıoyıÀlovs rv polo-
pópwv mékrovs dvaìaßav kal roîŭs ýuioseci ĝia-
õoùs das Huuévas roùs ©’ dAovs dvrirdéas roîs
moàcuioirs ådvw tràs múas mdoas dveréracev.
dpa © ýuépa perà Toúrwv èkyvleis roîs èv uy-
xavýpaoiw évĵke mp kai mapaypua mov

4 ovvéßn yevéoðar hàóya, rv © dAàwv èv Babeiq
pdàayyı memvevwpévwv aùròs mpoņnyeîro kal rtoîs
ékßponhooı Mareðóow eréppačev. ó è Bacıňeùs
katavoýoas TÒ yivőpevov ToÙs pèv Tpopáyovs TV
Mareðóvwv mpúrovs črače, eģġéðpovs ©? čornoe
Toùs êmÀéKrovs’ ml Sè ToúrTois Tpirovs ènéračev
érépovs Toùs Taîs dvòpayaliais Úrepáyovras. aùròs
e mpò mávrwv rToúrwv ńyoúpevos ónéory rToùs
moàepiovs, Šófavras Sià Tò Bdápos draraywviorovs
elvat. égémepmpe Sè kal Toùs karaoßéoovras tù
pàóya kai Bonbýoovras raîs uņyavaîs.

5 "Apa è map dpporépois ris re Boñs źaioiov
yivopévns kai rÔv oaàmiyywv onpawovoðv rò
Toàepikòv uéyas dyàv ovvéorn iù Tàs åperås TÔv
dywviouévwv kai tùv úneppoàùv ris pdotiuias.

67ò pèv ov mp kwàvoav oi Mareðóves èmwveun-
Oñvar, karà è rùv páyyv èmàcovérrovv oi mepl tòv

1 So MSS.: perà râv polopópav Rhodoman and Wesseling
(cp. Book 11. 31. 2).
190

BOOK XVII. 26. 1—6

on the enemy.! Memnon recognized that Ephialtes 334/3 s.c.

was eager to prove himself and, having great hopes
of him because of his courage and bodily strength,
allowed him to do as he wished. Accordingly he col-
lected two thousand picked men and, giving half of
them lighted torches and forming the others so as to
meet the enemy, he suddenly threw all the gates
wide open. It was daybreak, and sallyińng forth with
his band he employed the one group to set fire to the
siege engines, causing a great conflagration to flame
up at once,? while he personally led the rest deployed
in a dense phalanx many ranks deep and charged the
Macedonians as they issued forth to help extinguish
the fire. When the king saw what was happening,
he placed the best fighters of the Macedonians in
front and stationed picked men in reserve. Behind
these he posted a third group also consisting of others
who had a good record for stout fighting. He himself?
at the head of all took command and made a stand
against the enemy, who had supposed that because
of their mass they would be invincible. He also sent
men out to extinguish the fire and to rescue the siege
engines.

As violent shouts arose at the same time on both
sides and the trumpets sounded the attack, a terri-
fic contest ensued because of the valour of the con-
testants and their consummate fighting spirit. The
Macedonians prevented the fire from spreading, but
Ephialtes’ men had the advantage in the battle,

1 Arrian mentions two sallies of the besieged, one or the
other of which may be identified with this (1. 21. 5-6; 22.
1-3). 2 Arrian, 1. 22. 1. 3 Arrian, 1. 21. 5.

2 épéðpovs & Dindorf, roúroris 8’ éġéðpovs Reiske; roùs
&’ èpéôpovs RX, mpos Toùs épéðpovs ĝè F.
191

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Edidàryv: oros yàp moù mpoéywv rv dAAwv
TÑ ToÔ owparos põøun Toàoùs dvýper rv els
xetpas êpxyoévwv. oi T éġeor®rTes émi TÔ mpoopa-
Tws dvtrikarackevaolévri Telyet moààoùs dvýpovv
mvkvoîs toîs Péàcoi ypúópuevor ékaròv yàp TNV
tò pos múpyos Eúvos kareokeúaotTo, TÀĎPNS
karaneàrðv oéuvpeiðv. moðv ðè Makeðóvwv
minrtóvrwv kal Trv dAwv dvaywpoúvrwv tà TÒ
mÀÑOos Tv feiðv, roô re Méuvovos moaràaciois
otrpatwTas emponlhoðvros kal aùròs ò Paocideùs
eis Toà dunyaviav èvémimrev.

27. "Evða Sù rv èk tis móews katıoyvóvrwv
mapaðóéws ó rívðvvos madivrporov TV påyxyv
čoyev. ot yàp mpeoßúraroi rv Makreðóvwv, Sià,
èv Tùv NÀkiav aroàeàvuévoi rÔv kwðúvæv, ovv-
eorpatevuévot è idinrmw kal moàààs pdyas
2 karwplwkóres, Ýnò TrÕv kapôv eis dÀkùv mpo-

ekàýlņoav, ppovýuarı è kal raîs karà móàepov

épmeipiais TOÀÙ mpoéyovres roîs èv fvyouayoôoci
vewrépois mikpõås wvelðioav Tùv avavðpíav, aùrol
òè ovvalpoiohévres ral ovvaonioavres Ónéornoav
3 roùs okoðvras Hn vevikykévar. rTéÀàos Sè rév Te
EgdidàTyv kal moods dAdovs dveàóvres roùs Aor-
4 moùs ùvdykacav eis tv mów ovupvuyerv. oi è

Maxeðóves ris vukròs èmaßoúons roîs feúyovoi

guveroémecov évròs TÕV TeyÂÕv' roð è Bacıiéws

keàeúoavros oņpivat Tò dvakàņtıkòv dveyópnoav
5eis TÒ orparómeðov. oi è mepi ròv Méuvova
otparnyol kat oatpárar ovveàbóvres čyvwoav Tùův

192

BOOK XVII. 26. 6—27. 5

and he himself, who had far greater bodily strength 334/3 s.c.

than the rest, slew with his own hand many who tra-
ded blows with him. From the top of the recently
erected replacement wall, the defenders slew many
of the Macedonians with dense showers of missiles
— for there had been erected a wooden tower, a hun-
dred cubits high, which was filled with dart-hurling
catapults. As many Macedonians fell and the rest
recoiled before the thick fire of missiles, Memnon
threw himself into the battle with heavy reinforce-
ments and even Alexander found himself quite help-
less.

27. Just at that moment as the men from the city
were prevailing, the tide of battle was surprisingly
reversed.! For the oldest Macedonians, who were
exempt from combat duty by virtue of their age, but
who had served with Philip on his campaigns and had
been victorious in many battles, were roused by the
emergency to show their valour, and, being far su-
perior in pride and war experience, sharply rebuked
the faintheartedness of the youngsters who wished to
avoid the battle. Then they closed ranks with their
shields overlapping and confronted the foe, who
thought himself already victorious. They succeeded
in slaying Ephialtes and many others, and finally
forced the rest to take refuge in the city. Night had
already fallen as the Macedonians pushed within the
walls along with their fleeing enemies, but the king
ordered the trumpeter to sound the recall and they
withdrew to their camp.? Memnon, however, as-
sembled his generals and satraps, held a meeting, and

1 Cp. Arrian, 1. 22. 4-6, who simply refers to Ptolemaeus

with two battalions of the phalanx. ,
2 Arrian, 1.22. 7, giving as the reason a desire to spare the
citizens of Halicarnassus the horrors of a sack.

VOL. VIII H 193

DIODORUS OF SICILY

pèv nów êkùreîv, eis Sè Triv dkpórow roùs dapi-
OTOUS TÖV OTPATLWTÕV KATAOCTÜOAVTES ETÀ TÎS
áppočoúoņs yopņyíaşs ròv Àorròv öyàov kal rà
6 xpýuara dnmekóuoav cis thv Kôv. ó ğ `AAéÉ-
avðpos du ýuépą yvoùs rò yeyevņnuévov TůV uèv
TAV katéokafe tfi Ò ákporöàe mepiéðnke rTeîyos
kal Tráhpov aģıóňoyov: aùròs è uépos ris vvd-
pews petà orparnyðv èténemhev eis Thv peoóyeov,
mpoordgas trà ovvey rÕv èbvôv yeipoôoba.

Oro. pèv ov évepyôs moeuýoavres mâoav Tùv
xópav péypi Ts peydàņs pvyias karacrpepá-
pevot, ébpebav roùs otrpatiwras èk ris moàeuias'

70 © 'Aàééavõpos tv mapabadarriav nâsav uéypi
Kidikias yepwodpevos moàààs módes karektrhoaTto
kal ġpoúpia kaprepà giňotiuórepov moiopkýoas
Ti Piq kareróvyoev, év oÎîs évòs mapaðóźws kpd-
TNOE, mept oÔ Õià TÅv iiórNTa TiS mepirereias oùk
déiov mapaùıneîv.

28. Ts yàp Avrias mepi tàs èoyatıàs nérpav
peydànv òxupóryre ıadépovoav ækovv oi Map-
papeîs ôvopağóuevot, otTwES TAptÉVTOS ’ AÀeédvðpov
TÒ xwpiov ènébevro Toîs karà tùv oùpayiav Maxe-
óo kai ovyvoùs dveàóvres Toà TÔv owpárwv

1 Arrian, 1. 23. 1. 2? Arrian, 1. 23. 6.

? Arrian, 1. 24. 3, states only that Parmenion was sent back
to Sardes with mostly non-Macedonian troops, to proceed
thence into Phrygia.

_ * Presumably Diodorus means to say that this story was
in his source, and too interesting to be omitted. He does
actually at this point omit all the other events of Alexander’s
Pisidian campaign including the miraculous passage of the
Climax, as well as the famous story of the Gordian knot.
These are told by Curtius (3. 1), Justin, 11. 7, Plutarch (Alex-

194

BOOK XVII. 27. 5—28. 1

decided to abandon the city. They installed their 334/3 z.o.

best men in the acropolis with sufficient provision and
conveyed the rest of the army and the stores to Cos.
When Alexander at daybreak learned what had taken
place he razed the city and surrounded the citadelwith
a formidable wall and trench.? A portion of his force
under certain generals he dispatched into the interior
with orders to subdue the neighbouring tribes.?

These commanders, campaigning vigorously, sub-
dued the whole region as far as greater Phrygia, sup-
porting their men on the land. Alexander, for his
part, overran the littoral as far as Cilicia, acquiring
many cities and actively storming and reducing the
strong points. One of these he captured surprisingly
with such a curious reversal of fortune that the
account of it cannot be omitted.t

28. Near the frontiers of Lycia there is a great
rock fortress 5 of unusual strength inhabited by people
named Marmares. As Alexander marched by, these
people attacked the Macedonian rear guard and
killed many, carrying off as booty numerous men

ander, 17—18. 2), and Arrian (1. 24. 3-2. 4. 6). Tarn’s argu-
ment (Alexander the Great, 2, 12) that these popular stories
were not in Diodorus’s source of the moment is untenable if
his source was Trogus (p. 13).

5 Here and elsewhere, Diodorus uses the term petra for the
abrupt and isolated rocky hills which are not uncommon in
Asia, and which made excellent fortresses. This story is not
otherwise reported. Freya Stark (Journal of Hellenistic
Studies, 18 (1958), 116 ; cp. Alexander's Path (1958), 250 f.)
identifies this place with Chandir in Pamphylia. Appian
(Bell. Civ. 4. 10. 80) tells the same story of Xanthus, tradi-
tionally destroyed in this way three times (Herodotus, 1. 176 ;
Plutarch, Brutus, 31), and it was something of a literary
topos (also Diodorus, Book 18. 22. 4-7; Strabo, 14. 5. 7. 671).
Strabo (14. 3. 9. 666) remarks that this destruction was
necessary to open the passes.

195

DIODORUS OF SICILY

2 kat TÕv úrokvyiwv adhpracav. émi è ToúrTois Ò
Pacideùs mapotvvleis ovveorýoaro moopkiav kat
nâcav ecioepépero orovðùv pią kparĵoar rto
xwpíov. oi è Mapuapeîs avõpeia Sradépovres ral
"~ m~ ld ? lå lA t L
T) TÕv Tómwv èpvuvőTrņTi mioreðovres Úméuevov
eùpwotws TYV Toopkiav. èri èv ov huépas úo
ovvexeîs éyivovro npoofoàai kat pavepòs v ó pa-
oiÀeùs oùk dnmoornoóuevos čws àv EAN TÅV méTpav.
3 Oi ðè npeoßúrepoi rv Mappapéwv Tò èv npô-
rov ovuvepoúevov Toîs véors mavoapévois ris Bias
êp oîs fv vvaròv ovàvbñvat mpòs ròv Bacıidéa:
où melbopévav © aùrðv, dAd mávrwv hidotiuov-
pévov ovvarobaveîv tù ris marpiðos èdevlepia
mapekáàcecav aùrToùs Tékva pèv kal yvvaîkas kal
Toùs yeynpakóras dveàeîv, aùroùs è roùs vva-
pévovs ða Tis dks oóķeobar vvrròs ià uéowv
TÕv Todepiwv iekneceîv kal karapuyetv eis Tùv
4 nànoiov ôpewńv. ovykaralðeuévwv è trôv véwv
KAL MPOGTAÁVTWV KAT’ OLKIAV ÉKÁOTOVS META TS
ovyyeveias aroàaúoavrtas TÕV mpoonveorárwv Bpw-
rTÕv re kal morÕv úroueîvar TÒ erwòv! čdoče Toîs
véois, oĝoiv Ós éfakrocíois, To èv poveúew Toùs
npooýkovras åmooyéoðar, tàs ©’ oikias èunpioa
kal à rv mvàðv èkyvlévras eis thv òpewhv
5 dnoywpioar. oror pèv ov rà Šeðoyuéva ovv-
Teàécavres Taîs iðiais éorioais ékáorovs èroinoav
êvraġivar, aùroi è Sià uéocwv rv mepreorparo-
meðevkótrwv ëTL vukròs oŭons Õrekneoóvres čġvyov
eis Tv mÀņoiov òpewńyv.
Tara pèv oĝv érpáyðn karà Toôrtov ròv èviavróv.
1 Diodorus may have confused his narrative in compres-
sing it, or some words may have been lost here.

196

BOOK XVII. 28. 1-5

and pack animals. The king was enraged at this, 334/3 s.c.

established a siege, and exerted every effort to take
the place by force. The Marmares were very brave
and had confidence in the strength of their fortifica-
tions, and manfully withstood the attack. For two
whole days there were constant assaults and it was
clear that the king would not leave until he had cap-
tured the “ rock.” ,

First, then, the older men of the Marmares advised
their younger countrymen to end their resistance and
make peace with the king on whatever terms were
possible. They would have none of this, however,
but all were eager to die together simultaneously
with the end of the freedom of their state, so next
the elders urged upon them that they should kill with
their own hands their children and wives and aged
relatives, and those who were strong enough to save
themselves should break out through the midst of the
enemy at night and take refuge in the neighbouring
mountain. The young men agreed, and consequently
gave orders to go each to his own house and there,
enjoying the best of food and drink with their families,
await the dread event. Some of them, however (these
were about six hundred), decided not to kill their rela-
tives with their own hands, but to burn them in the
houses, and so issuing forth from the gates to make
their way to the mountain. These carried out their
decision and so caused each family to be entombed at
its own hearth, while they themselves slipped through
the midst of the enemy encamped about them and
made their way to the near-by hills under cover of
darkness.

This is what happened in this year.

197

DIODORUS OF SICILY

29. Em äpxovros &’ Alvor Nikokpárovs év
Pun TÅ Ürmarov åpxùv crcdéfaro Kaloswv Otad-
Àépios kal Aeúkios Iaripios. èmi 8è roúrwv
Aapeîos ypnudrwv nAÑÂos eéénempe r@ Méuvovi
2 kat TOÔ moàéuov navròs anéðeiée otparņnyóv. ò
Sè pmobopópwv .nàğbos dðpoisas kal tpiakocias
vas mÀnpóocas vepyðs upre Tà karà ròv ré-
Àepov. Xîov pèv ov mpoonydyero’ mÀcúoas &’ èri
Aéoßov Avriooav pèv kat Mýðvuvav xai Húppav
ka Epeocor’ pgðiws èyerpwoaro, thv è Mirv-
Avn peyáàny osav kal mapackevaîs peydàais
kai mÀàńýbe rõv åpvvopévæov åvðpðv keyopnynué-
vyv moas huépas moMopkýoas kal Toààoðs tTÔv
oTpaTLwTÕV aroßaàwv uóyis eÎàe karà kpáros.
3eùhù è rs mepl röv orparņnyòv évepyelas Sia-
Ponbeions at màeiovs rôv Kuràdðwv vúýowv ŝue-
mpeopevovro. npoorecovons è dýuns eis tùv
EMdôa Sióri Méuvwv perà toô oróàov LÉAÀEL
màcîv em Eùßoias ai èv karà tv viĝoov TAÒTNV
móňes mepipoßor kaberorńýrewav, oi è tà rôv

epoðv atpoúpevor rv ‘EdMhvwov, èv oîs únpxov
kal Zrapriârar, peréwpot raîs eàrlow èyivovro
4npos kaworouiav. ó è Méuvæav ypńuaci Šia-
pheipwv moods rôv ‘EňMývwv newe kowwvetv
Tô Hepoixâv eàriðwv. où uiv ù róyn y”° etacev
emi mÀcéov mpoedbeîv rv råvõpòs aperýv' ð yàp
Méuvwv mepinecaw åppworig kal mále Tmapaßóàw
ovoyelels perýàaće kal ti roúrov teevri ovv-
erpin kal rà roô Aapeiov mpdypara. l

30. Ipoceðórnoe èv yàp ó Baoiňeòùs perabńoe-
E ’Epeooðv RX, "Epecooov F] see Strabo, 13. 24; Ptolemy,

BOOK XVII. 29. 1—30. 1

29. When Nicocrates was archon at Athens, Caeso 333/2 s.c.

Valerius and Lucius Papirius became consuls at
Rome.! In this year Dareius sent money to Memnon
and appointed him commanding general of the whole
war. He gathered a force of mercenaries, manned
three hundred ships, and pursued the conflict vigo-
rously. He secured Chios, and then coasting along to
Lesbos easily mastered Antissa and Methymna and
Pyrrha and Eressus. Mitylenê also, large and pos-
sessed of rich stores of supplies as well as plenty of
fighting men, he nevertheless captured with difficulty
by assault after a siege of many days and with the
loss of many of his soldiers. News of the general's
activity spread like wildfire and most of the Cyclades
sent missions to him. As word came to Greece that
Memnon was about to sail to Euboea with his fleet,
the cities of that island became alarmed, while those
Greeks who were friendly to Persia, notably Sparta,
began to have high hopes of a change in the political
situation. Memnon distributed bribes freely and
won many Greeks over to share the Persian hopes,
but Fortune nevertheless put an end to his career.
He fell ill and died, seized by a desperate malady,
and with his death Dareius’s fortunes also collapsed.?

30. The king had counted on Memnon’s transfer-

1 Nicocrates was archon from July 333 to June 332 B.C.
Broughton (1. 139) lists the consuls of 336 s.c. as L. Papirius
Crassus and K. Duillius. The former has apparently already
been named by Diodorus, chap. 17. 1.

2 Arrian, 2. 1, gives a similar account, but states that
Mitylenê was not captured until after Memnon’s death.

5. 2. 19. For 'Epeoós see IG 12. 2, Index, p. 148; Head,
Historia Nummorum, 486.
2 Cospius deleted kal Aéoßov of MSS. after Mirvàńvnv.
3 Added by Kallenbach (cp. chap. 101. 2).
199

DIODORUS OF SICILY

obat aùròv' Tròv ndvra mróàepov èk tis °`Aoclas eis
Tv Eùpónyv: òs È jkovoe rv Méuvovos reñev-
TÅV, avvýyaye trÕv piwv ovvéðpiov kal mpoéðnke
Bovàiv TóTEpov Òe? oTpaTNyoÙS kal OTPATIAV kaTa-
méunew émi Odàarrav Ñ ròv Baoiàda perà máons
Tis Õvváduews karaßávra Saywvieohar roîs Maxe-
2 ðóow. évior èv ov čpacav Ŝeîv aùròv ròv Bacıàéa
maparárreoðar kal rò màhbos rôv Ilepoðv drepai-
vovto mpobvuőtepov aywveîohar Xapiðnuos &’
Abnvaĉos, avp Îavpačópevos èrm dvõpeíg kal
ÔevórnTi otpatrnyias, ovveorpareúoaro èv iir-
TP TÊ Paoideî kal mávrwv Trv emırnðevuádrTwv
apxnyòðs kal oóußovdos yeyovæas Ñv, ovveßoúdevev
Sè TŐ Aapeiw HÀ Tporerôs damokvpeðoar mepi ris
Paordeias, gAA aùróv èv Tò Pápos kal tùv Tîs
Aoías apx ovvéyew, mi è ròv módeuov dro-
aTéew gTparnyòðv meîpav eðwkóra ris ias
äperis.? Sóvapıv Ò ikavův eîvaı éka uvpidðwv,
Ús TÒ TpiTov Ednvas moroa pobopópovs, ral 8è
éupdoews aùròs dveðéyero karopbðóoev rův èm-
Boàiv taŭryv.
4 Tò èv oĝv mpõôrov ó Baci\eùs ovyrareribero
Toîs Àeyopévors, pera è rara rv piàwv yevvaid-
TEpov avTerTóvTwv kal òv Xaplðnpov eis órokiav
ayóvrwv őri ris orparņyias òpéyerar Tuyeîv, órws
roîs Mareóot mpo riv Iepoôv Ñyeuoviav, ó

1 Added by Fischer.
2 So Rhodoman : åpyĝs.

SR Curtius, 3. 2. 10-19, with strong reminiscences of the rôle

BOOK XVII. 30. 1-4

ring the impact of the war from Asia into Europe, but 333/2 s.c.

learning of his death called a session of his Council of
Friends and laid before them the alternatives, either
to send generals with an army down to the coast or for
himself, the king, to march down with all his armed
forces and fight the Macedonians in person. Some
said that the king must join in battle personally,
and they argued that the Persians would fight better
in that event. Charidemus,! however, the- Athenian,
a man generally admired for his bravery and skill as
a commander—he had been a comrade-in-arms of
King Philip and had led or counselled all his suc-
cesses *+—recommended that Dareius should on no
account stake his throne rashly on a gamble, but
should keep in his own hands the reserve strength
and the control of Asia while sending to the war a
general who had given proof of his ability. One
hundred thousand men would be an adequate force,
so long as a third of these were Greek mercenaries,
and Charidemus hinted that he himself would assume
the responsibility for the success of the plan.

The king was moved by his arguments at first but
his Friends opposed them stoutly, and even brought
Charidemus into suspicion of wanting to get the com-
mand so that he could betray the Persian empire to

of Demaratus in Herodotus. Charidemus is not mentioned
in Justin, Plutarch, or Arrian (except earlier, 1. 10. 4-6).

2 It seems impossible that Diodorus can be right here.
Charidemus was not always a dutiful Athenian, but he was
one of the generals whom Alexander had demanded after the
capture of Thebes, and who had had to fiee like Ephialtes
and Thrasybulus (chap. 25. 6). Itis possible that Charidemus
had visited Philip’s court about 354 B.C., when his patron Cer-
sobleptes became Philip’s friend, but most of Charidemus’s
career was spent in operations against the Macedonians
(Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 823).

201

DIODORUS OF SICILY

pv Xapiðnuos mapopyioleis kal mpoyerpórepov
oveðicas ùv Iepoðv avavðpiav énomoev èri
mÀcîov' mpookópai ròv Bacıiàéa roîs Àóyois, ToÔ
Ouo Sè rò ovupépov ahaipovuévov ó uv Aapeîos
emÀapópevos rûs toô KXapðýuov tóvns karà ròv
rv Ilepoðv võpov mapéðwke roîs órnpérais kal
5 npocéraģev dmorrtetvat ó è Xapiðnuos drmayó-
pevos émi tòv Odvarov dveßóņoev perapeińoew
rara rayù TÔ facie? kal ris dôikov tıeuwpias
aùroô oúvrouov Efew tùv kóňaow, èmòóvra Tùův
kardvow ths Paciàeias.

Xapiðnuos èv oĝv ueydàwv èàriðwv èkreoov
à mappyolav ärarpov Toraúryv čoye Tův toô Blov
6 karaorpopýv: ó è Pacıeùs dvévros roô Îvuoô
TYV puyiv eùbòs perevõnoe kal kareuéuparo éavròv
ös Tà péyioTa ýuaprnkóra. ÀX où yàp Ñv
Ôvvaròv rò yeyovòs Sià rs Paois etovolas
7 ayévnrTov kataokeváoai. Šıórep òverporoovpevos
raîs Maxeðóvwv dperaîs ral tùv evépyerav TÙV
’Adefdvðpov mpò sġhaàpðv \aupávawv ère
otpatņnyòðv déióypewv röv Šıaðeéóuevov TV To
[éuvovos ġyepoviav: où Suvduevos &’ eópeîv aùròs
Ñvaykdbero karaßaíveww eis rov úrèp ris Bacıdeias
kíivðvvov.

31. Eòßòs ov pereméurero tàs mavrayóbev
Suvdpeis kait nmpocéračev åmavrâv els Babviðva
kai rÕv pi\wv kal rÔv ovyyevôv èneàéyero rtoòs
eùlérovs, v Toîs uèv ràs ápuočoúcas Hyeuovias
kaTeuépi%e, roùs è ue’ arot riwõvvevew mpoo-
2 érattev. &s © ó rs orparelas aġwpiouévos
xpóvos mpooeyévero, karńvrnoav dmavres eis TÙY
Bafvàðva. ó &’ dpiðuòs fv rv orparıwrâv metot
202 .

BOOK XYII. 30. 4—31. 2

the Macedonians. At this, Charidemus became angry 338/2 s.c.

and made free with slurs on Persian lack of manliness.
This offended the king, and as his wrath blinded him
to his advantage, he seized Charidemus by the girdle
according to the custom of the Persians, turned him
over to the attendants, and ordered him put to death.
So Charidemus was led away, but as he went to his
death, he shouted that the king would soon change
his mind and would receive a prompt requital for
this unjust punishment, becoming the witness of the
overthrow of the kingdom.

Charidemus’s prospects had been high, but he
missed their fulfilment because of his ill-timed frank-
ness and he ended his life in this fashion. Once the
king’s passion had cooled he promptly regretted his
act and reproached himself for having made a serious
mistake, but all his royal power was not able to undo
what was done. He was haunted by dreams of the
Macedonian fighting qualities and the vision of Alex-
ander in action was constantly before his eyes. He
searched for a competent general to take over Mem-
non’s command but could find no one, and finally felt
constrained to go down himself to take part in the
contest for the kingdom.

31. He wasted no time in summoning his forces
from all directions and ordered them to muster in
Babylon. He canvassed his Friends and Relatives and
selected those who were suitable, giving to some
commands suited to their abilities and ordering others
to fight at his side as his personal staff. When the
time set for the march had come, they had all arrived
in Babylon. The number of the soldiers was over

l màeîov] màciw RE.

203

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Pa L e a `
uèv mÀelovs TÔv Terrapdkovta uvpidðwv, imrets Òè
oùk éàdrtrovs TÕv Õéka uvpidðwv.

~ KO z
Aapeîos èv oĝv perà rocaúrns Švvápews dva-

teúćas èk Baßvàðvos npofjyev mi Kias, ëywv
ueb’ éavroô rýv re yuvaîka kal Tà rékva, viov Kal
3 úo Qvyarépas, kat Tùv unrépa: `Adéfavðpos è
npò uèv ts Meéuvovos redeuvris muvvłðavópevos
Xov xal ràs èv Aéoßw módes reyerpðoba, TÙv
Sè Mıirvàývnv rarà kpdaros Àwkuvîav, mpòs è Tov-
tois ròv Méuvova rtpiakociais Tprýpeoi kai meči
Svvduei péàovra orpareðeiw èni Mareðoviav, rôv
S “Edývwv roùs màelovs éroipovs elvat mpòs dró-
4 araow où perpiws hywvia, œs È Ñkóv Twes ån-
ayyéàdovres rův Mépvovos redeuriýv, anmeàúðn tis
noààñs dywvias. per oàiyov Õè cis appworiav
Bapvrépav èêunecàv kat yaàer® maler ovveyópevos
5 ovvekáàeoe roùs iartpoús. TtÕv pèv ov dÀAÀwv
ékaoros ĝvuoyepôs eÎye mpos rùv Îepareiav, Pià-
innos © `Akapvàv TÒ yévos mapaßðdois kat ovv-
Tõpois epaneiais* ypópevos enņyyeliaro ĝia
6 pappareias Àúoew Ttùv võcov. douévws è ToÔ
Baciéws úmakoúoavros ià rò Aéyeohar Aapeîov
erà tis Õvvduews k Baßvàðvos ©punkévat ó
èv iarpòs ĝoùs páppakov mieîv kal ovvepyòv Aaßàv
Tùy púow Tto káuvovros kai Tùv TÚyŅv eùbùs dr-
HAdače tis vócov ròv `Aàééavðpov. oros èv ov
mapaðóéws kpuyæav rov rivðvvov kal ròv lartpòv
TiuhoasS pEyaÀonpeEnÂðS Kkaréračev aùTòv eis TOÙS
eùvovordrovs TÕv hiñ\wv.
1 So RX: iarpeiuus F.
204

BOOK XVII. 31. 2-6

four hundred thousand + infantry and not less than one 333/2 v.c.

hundred thousand cavalry.

This was the force with which Dareius marched out
of Babylon in the direction of Cilicia ; he had with him
his wife and children—a son and two daughters—and
his mother. As to Alexander, he had been watching
how, prior to his death, Memnon had won over Chios
and the cities in Lesbos and had taken Mitylenê by
storm. He learned that Memnon planned to carry
the war into Macedonia with three hundred ships of
war and a land army also, while the greater part of
the Greeks were ready to revolt. This caused him no
little anxiety, but when persons came with the news
of Memnon’s death, he was relieved of this fear ; but
shortly thereafter he became seriously ill? and,
afficted by severe pain, sent for his physicians. All
the rest were hesitant to treat him, but Philip the
Arcarnanian offered to employ risky but quick-acting
remedies and by the use of drugs to break the hold of
the disease. This proposal the king accepted gladly,
for he had heard that Dareius had already left
Babylon with his army. The physician gave him a
drug to drink and, aided by the natural strength of
the sufferer as well as by Fortune, promptly relieved
Alexander of the trouble. Making an astonishing
recovery, the king honoured the physician with mag-
nificent gifts and assigned him to the most loyal
category of Friends.’

1 Justin (11. 9. 1) also gives 400,000. The unknown writer
of the Alexander History P. Oxyrhynchus 1198 (Frag. 44, col.
2.2/3)and Arrian (2. 8. 8) give the Persian strength as 600,000.

2 Either from fatigue, as Aristobulus, or from swimming
in the cold river Cydnus (Arrian, 2. 4. 1).

3 Other writers add that Alexander was warned against
the physician by Parmenion, but that Alexander showed the

205

DIODORUS OF SICILY

32. ‘H è uýrnp toô Baoiňéws ëypape TpÒS TÒV
Adéfavõpov rd re äÀda Trv ypnoipwv kal ŝióri
pvàdčaoðai mpoońýrei ròv Avyeņoriv’ ’ AàéÉavõpov.
oros © æv åvõpeig Ŝıdhopos kal ppovýuartos mÀý-
PhS kal ovuraparkoàovbðv TÔ Pasic? perà TÖV
2 dààwv hiiwv èmorevero. moôv Sè kai Aw
eùbàóyæwv avvõpauóvræwv mrpòs raúryv Tv rafo-
àv ovààngbeis kal Sebeis els pvàariv mapeðóbn,
ws Tevéópevos ikaornpiov.

; ʻO ôe AAéfavðpos mvlópevos tròv Aapeîov àiywv
Npepõðv öðòv aréyew Tappeviwva pèv LETA TÎS
Õvváduews anéoreiev Tpokataànpóuevov TàS mapõ-
ovs xal ràs ovopačouévas . . . Ilúóas* oros
© empPaddv tToîs rórois kal rods mpokaTteiànpóras
ràs voywpias Papßápovs Bıacáuevos kúpios yé-
3 vero TÕv mapóðwv. AapeTos Šè Bovàduevos eðčwvov
moroa Tùv Õóvauıv Tà pèv okevobópa kal Ttov
mepirròv ôxàov eis Aapaoròv ris Xvpias arébero,
Tv © 'ANéfavðpov mvÂóuevos tràs Svoywpias mpo-
kateàņnpévar kal vouioas aùròv uÙ) Toàuâv èv rô
meðiw caywvieohat npoĝyev èr’ ačròv oúvrouov
4rùv óðorropiav nmoroúuevos. oi § eyxwptot Tis

1 So Wesseling (cp. chap. 80. 2): Avyroriv.

2 Kilas Fischer (cp. Book 14, 2 ; f
but that is another H . 20. 1; Arrian, 2. 4. 2, 4,

letter to Philip only as he drank the medici i
i in
ö-6 ; Justin, 11. 8. 3-9 ; Plutarch, Akeno. e A
2. k 7-11 ; P. Oxyrhynchus 1798, Frag. 44, col. D). ”
Justin (11. 7. 1-2) and Arrian (1. 25) say that the plot of
Alexander was revealed by a Persian captive, and place the
incident earlier. Perhaps for this reason, Tarn (Alegander

206

BOOK XVII. 32. 1—4

32. Alexander’s mother wrote at this time to him, 835/2 s c.

giving him other useful advice and warning him to be
on his guard against the Lyncestian Alexander.! This
was a man distinguished for bravery and high spirit
who accompanied the king in the group of Friends in
a trusted capacity. There were many other plausible
circumstances joining to support the charge, and so
the Lyncestian was arrested and bound and placed
under guard, until he should face a court.?
Alexander learned that Dareius was only a few
days march away, and sent off Parmenion with a body
of troops to seize the passage of the so-called ...
Gates.” When the latter reached the place, he forced
out the Persians who were holding the pass and re-
mained master of it. Dareius decided to make his
army mobile and diverted his baggage train and the
non-combatants to Damascus in Syria * ; then, learn-
ing that Alexander was holding the passes and think-
ing that he would never dare to fight in the plain,
made his way quickly to meet him. The people of

the Great, 2. 68) thought that the “ king’s mother ” here was
Dareius’s mother, Sisygambis. But he recognized that she
did not yet know Alexander and had no motive for such a
warning ; Olympias, on the other hand, was both in close
touch with and watchful over her son. Diodorus’s account
is very credible.

3 Alexander belonged to the ruling family of Lyncestis.
His two brothers had been executed by King Alexander at
his accession, but this Alexander had demonstrated his loyalty
and remained a trusted friend of the king. He was, however,
a possible rival for the throne of Macedonia, and doubtless
suspected by Olympias. He was executed without facing
specific charges at the time of Philotas’s conspiracy (chap.
80. 2).

3 aiy: the Syrian Gates; cp. Arrian, 2. 5. 1, who
calls them simply *“‘ the other gates.”

4 Curtius, 3. 8. 12; Arrian, 2. 11. 9-10.

207

LX]

DIODORUS OF SICILY

` A M à ? SÀ z Z
èv rôv Mareðóvwv oùryótyrTos rkaraġpovýoavtes,
Trò Sè nAflos ris rôv Ilepoðv orparıâs kara-
À £ À lA A AÀ t4 ð ld
nenànypévoi karaùıróvres Tòv ` AAééavðpov mpocé-
m A h3 ` 7
bevro TÔ Aapeiw kal rás re Tpohpàs kal Tv AANV
mapagkevyv eTa ToÀÀÑs mpobvuias êxophyovv Toîs
a È
IHépoais kal ĝa Ts iias kpiosews Tpoeocýuawov
a [A ` ’ e 3 9 z 4
toîs Bapßápois tův vik. ó © `AàéEavòpos TÙùv
hi ? ` SÀ 3 SÀ À d 3
èv `Iooòv mów daéióoyov kararàņnéduevos ye-
põóoarTto.
~ $ 2 3 # ? Ca
33. Tôv è karaokórwv dnayyeidvrwov aùtT®
Tpidkovra ortTaðiovs dnéyew ròv Aapeîov kai ovv-
Teraypévņn TÅ Öuváuet Mpociévat KATATÀNKTIKÕS,
e ` AY m A 2— A y `
únroàabwv mapà rv lev aùr® Seðóohat rTòv
kupòv Wore m mapardéei vkýoavtra karaoa
riv Iepoðv ýyepoviav Troùs èv orpatrwrTas Toîs
oikeiois Àdyois mapekdàeoev èrm. Tòv mepi TÕV ÔÀAwV
dyðva, TA È TAYATA TÖV OTPATLWTÕV KAL TÀS
TÕV İTTÉWV ELÀAS OLKELWS TOTS ÚTOKELUÉVOLS TÖTOLS
Sıardéas roùs èv inneîs ênéornoe' mpò máons Tis
Po 4 ~ Pa
orpatiâs, Tv è rv nev ddàayya karómıv
> +
edeðpeðeiww mpocéraćev. aùròs è mponyoúpevos
“~ “~ + 3 a
ToÔ Õeéioð pépovs amývra Toîs modeuiois, Exwv
peb’ éavroĝ rtoùs kpariorouvs rôv innéwv: rò &
ceùwvvuov uépos ¿neîyov ot rv OQerradðv inneîs,
` ~ z [4 A > +
Toàù TÕv dAMwv iapépovres raîs re avõpayabiars
bi a ? $ e
kai Taîs eumerpiais. œs Ò’ at ðvuvdueis vròs Bédovs
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eyivovto, Toîs èv Tepi Tòv ` AàéÉavõpov èréppupav
e A m A "~
ot Pappapor rocoĉrov màñhos Peiðv ğore Sià Tùv

1 énéornoe]| éornoe Bekker.

1 A little less than four miles (Curtius, 3. 8. 23). Of all the
208

BOOK XVII. 32. 4—33. 3

the country, who had little respect for the small 333/2 s.c.

numbers of the Macedonians but were much impressed
with the great size of the Persian army, abandoned
Alexander and came over to Dareius. They brought
the Persians food and other materials with great good-
will, and mentally predicted victory for them. Alex-
ander, however, occupied Issus, a considerable city,
which was terrified into submission.

33. When his scouts reported that Dareius was only
thirty stade away and advancing in alarming fashion
with his forces drawn up for battle, a frightening spec-
tacle, Alexander grasped that this was a god-given
opportunity to destroy the Persian power in a single
victory. He roused his soldiers with appropriate
words for a decisive effort and marshalled the bat-
talions of foot and the squadrons of horse appropri-
ately to the location. He set the cavalry along the
front of the whole army, and ordered the infantry
phalanx to remain in reserve behind it. He himself
advanced at the head of the right wing to the en-
counter, having with him the best of the mounted
troops. The Thessalian horse was on the left, and this
was outstanding in bravery and skill. When the
armies were within missile range, the Persians
launched at Alexander such a shower of missiles that

historians, Diodorus alone fails to state that Dareius occupied
Issus in Alexander’s rear, and his narrative is very conven-
tional. Actually, Dareius established a fortified line along
the north bank of the river Pinarus, and Alexander was
compelled to turn the position by a movement through the
hills to the east. Cp. Polybius, 12. 17-23 ; Curtius, 3. 8-11.
15; Justin, 11. 9. 1-9; Plutarch, Alexander, 20. l-5;
Arrian, 2. 8-11. The battle was fought in the Attic month
Maimacterion, perhaps in November, 333 s.c. (Arrian, 2. 11.
10), or somewhat earlier (M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, 2 (1956),
4). i

209

DIODORUS OF SICILY

nukvórra rv Baňopévwv QÀAÀ\ńÀois ovykpovóv-

4 rwv dobeveorépas yiveohar tràs mànyás. rtÕv ğè
caìmıkrÕv map duporépois TÒ Todeikòv opar-
vóvræv oi Mareðéves mpõrot ovvañañdéavres Boùv
etalciov ènroiņoav, perà è rara rv Bapßápwv
àvrihheyfauévwv ovvýxņoe èv ń oúveyyvs pew)
nâca, rò è uéyebos tis Poñs únepipe Tv mpoye-
yevyuévny kpavyňv ©s äv nevrýkovra pvupidðwv
wâ powvf ovvnyovoðrv.

5 “O & 'Aàéfavõpos mávry trùv opw Pdàñwv rat
oneúðwv kariðeîv rov Aapeîov dua T katavofjoat
mapaypipa petrà TÖV mept aÙTÒV inTéÉwV ÈT’ aÙTÒv
êdépero ròv Pacıiàéa, oneúðwv oùy oŭTrw kara-
nporepjoar rÕv Ilepoðv ws Tò Òe avro mepirorý-

6 caoĝĵar Tùv vikņyv. dpa Sè roúrw kait rv dÀÀwv
ATAVTWV INTEWV CUUTECŐVTÆWV AÀAAÑAOLS KAL TOAÀAOÛ
hövov ywopévov ń èv uáxņ ià tràs TÕv dywvio-
uévwv peras aupiðoćov eîye Tv TÕv wv rpiow'
eraàavrevero yap ðepo kakeîoe, Tis Tporis vad-

7 ÀQÉ yivouévys. oŬte yap dkovricas oùŭte maTdéas
oùðeis dmpakrov čoye TÙV TANyÌV œs àv Öt TÒ
mÀğlos érolpov roô orkoroô Keiuévov. ið kal
TOAÀOL TPAŬLAOW ÈVAVTÍOLS MEPLITUYXYAVOVTES ETL-
mTOov kal péxpi Ts êcyárns åvanvoñs Îvuopayov-
Tes TÒ Ċiv mpõrepov Ņ Tv aperv éééàerrov.

34. Of è ékdorns ráćews ńyeuóves rv únro-
TeTaypévæwv mpoaywvióuevoti ia TS iias aperis
Toùs mooùs dvõpayabeîv mpoerpépavro. ið kal
nmapiv ópôâv mods uèv ciabéoeis Tpavpárwv ywo-
uévas, moikiovs è kal peydàovs dyðvas ovvora-

2 pévovs Úrėp tis vikņns. 'Oédbpns È ó Ilépons,
dðcàdòs uèv æv Aapeiov, karà è rv dvðpeiav
210

BOOK XVII. 33. 3—34. 2

they collided with one another in the air, so thickly 333/2 s.c.

did they fly, and weakened the force of their impact.
On both sides the trumpeters blew the signal of
attack and then the Macedonians first raised an
unearthly shout followed by the Persians answering,
so that the whole hillside bordering the battlefield
echoed back the sound, and this second roar in volume
surpassed the Macedonian warcry as five hundred
thousand men shouted with one voice.!

Alexander cast his glance in all directions in his
anxiety to see Dareius, and as soon as he had identi-
fied him, he drove hard with his cavalry at the king
himself, wanting not so much to defeat the Persians as
to win the victory with his own hands. By now the
rest of the cavalry on both sides was engaged and
many were killed as the battle raged indecisively
because of the evenly matched fighting qualities of
the two sides. The scales inclined now one way, now
another, as the lines swayed alternately forward and
backward. No javelin cast or sword thrust lacked its
effect as the crowded ranks offered a ready target.
Many fell with wounds received as they faced the
enemy and their fury held to the last breath, so that
life failed them sooner than courage.

34. The officers of each unit fought valiantly at the
head of their men and by their example inspired
courage in the ranks. One could see many forms of
wounds inflicted, furious struggles of all sorts inspired
by the will to win. The Persian Oxathres was the
brother of Dareius and a man highly praised for his

t This is the total Persian strength as given above, chap.
31. 2.

1 nool F, corrected to moààoîs, as in RX.
211

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3
enmaiwvoúuevos, œs elðev ròv `Aàéfavôpov akara-
la ez 3o oA 4 A A 3 À A8 “~
oxyérws tépevov èm trov Aapeîov, èpiàotriuýÂn TÕS
3o an lA M > m~ > ` D
3 aùris Týxyns kowwvijoat TaðeÀAp®. davañaßov oĝv
Toùs apiorovs Tv innéwv rÕv peb’ avroð teray-
’ ` 2 » [A ~ bi 4 AÀ l4
pévwv perà toúrwv néppače Toîs mepi TOV éé-
avõpov kal vouicas TÒ piàdôeàdov Tis puys otoew
aùT® mepipónrov rapa Ilépoais Sófar mpoeuáyero
To Aapeiov tTeÂpinnmov kal per èurerpias eùrõà-
uws roîs modelos ovuTtàekóuevos ToàÀoùs dré-
4 krewe. TÕv è mepi ròv ° Adéfavõpov úneppaddo-
évwv raîs avòpayaliais mepit pèv TÒ ToÔ Aapeiov
Tébpinrnov rayù vekpðv swpeýðn nmàñlos: mávres
` 3 A ~
yap êßiépevor To Booiàéws paoar mpos dAAńàovs
êkĝÎvuórara ıiyywvibovro rat roô Giv oùðepiav
eroroñvro hebo.
7 Pa m
5 "Eneoov © èv TÔ rwðúvw roúrw modol tT®v
` II , 3 POR 7 , E 1
mapa Ilépoais êmipavôv hyepóvwv, èv ois ùnipxev
bd 2 ~Y A
Avriéóņs? kai ‘Peopiðpys kai ò ts Aiyórrov
/ T / 3 e , ` a ` N
catpánys Tacidrys.? ópoiws è Tov kal mapa
roîs Makeðóoi meoóvrwv ovvéßņn kral aùròv ròv
kd l a hJ
Aàéfavðpov rpwðñvaı ròv pnpõv, mepiyvðévrwv
6 aùr TÖV Todepiwv. ot è rov roô Aapelov re-
’ 4 3 l4
Opinnmov Guyòv ènéyovres immor, tpavpatıčóuevor
m~ ` KJ A m m~
mukvôs kal ià TÒ nÀAÑIos rÕv Tepl aùroùs cwpevo-
s m~
HÉvwv vekpÕvV TTUpÕLEVOL, TA ÈV XaÀwà ieselovTo,
1 So RX; órñpxorv cet.
3 : , ,
Wesseling would correct to *°Arıtóns from chap. 21. 3.
3 Taoıidrens RX ; Eracidrns F ; Zaßdrns Arrian (2. 11. 8).
212

BOOK XVII. 34. 2-6

fighting qualities ; when he saw Alexander riding at 333/2 s.c

Dareius and feared that he would not be checked, he
was seized with the desire to share his brother’s fate.
Ordering the best of the horsemen in his company
to follow him, he threw himself with them against
Alexander, thinking that this demonstration of
brotherly love would bring him high renbwn among
the Persians. He took up the fight directly in front
of Dareius’s chariot and there engaging the enemy
skilfully and with a stout heart slew many of them.
The fighting qualities of Alexander’s group were
superior, however, and quickly many bodies lay piled
high about the chariot. No Macedonian had any other
thought than to strike the king, and in their intense
rivalry to reach him took no thought for their lives.

Many of the noblest Persian princes perished in
this struggle, among them Antixyes and Rheomithres
and Tasiaces, the satrap of Egypt.? Many of the
Macedonians fell also, and Alexander himself was
wounded ? in the thigh, for the enemy pressed about
him. The horses which were harnessed to the yoke
of Dareius’s chariot were covered with wounds and
terrified by the piles of dead about them. They re-

1 Curtius, 3. 11. 8. This is the scene pictured in the Alex-
ander Mosaic from the House of the Faun at Pompeii.

2 Rheomithres was mentioned as a cavalry commander
on the Persian right wing at the Granicus (chap. 19. 4).
Curtius (3. 11. 10) mentions the death of Atizyes, Rheo-
mithres, and Sabaces, satrap of Egypt; Arrian (2. 11. 8)
names Arsames, Rheomithres, Atizyes, Sabaces of Egypt,
and Bubaces. Although Diodorus has reported Atizyes dead
at the Granicus (chap. 21. 3), it is possible that he is the other-
wise unknown Antixyes here.

3 By Dareius himself, according to Chares (Plutarch, De
Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 2. 9. 341 B). Alexander’s
wound is mentioned by Curtius (3. 11. 10), Justin (11. 9. 9),
Plutarch (Alexander, 20..5), and Arrian (2. 12. 1).

213

DIODORUS OF SICILY

map òàiyov è kal aùròv ròv Aapeîov eis rToÙs
modeuiovs é$ýveyrav. iò kal rwĝvveúwv doyárws
ó Pacideùs aùròs prace roùs purĝpas, cvvavay-
katóuevos Asar tův oeuvórnra ris mpooracias
kal ròv mapa Ilépoais roîs Baciàcoı keiuevov vó-
7 pov úneppivar. mpoońýyðn Šè kai rébpirrov črepov
Úrò Trv únnperðv Tr Aapeiw kal karà Tùv els
ToÔTo perdpaov Tapayñs yevopévns ó èv Aapeîos
émkeuevwv Tv moñepiwv eis ékTàngw kal Séos
EVEMTLTTEV.

Ot è Iépoar ròv Baoràda karavońoavres rapar-
Tópevov eis puyi &öppyoav. Tò Ò avrò kal rÔv
EXOLEVAV ITTÉWV TOoodvTav rTayù mávres èrpdá-
8 mnoav. ris sè puyis oùons v rómois orevoîs kal
Tpaxéor gupminTovTes AÀAAÑÀovs ovverdrTovy kal ToÀ-

ot xwpis moàepias nànyfis aréðvyorkov. ëčkewro
yàp OpoD/ owpevlévres ot èv vev TrÔv õmÀwv,
oi è rypoðvres tàs mavoràias’ riwvès $è yeyvuvw-
péva tà ćiġn Siadvàdčavres roùs mepi rara àva-
mepouévovs dvýpovv: ot è mÀeîorot eis Tà mela
Õrekreoóvres Šia roúrwv åmò kpárovs éħaúvovres
Toùs imnovs eis ràs ovpuaylõas ródes karépevyov.
9) dè rv Mareðóvav pdìayé kal rò trôv Hepoôv
mev orpárevua Bpaxòv ypóvov èv rĝ páxn õé-
pewev’ npontTTuévwv yàp trv innéwv olovel tis

1 A more literal rendering would be “ they shook off
out) their bits,” but it is hard to see how Ba could do A
Curtius (3. 11. 11)renders the same idiom as “iugum quatere,”

‘ toss the yoke.” If, as has been suggested in the Introduc-
tion (p. 13), Diodorus was using Trogus as a source, it may
be that he was put to it to translate a Latin saying. We may
assume that the horses reared and tossed and shook their
214

BOOK XVII. 34. 6-9

fused to answer to their bridles, and came close to 833/2 B.o.

carrying off Dareius into the midst of the enemy, but
the king himself, in extreme peril, caught up the
reins, being forced to throw away the dignity of his
position and to violate the ancient custom of the
Persian kings. A second chariot was brought up by
Dareius’s attendants and in the confusion as he
changed over to it in the face of constant attack he
fell into a panic terror.?

Seeing their king in this state, the Persians with
him turned to flee, and as each adjacent unit in turn
did the same, the whole Persian cavalry was soon in
full retreat. As their route took them through narrow
defiles and over rough country, they clashed and
trampled on one another and many died without
having received a blow from the enemy. For men
lay piled up in confusion, some without armour, others
in full battle panoply. Some with their swords still
drawn killed those who spitted themselves upon
them.? Most of the cavalry, however, bursting out
into the plain and driving their horses at full gallop
succeeded in reaching the safety of the friendly
cities. Now the Macedonian phalanx and the Persian
infantry were engaged only briefly, for the rout of
the cavalry had been, as it were, a prelude of the

heads, making their control almost impossible. This is how
they are represented in the Alexander Mosaic.

2' The Alexander Mosaic shows Dareius about to mount a
horse to make his escape, as in Curtius (3. 11. 11), and Arrian
(2.11. 5). In chap. 37. 1, also, Dareius makes his escape on
horseback. Perhaps he intended to continue the battle in the
second chariot. f

3 Arrian (2. 11. 8) quotes Ptolemy as reporting that Alex-
ander’s cavalry in the pursuit crossed a deep gully on the
piled up bodies of the dead. Even a king, it seems, might
draw the long bow on occasion in writing history.

215

DIODORUS OF SICILY

mpoayæv èyeyóver ris SÀns vikys. mávrwv è rv
Papßápwv rayòù tparévrwv kal roooúrwv pupidðwv
év oTevoîs TóTois Tv puy morovuéevwv tayòù mâs
ò ovvex)s TóTos vekpôðv èrànpobn.

35. Nvkròs © emdapoúons oi èv Iépoat pq-
iws Seordpnoav eis moàoùs Térovs, ot è Ma-
keðóves mavoduevot TOÔ wyo mpòs åprayv
öpunoav kal diora mepi tràs Baciùikàs ornvàs

2 Sià rÒ mÀñhos ris movredeias hoxooðvro. Sıómrep
moàùs èv äpyvpos, oùk òàlyos è ypvods, mau-
mÀnleis Sè kal moduredeîs éobires èr rûs Paoidris
ydgns ðiepopoðvro. óuolws Sè kal rÕv roô Ba-
oiAéws pidwv kai ovyyevôv kal rv ÄÀANwv ýyeuő-

3 vwv oùk òàiyos Ômprdyn moros. où uóvov yàp
at rs Paois oikias, dààà kal ai rôv ovyyevôv
kal þiàwv yuvaîkes è$ åppárwv yoúpevar kara-
xpýowv ovvņkoàoðłovv kard ti márpiov čbos tôv

4 IMHepoðv: ékdory Sè roúræv ià Tùv úrepßoàdv roô
mÀoúrov kal tûs tpupis nepiýyero màñlos mov-
Sardávov karaokrevis kal yvvakelov kóopov.

Iáhos © fv Sewórarov repi tràs aiyuaiwrito-

5 pévas yuvaîkas. ai yàp mpórepov Šià tpueiv èr
åmývas modvreàéot uóyıs karakopčóuevat kal
yvuvòv uépos To oúparos oùðèv paivovoar, rére
povoyiTwves kal tàs éobñras mepippýrrovoar per
oðvupuðv èk Trv okyvðv èterńýðwv, empowuevar
Oeoùs kat mpoorimrovoat Toîs rÔv kparoúvræv

6 yóvaci. Tepiorpoúpevar è Taîs yepol Tpeuovoas
TOV TOÔ owpaTos kóopov kal tàs kóuas åveruévat
Sià rónwv Tpayéwv čbeov ral mpòs àAÀńÀas ovvtpé-
216

BOOK XVII. 34. 9—35. 6

whole victory. Soon all of the Persians were in re- 333/2 s.c.

treat and as so many tens of thousands were making
their escape through narrow passes the whole country-
side was soon covered with bodies.

35. When night fell, the remainder of the Persian
army easily succeeded in scattering in various direc-
tions while the Macedonians gave over the pursuit
and turned to plunder, being particularly attracted by
the royal pavilions because of the mass of wealth that
was there.! This included much silver, no little gold,
and vast numbers of rich dresses from the royal
treasure, which they took, and likewise a great store
of wealth belonging to the King’s Friends, Relatives,
and military commanders. Not only the ladies of the
royal house but also those of the King’s Relatives and
Friends, borne on gilded chariots, had accompanied
the army according to an ancestral custom of the
Persians, and each of them had brought with her a
store of rich furniture and feminine adornment, in
keeping with their vast wealth and luxury.

The lot of these captured women was pathetic in
the extreme.? They who previously from daintiness
only with reluctance had been conveyed in luxurious
carriages and had exposed no part of their bodies
unveiled now burst wailing out of the tents clad only
in a single chiton, rending their garments, calling on
the gods, and falling at the knees of the conquerors.
Flinging off their jewelry with trembling hands and
with their hair flying, they fled for their lives over
rugged ground and, collecting into groups, they

1 This capture of the personal baggage and retinue of the
king and his nobles was followed by that of the military train
at Damascus (chap. 32. 3), which Diodorus does not mention

(Arrian, 2. 11. 10). f
2 The same picture is sketched by Curtius, 3. 11. 21-23.

217

DIODORUS OF SICILY

xovoar PonÂoùs rekañoðvro tràs map érépwv èm-
7 kovpias ðeouévas. Ñyov & aùràs oi pèv anò ris
kóuņs mormóuevot tàs Ùruynkvias, of è ràs
eobiras mepipnyvývres kal yvuvoîs toîs cópaow
emPáàovres ras yeîpas kai raîs orádðpais TÔv
SopdTwv TÝTTOVTES kat TÀ TULOTATA Kal meppónTa
trõv Papßápwv raîs rs róxyņns wpeaîs óßpitovres.

36. OLS’ emeicéoraroi rÔv Mareðóvwv rùv pera-
Poàiv tÂs Tóxns ópðvres ovumaðeis yivovro ral
tàs TÕv dkàņpoúvræv ovupopàs ŅhÀéouv, aÎs Tà uèv
mpoońkovra kal peydàa' uakpàv ånńprnto, rà &
daààóġvàa Kal moàéwa mapiv oúveyyvs .. . kal
Tpòs arvyĵ kai eroveiðiorov aiypaàwoiav map-
OPHNTO.

Mára è roùs mapóvras eis Šdkpva kal ovp-
nálerav Ñyayev ý Aapeiov pýrnp kal yuvi kal ŝúo
3 Îvyarépes éniyapor ral víðs maîs rhv hAxiav. èri
yàp Toúrwv ń ueraßoàù tis Túxņs kal rò péyeĝos
TrÕv aveńiorwv åkàņpnuárwv èv ğer reiuevov
eùÀóyws roùs ópðvraşs role ovuráoyew roîs
4 ruynkőoi. mepit pèv yàp Aapelov mórepov Či kal
mepieorw Ñ kal perà tis TÕv &ÀÀwv lopâs àró-
Awàev oùk èyivwokov, éópwv è tùy okyvv Šiap-
mdtovras èvórdovs modepiovs dvõpas, åyvooðvras
èv tàs Àwkvias, modà Sè Sià rv &yvorav
anpenf mpárrtovras, kal rò oúvoàov ŠÀņv tův ° Aciav
aixudàwrTov ueb? abrÂv yeyevnuévyv kal raîs pèv
rv catpanrðv yuvi mpoomınroúcais kal ĝeco-
pévais Ponle oùy olov ovvemiaßéobat riwvòs to-

1 For peyáña Wesseling suggests ueràlyia, Bezzel hiña.

1 There seems to be an omission in the manuscript here.

218

BOOK XVII. 35. 6—36. 4

called to help them those who were themselves in 333/2 n.o.

need of help from others. Some of their captors
dragged these unfortunates by the hair, others, rip-
ping off their clothing, drove them with blows of their
hands or spear-butts against their naked bodies, thus
outraging the dearest and proudest of the Persian
possessions by virtue of Fortune’s generosity to them.

36. Now the most prudent of the Macedonians
looked on this reversal of fortune with compassion
and felt pity for the case of those who had seen their
former lot so violently changed ; everything belong-
ing to their high rank was far removed from them,
and they were encompassed by what was foreign and
hostile. (This, however, was not the attitude of most
of the soldiery,) + and the women were herded off
into a luckless and humiliating captivity.

What particularly moved to tears of pity those who
saw it was the family of Dareius, his mother, wife,
two daughters of marriageable age, and a son who
was a mere boy.? In their case, the change in fortune
and the magnitude of their loss of position, incredible
as it was, was a spectacle that might well inspire com-
passion in those who beheld it. They knew nothing
of Dareius, whether he lived and survived or had
perished in the general disaster, but they saw their
tent plundered by armed men who were unaware of
the identity of their captives and committed many
improper acts through ignorance. They saw the
whole of Asia taken prisoner with them, and as the
wives of the satraps fell at their feet and implored
their help, they were not able to assist any one of

The words in parenthesis represent what may have been the
original sense. j
2 In chap. 38. 2, he is said to have been six years old.

219

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Xvov, dÀÀà kal aùrai raúras Ñélovv ovvemikovpijoat
Toîs éavrõv dkàņnpýpacw.

Oi è roô Pacidéws mates karañaßóuevor Thv

to Aapeiov okyvv rarkeívov Àovrpà kal ŝeîrmva
mapeokevdtovro kat \aumdðwv Toà) mvpàv dav-
TES mpooeðéyovro röv `AéÉavðpov, nws ànò Tob
Ôrwypot yevóuevos ral karaňaßàv éroiunv mâcav
Tv mapaokeviv roô Aapeiov oiwviontai Thv ŠÀnv
tTÎs `Acias hyeuoviav.
6 Kara õè rùv páynv èreňcúrņoav rôv Bapßpápwv
mekot pèv màelovs rÔv õéka'! pupidõwv, inmeîs §&’
oùK eÀdrTTovs TÕv pupiwv, rÔv $è Maresdvwv reto
èv eis tpiakociovs, inmeîs $è mepi ékaròv kal
mevrýkovra. ń èv oĝv èv loo ris KiMrias AXN
ToLoŬTov éoye TÒ TÉÀoS.

37. Tõv è Paoıidéwv Aapeîos èv karà kpáros
ýrryuévos eis uyv &punoev kal Lerañaupávwv
AAàov èé Ààov rv àpiorwv innwv karà KpåToOS
TAavve, Siadvyeîv orevðwv tràs ’Aeédrõpov xeîpas
kat Tôv åvw carparerðv dacha Tmpoarpoúuevos"
AÀéfavôpos Sè perà ris érapixis inrov kal rôv
dAwv apiorwv innméwv èrowîro ròv wyuórv,
onevðwv eykparhs yevéobar roô Aapeiov. Siavýoas
è oraôiovs Siaxociovs åvékaupev eis TÙV mapep-
Poàùv mepi uésas vúrras, roîs &è Àovrtpoîs Qepa-
Ma Sdóðeka RX. Cp. Curtius, 3. 11. 27: peditum

1 Curtius, 3. 11. 23; Justin, 11. 10. l-5; Plutarch, Alex-

ander, 20, 6-8. Justin and Plutarch (21. 4) state that Alex-
220

BOOK XVII. 36. 4—37. 2

of them, but themselves sought the assistance of the 333/2 s.c.

others in their own misfortunes.

The royal pages now took over the tent of Dareius
and prepared Alexander’s bath and dinner and, light-
ing a great blaze of torches, waited for him, that he
might return from the pursuit and, finding ready for
him all the riches of Dareius, take it as an omen for
his conquest of the empire of all Asia.!

In the course of the battle there died on the Persian
side more than one hundred thousand infantry and
not less than ten thousand cavalry ?; on the Mace-
donian side, the casualties were three hundred. in-
fantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry.” This was
the conclusion of the battle at Issus of Cilicia.

37. The kings, however, were still occupied. When
he knew that he was decisively defeated, Dareius
gave himself up to flight and mounting in turn one
after another of his best horses galloped on at top
speed, desperately seeking to escape from Alexander’s
grasp and anxious to reach the safety of the upper
satrapies. Alexander followed him with the com-
panion cavalry ê and the best of the other horsemen,
eager to get possession of Dareius’s person. He
continued on for two hundred furlongs and then
turned back, returning to his camp about midnight.

ander married Barsinê at this time (above, p. 183, note 2).
Curtius mentions Barsinê (3. 13. 14) but not the marriage.

2 These same figures are given by Curtius (3. 11. 27), Plu-
tarch (Alexander, 20. 5), and Arrian (2. 11. 8). Justin gives
(11. 9. 10) 61,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry killed and
40,000 captured.

3 Curtius gives 4500 wounded, 302 missing, 150 killed
(3. 11. 27); Justin (11. 9. 10), 130 infantry killed and 150
cavalry ; Arrian (2. 10. 7), 120 Macedonians killed.

4 This is the usual term for the Macedonian royal horse
guards.

221

DIODORUS OF SICILY

mevoas rov èk ris kakonalĝelas Kkórov ETpÉTETO
mpòs äveow kal ĝerrvoroiiav.

3 Hpòs è rhv yvvaîka kal rùv unrTépa roô Aapeiov
mpooedbóv tis amýyyerdev öre mdpeoriw °AÀdćav-
pos dno ToÔ ewyuoð, röv Aapeîov éokvàevrkos.
evla ù kpavyĝs ueydàns ral kìavôuoð TEpt TAS
yvvatkas yevouévov kal TOÔ mÀýÂovs rôv aiyuaňń-
Twv à Tv dmayyeàlav ovunevhoðvros kai roùv
dõvpuðv mpoïeuéùov, mvðóuevos ó Paoideùs rò mept
tàs yuvaîkaşs nmdálos efénewpjev éva trôv iiw
Aeovvárov! karamaúsovra rùv TApaxNV kat Tapa-
pvônoóuevov tàs mepi Tv Xioúyyaußpw kal ôn-
Aúoovra õiórı Aapeîos uèv tf, ó & ’ Aàéfavðpos
EmiuéÀciav aùrÂv moýoera TV mpooýkovoav kal
Sióri mpa Boúderar mpocayopeôoai re aòrås ral Sid
4 TÕv épywv dnmoðeifaohar rv lav pþiàavðpwriav. ai
pev oy aixuañwriðes Tmpoorecoðons aùraîs mapa-
ôógov Kal Tavredðs åmnàmouévns eùruyias tóv re

Adéfavõpov ws beòv mpoccdéfavro kal rôv oðvp-
põv annààdynoav.

0 ðe Paoideds aw ÚpÉpO Àaßpov éva rôv piàwv
Tov uáora Tiúpevov Hgaroriwva nmaphAbe mpòs
Tas yuvaîkas. ExövTwv è duporépwv èobiras èv
Opoias, TÕ peyéber Sè kal rdùàci TpoÉXovTOS TOÔ

Hgaoriwvos ń Zioúyyaußpıs Torov úrodaßoðoa
eÎvat tròv Baciàéa mpocekúvnoev: Šiavevóvrov Š’
aùr) TÕVv TApEOTÓTWV kai TÑ Xepi Seirvýóvrwv ròv
AAcgavðpov ù pèv Zioóyyaußpıs alðeobeîca TYV
ayvorav TaÀw eÈ dpyis mpocekúvet ròv °` AÀééav-
6 ðpov, ò Sè Bacıdeds úrodaßàv eîmev, Myõèv povri-
222

BOOK XVII. 37. 2—6

Having dispelled his weariness in the bath, he turned 333/2 s.c.

to relaxation and to dinner.

Someone came to the wife and the mother of Da-
reius ' and told them that Alexander had come back
from the pursuit after stripping Dareius of his arms.
At this, a great outcry and lamentation arose among
the women ; and the rest of the captives, joining in
their sorrow at the news, sent up a loud wail, so that the
king heard it and sent Leonnatus, one of his Friends,
to quiet the uproar and to reassure Sisyngambris ? by
explaining that Dareius was still alive and.that Alex-
ander would show them the proper consideration. In
the morning he would come to address them and to
demonstrate his kindness by deeds. As they heard
this welcome and altogether unexpected good news,
the captive women hailed Alexander as a god and
ceased from their wailing.

So at daybreak, the king took with him the most
valued of his Friends, Hephaestion, and came to the
women. They both were dressed alike, but He-
phaestion was taller and more handsome. Sisyngam-
bris took him for the king and did him obeisance. As
the others present made signs to her and pointed to
Alexander with their hands she was embarrassed by
her mistake, but made a new start and did obeisance
to Alexander. He, however, cut in and said, “ Never

1 Curtius, 3. 11. 24—12. 18; Justin 11. 9. 12-16; Plutarch,
Alexander, 21; Arrian, 2. 12. 3-8. According to the last,
Ptolemy and Aristobulus wrote that Alexander sent Leon-
natus to the queens, but did not visit them himself; this is
the version followed by Plutarch. The personal visit of Alex-
ander and Hephaestion is attributed to another source, not
identified.

2 The usual spelling is Sisigambis, as in Curtius, 3. 3. 22.

1 Aeovárov RX (cp. Book 16. 94. 4).
223

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ons, Ô pirep: kal yàp kat oros ’Aàééavðpós
otw. où uùv GÀÀà Tùv mpeoĝpûrw unrépa mpoo-
ayopeðoas ià trs piavðpwrorárys mpooņyopias
nmpoeońýuawe rois mpontuynkóot Tův péAÀovoav
čéoco al hiàavôbpwriav. craßeßarwodpuevos ® aÙTÀv
únápčeiw Ševrépav uņrépa ros čpyois eùĵùs rú-
pwoe tùy Ña TÕv Àóywv emayyeàiav.

38. Ilepiéðnke yàp aùrh kõopov re Bacidıkòv kal
TÒ mpoyeyovòs déíwua Taîs mpooņnkovoats Tiuaîs
ġmokarTéoTrqoe: Tùv èv yàp bepareiav aùr nâ-
gav Tùv obeîcav ro Aapeiov mapéðwkev, iðiav
Ò dAànv oùk éàdTtTova ts mpoümapyovons mpos-
ceõwphoaro kat Ts pèv rv nmaphlévwv èkðócews
Béàtiov tĝs Aapeiov kpioews ênnyyeidaro mpovoý-
cechat, rov mata è Opépew s viðv iov kal
2 Baciùxis tius déóoew. mpookaàeoduevos &
aùròv kal hià)oas, ws elðev dôcðs Pàépavra ral
unõèv ws karanàayévra, mpòs Toùs mepi rTòv
‘Hpaoriwva eîrev ótt ó maîs æv EÉ èrôv kal tùv
aperùv Úrèp Thv Àriav mpopaivwv Toà Beàriwv
orl Tob martpós. mepl è Ts apelov yuvaikòs
kal tis mepi aùrùv oeuvórņros mpóvorav čćew
épnoev õmws unõèv dváčiov máðņ růs mpoyeyevn-
BÉVNS eùðaruovias.

Iod è kai Ada mpòs éàeov kal pidavâpwriav
cradeylecis noinoe ràs yuvaîkas Sià rò péyelos
Tis daveàriorov yapâs eis dkaráoyera mponreceîv
Ôdkpva. èmi Sè mâ roîs mpoerpnuévois Sods TÅv
Õcérav où póvov órò rÔv e mabóvrow èraivwv
èróyyavev, dÀÀù kal mapà nâo Toîs ovorparevo-
pévois nepipónrov čoye trův ómepßoňův ris èm-

1 So editors : mpovońoaoðar.
224

BOOK XVII. 37. 6—38. 3

mind, Mother. For actually he too is Alexander.” 1 833/2 s.c,

By thus addressing the aged woman as “ Mother,”
with this kindliest of terms he gave the promise of
coming benefactions to those who had been wretched
a moment before. Assuring Sisyngambris that she
would be his second mother he immediately ratified
in action what he had just promised orally.

38. He decked her with her royal jewelry and re-
stored her to her previous dignity, with its proper
honours. He made over to her all the former retinue
of servants which she had been given by Dareius and
added more in addition not less in number, than the
preceding. He promised to provide for the marriage
of the daughters even more generously than Dareius
had promised and to bring up the boy as his own son
and to show him royal honour. He called the boy to
him and kissed him, and as he saw him fearless in
countenance and not frightened at all, he remarked
to Hephaestion that at the age of six years the boy
showed a courage beyond his years and was much
braver than his father.? As to the wife of Dareius,
he said that he would see that her dignity should be
so maintained that she would experience nothing in-
consistent with her former happiness.

He added many other assurances of consideration
and generosity, so that the women broke out into
uncontrolled weeping, so great was their unexpected
joy. He gave them his hand as pledge of all this and
was not only showered with praises by those who had
been helped, but won universal recognition through
out his own army for his exceeding propriety of con-

1 This recalls the proverbial Greek definition of a friend as
a “ Second Self,” ascribed to Zenon in Diogenes Laertius,
7.23. Cp. also Plutarch, De amicorum multitudine, 2. 93 £.

2 Curtius, 3. 12. 26.

VOL. VIII I 225

DIODORUS OF SICILY

m~ `
4 ekeias. kalhóàov © ëywye vouičw’ moààðv rat
m~ pd SE | > lA t
kaìðv čpyæwv úr ’`Aàeédvðpov ovvrereàeopévæv
` A a e lA ` a Rd
unv roúrwv pe%ov úrápyeiw unè uâdov détov
5 dvaypaġĥs kai uvýunņs ítoropikñs cîvai. at pèv
yàp TÕv TmóAcwv moùopkiai kal mapardées kal Tà
QÀAÀa Tà karà Tòv móàcuov mporepýuara Tà TmÀecl-
AS r "A ? > ~ 2 ’ e kd 3
ova ià rúxnv Ņ Òe dperův èmırvuyydverat, ó © èv
raîs? éfovoiais eis roùs èntaikóras čÀcos mepi-
ld “a
6 óuevos tà puóvņns tris dpovýgews yiverar. oi
nÀeîorot yap id TÅv eùrvyiav êraipovrat uèv Taîs
eùmpačioais, Úmepýhavor © èv raîs eùrvyiais yiwó-
pevot Ts àvðpwrivņns kat kowñs dobeveias èri-
2 Po
Àavĝdvovrar’ iò kal roùs mÀeiorovs ópâv čari Tùv
3 1 e ` l ? > m
eùrvyiav warep Tt Papù popriov pépew aðvvaroôv-
> P ` O + a a
7 ras. `Aàéfavõpos èv oĝv, kaimep moňaîs yeveaîs
mpoyeyovws To kaf’ uâs Piov, rvyyavérw kai
mapà TÕv perayeveorépwv Šikailov kal TpéTovTOS
raîs iias aperats? èraivov.
39. Aapeîos è ðeavúcas eis Bafvàðva kal roùs
) ` ~ kJ b m~ /
iro Tis ev `Iloc® pdxns ceacwbouévovs dvadaß®v
pa A lA
oùk énmeoe TÔ povari, kaimep eydy mepi-
` m~
TETTWKWS ovupopå, dÀ\à mpòs ròv `Adéfavðpov
3 > lA
eypapev avðpwrivws pépew trùv eùruyiav kal toùs
bg À F TAA s 8 ld a
aiypañwrovs dÀÀdgachai ypnuárwv màğðos Àa-
+ kaĝódov è yéyovev ëpyov ToôTo péya kal mepipónrov: yo ôè
vouitw X.
2? Fischer suggests adding here karà tùv eùrvyíav from
Book 18. 59. 5. It is possible that this phrase may have been

displaced two lines below, where it is out of place. (Dindorf
conjectured reading there eùńýĝerav, Bezzel paðvuiav.)

226

BOOK XVII. 38. 3—39. 1

duct. In general I would say that of many good 333/2 s.c.

deeds done by Alexander there is none that is greater
or more worthy of record and mention in history than
this. Sieges and battles and the other victories
scored in war are due for the most part either to
Fortune or valour, but when one in a position of
power shows pity for those who have been over-
thrown, this is an action due only to wisdom.? Most
people are made proud by their successes because
of their good fortune ? and, becoming arrogant in their
success, are forgetful of the common weakness of
mankind. You can see how very many are unable to
bear success, just as if it were a heavy burden. Al-
though Alexander lived many generations before our
time, let him continue to receive in future ages also
the just and proper praise for his good qualities.?
39. Dareius hurried to Babylon and gathered to-
gether the survivors of the battle at Issus. He was
not crushed in spirit in spite of the tremendous set-
back he had received, but wrote to Alexander advis-
ing him to bear his success as one who was only
human and to release the captives in return for a
large ransom. He added that he would yield to

1 This was a well-known cliché in later Greek literature ;
cp. Plutarch, Pericles, 38. 4; De Fortuna aut Virtute Alex-
andri, 1. 7. 329 D; 11. 332 c; 2. 7. 339 A/B.

2 The words ‘“‘ because of their good fortune ” are out of
place here, and may belong after “ a position of power ”
three lines before. See the critical note 2 on p. 226.

3 If we follow the manuscript reading here (critical note
3) we should translate, ‘he should receive from future
writers also just praise proper to their narrative.” Arrian
(2. 12. 8) is not sure that this incident occurred, but approves
it if so. Itis praised by Curtius (8. 12. 18-23) and Plutarch
(Alexander, 21. 4-5).

3 åperaîs] ioropiais RX, and F in margin.
227

DIODORUS OF SICILY

l ? ` `Y ~ 3 ld bi ? `
Bóvra' npoceriðet Sè kal ris `Acias trùv èvròs
e À TA bi SÀ 2 1 924)
Aàvos yøpav kai módeis ovyywphoew,* àv Bov-

2 àbi yevéobar pios. ó ©’ °’ Adétavõpos ovvayayav

A + 4 ` k A ? Ai >
Toùs hidovs kal rv pèv &àņÂwiv èmoroàiv àno-
kpviápevos, érépav è ypdas pérovoav mpòs rò
éavr® ovupépov mpoońveyke roîs ovvéðpois kal

3 roùs mpéopeis dnpákrovs éćganéorei\ev. Šıdmep ó
Aapeîos aroyvoùs Tùv Ŝià rÊv émoroiðv oúvleow
mapacrevàs peyáňas énmorîro mpòs Tòv TmóÀeuov
kal TOÙS Èv kaTà TYV Tponùv droßeßànkóras tàs

, ` RA > 9 ? >
mavoràias kabúnàķev, dÀdovs È mAeyópevos eis
otpariwrtikàs TáÉes karéypaġe: tràs & èk TtÔv
vw catpamerðv Švvdueis, äs droàedoirmas v Sià

Di 3E 7 A

4v òúrņra ris orparelas, perenéumero. kal

LA 2 3

Téàos Tocavryv elonvéykaro omovðiv eis Tùv kara-
` "~ m

okevhv Tis Õuvápews ðore Öırdaciav yevéobar rs

? bd m~

év 'loc® maparagapévns: ôyðoýkovra uèv yàp pv-

2 m~

pidðes metôv, eikooi È inméwv ÑOpoiohnoav kal
` e 2 A
xæpis apudtrwv peravnpópwv màñbos.
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Taôra uèv ov èrpdyðn karà roôrov ròv evı-
l4
avrTõv.

1 Reiske: ovveyópnoev.

————

t Diodorus is the only author to report this forgery. Three
approaches by Dareius to Alexander are mentioned. (1) After
the battle of Issus. Justin (11. 12. 1-2), Arrian (2. 14), and
Curtius (4. 1. 7-14) state that this letter of Dareius demanded
that Alexander withdraw from Asia and release his captives
with (Curtius, Justin) or without (Arrian) a ransom. Curtius
adds that this letter was cast in an insulting tone, suggesting
the manner of the one here stated to have been forged by
Alexander. (2) After the capture of Tyre. Dareius now
offered the hand of one of his daughters and all the territory
west of the Halys River (Curtius, 4. 5. 1-8) or a share in the
228

BOOK XVII. 39. 1-4

Alexander the territory and cities of Asia west of the 338/2 B.C.

Halys River if he would sign a treaty of friendship with
him. Alexander summoned his Friends to a council
and concealed the real letter. Forging another more
in accord with his interests he introduced it to his
advisers and sent the envoys away empty handed.:
So Dareius gave up the attempt to reach an agree-
ment with Alexander by diplomatic means and set
to work on vast preparations for war. He re-equipped
those who had lost their armour in the defeat and he
enlisted others and assigned them to military units.
He sent for the levies from the upper satrapies,?
which he had previously left unemployed because of
the haste of the last campaign. He took such pains
over the constitution of the army that he ended up
with one twice the size of that which had been en-
gaged at Issus. He assembled eight hundred thou-
sand infantry and two hundred thousand cavalry, and
a force of scythe-bearing chariots in addition.
These were the events of this year.

kingdom (Justin, 11, 12. 3-4). This is approximately the
same as the true letter which Diodorus mentions here. Arrian
locates at this point what appears elsewhere as the third
letter. (8) After the departure from Egypt and before
Gaugamela, and connected with Alexander’s kindly treat-
ment of Dareius’s queen. This took the form of an embassy,
probably (Diodorus, 17. 54. 1-6; Curtius, 4. 11; Arrian, 2. 25),
rather than a letter (Justin, 11. 12. 7-16 ; Plutarch, £lex-
ander, 29. 4). Dareius offered the hand of another daughter
in marriage, cession of all territory west of the Euphrates,
and a ransom for the royal women of 10,000 (Plutarch,
Arrian) or 30,000 (Diodorus, Curtius, Justin) talents. An
extensive correspondence, largely fictional, between Alex-
ander and Dareius was in circulation in antiquity, and frag-
ments of it occur in the papyri (cp. PSI, 12. 1285). Much of
it found a place in or contributed to the Alexander Romance.
2 These are listed by Arrian, 3, 8. 3-6.

229

DIODORUS OF SICILY

40. Er äpyxovros È °`Abúývnoi Niknpárov ‘Pw-
patot katréorņoav úrárovs Máprov ’AriNov kal
Mápkov Oùañépiov, cÀvumas & yOn Sevrépa mpòs
taîs ékaròv kal éka, ka? v evika P pýàos‘
Xaàkðeús. émi è roúrwv ’Aàééavõpos perà Tùv
év 'loo® virnv roùs èv teàevrýhoavras čbapev, èv
oîs kal rÕv nmoàepiwv tToùs èv raîs åvõðpayaðíaıs
Oavuaolévras: perà è rara rToîs leois peyadorpe-
meîs Buoias ovvreàéoas kal tToùs èv ti páyņn kar
daperùv Šahópovs yevopévovs Tiuńoas raîs délas
ékdorovs Šwpeais ep’ ýuépas tivàs dvéiaße rùv
2 ðúvajuv. čnmera nmpodywv èn? Ailyúrrtov kal kar-
avtrýoas ecis Thv Dowikyv tràs uèv Añas róàcs
mapédaßev, éroiuws Tv èyywpiwv mpooĝetauévwv
aùróv.

O: è Túpiot Bovàopévov roô Baoiéws rô
‘Hpakàc r Tvupiw oar mporeréorepov Šieró-
3 Àvoav aùròv Tis eis Thv mów eloóðov. toô &
Adegdvõpov yaderõs évéyravros kal darenoa-
pévov moàeuýoew tùv mów oi Túpior rebappn-
kótws Ûmépevov Tův mooprkiav, &pa uèv Aapeiw
xapıõuevot kat rhv mpòs aùròv eŭvorav Beßaiav
Typoðvres ral vopibovres peydàas wpeàs àvri
Tavrns Tis xápiros àvrńńeoðat mapà roô Ba-
oÀéws, émomopevot uèv Tòv ’Aàéfavðpov eis
modvypóviov kal èmivðvvov moMopkiav, SÒóvres
© dveow TÔ Aapelw mpòs tàs Tapaokevás, ápa ðè
kal TLOTEÚOVTES TÍ) TE ÖXVUpÉTNTI TS výoov kal raîs

1 So RX; Hpúaàos F (Tpúňos in margin by 2nd hand).

1 Nicetes was archon at Athens from July 332 to June

331 s.c. (Arrian, 2. 24. 6, calls him Anicetus). The consuls of
335 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 139) were M. Atilius Regulus Ca-

230

BOOK XVII. 40. 1-3

40. When Niceratus was archon at Athens, the 332/1 s.c.

Romans elected as consuls Marcus Atilius and Marcus
Valerius, and the one hundred and twelfth Olympic
Games were held, in which Grylus of Chalcis was the
victor. In this year, Alexander buried the dead from
his victory at Issus, including even those of the Per-
sians who had distinguished themselves by courage.
Then he performed rich sacrifices to the gods and
rewarded those who had borne themselves well in
battle with gifts appropriate to each, and rested the
army for some days. Then he marched on towards
Egypt, and as he came into Phoenicia, received the
submission of all the other cities, for their inhabitants
accepted him willingly.

At Tyre, however, when the king wished to sacrifice
to the Tyrian Heracles, the people overhastily
barred him from entering the city ; Alexander be-
came angry and threatened to resort to force, but
the Tyrians cheerfully faced the prospect of a siege.
They wanted to gratify Dareius and keep unimpaired
their loyalty to him, and thought also that they would
receive great gifts from the king in return for such
a favour. They would draw Alexander into a pro-
tracted and difficult siege and give Dareius time for
his military preparations, and at the same time they
had confidence in the strength of their island and the

lenus and M. Valerius Corvus. The 112th Olympic Games
were held in July 332 s.c.

2 For this Heracles cp. B. C. Brundage, Journal of Near
Eastern Studies, 17 (1958), 225-236. The siege of Tyre is
described by Curtius (4. 2. 1-4. 18; Justin, 11. 10. 10-14;
Plutarch, Alexander, 24. 2-25. 2; Arrian, 2. 16-24). It was
the time of the great annual festival of the god (Curtius,
4. 2. 10), and the Tyrians may have felt that to allow Alex-
ander to sacrifice at that time would have meant acknowledg-
ing his sovereignty.

231

DIODORUS OF SICILY

êv aùrf) mapaokevaîs, črt Sè Toîs åmoyóvois aùrôv
Kapynôoviors.

‘O òè Paoıdcùs ópõv karà darrav pèv ĝvo-
moMópryrov osav Tùy TóÀw Šid TE TV Tapackeviv
TÕv kaTà TÒ TeÎyos épywv kal rùv Úmápyovoav èv
aùr Súvayıv vavrıkýv, katrà Sè yiv oyeðov åmpay-
páTevTov oðoav ià TÒ Térrapot oraðiois Šielpye-
obar Ts Ņreipov uws ëkpive ovppépew mávra
kivõðvvov kal nóvov úrouévew Úmèp To u) kara-
ppovnbivar rhv rv Makreðóvæv Súvayuıv órò mâs
kai Tijs Tuyoúons móňews. eùbòs ov kaburpôv rùv
maàaav Acyouévyv Túpov kal mov pupidðwv
kombovoðv Tods Àilovs ypa kareokevale Sire-
pov TÔ màdrei. mavõnuel è mpocdaßóuevos roùs
katoikoĝvras tàs mÀnolov móàes rayù ià ràs'
moàvyeipias Ņvúero Tà TÕv čpywv.

41. Of è Túprot Tò uèv mpõrov npooràéovres
TÔ xúuatı kareyéàwv To Baciàéws, eè rob loce-
SÕvos éavròv oke? mepiéoeoðhar: merà è rara
mapaðófws To yöparTos aùoućvov rékva uèv kal
yvvaîkas Krat roùs yeynpakóras eis Kapynõóva
ôrakopibeiw è&bnpicavro, roùòs & dkrudtovras raîs
NAkilais ênéàckav mpòs Tù)V Teyouaylav kal vav-
payiav éroimws mapeokeúatov, éyovres tprýpeis
òyðoýkovra. TéÀos è rÕv Tékvwv kal yvovarôv
pépos èv éġhacav rekbéuevot mpòs ros Kapyxn-
Ôoviovs, kararayoúpevot © rò rs moàvyeipias
kal raîs vavotv oùk vres åéıóuayot cvvyvaykáobny-

t às Fischer: rĝs codd.

+ Justin, 11. 10. 12. Curtius (4. 3. 19) reports that the
Carthaginians were unable to send reinforcements.

232

BOOK XVII. 40. 3—41. 2

military forces in it. They also hoped for help from 8332/1 s.c.

their colonists, the Carthaginians.!

The king saw that the city could hardly be taken
by sea because of the engines mounted along its walls
and the fleet that it possessed, while from the land
it was almost unassailable because it lay four furlongs
away from the coast.? Nevertheless he determined to
run every risk and make every effort to save the
Macedonian army from being held in contempt by a
single undistinguished city. Immediately he de-
molished what was called Old Tyre ? and set many
tens of thousands of men to work carrying stones to
construct a mole two plethra in width.4+ He drafted
into service the entire population of the neighbouring
cities and the project advanced rapidly because the
workers were numerous.

41. At first, the Tyrians sailed up to the mole and
mocked the king, asking if he thought that he would
get the better of Poseidon.’ Then, as the work pro-
ceeded with unexpected rapidity, they voted to trans-
port their children and women and old men to
Carthage, assigned the young and able-bodied to the
defence of the walls, and made ready for a naval en-
gagement with their eighty triremes. They did
succeed in getting a part of their children and women
to safety with the Carthaginians,’ but they were out-
stripped by the abundance of Alexander’s labour
force, and, not being able to stop his advance with
their ships, were compelled to stand the siege with

2 Curtius, 4. 2. 7. 3 Curtius, 4. 2. 18.

4 Two hundred feet.

5 Curtius, 4. 2. 20.

€ Curtius, 4. 3. 20; Justin, 11. 10. 14. Below, in chap.
46. 4, Diodorus states that most of these persons were actually
removed to safety.

233

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 gav Únopeîvai mavònuel Tv TmoMopkiav. EXOVTES
Sè modiy Sapiiciav karareàrðv kal TÕv aAÀwv
unyavðv rv mpòs moMopkiav ypyoipwv érépas
moaràaciovs kareokeúaoav paòiws ða rÕv êv
ri Túpw unyavororðv kai rÕv dwy TeyvirÂv

4 navroðar®v óvrwv. ià Õè roúrwv òpyávwv mav-
roðarðv kal éévwv raîs èmwolais karaskevaģo-
uévæv dnas èv ò mepiBodos tis móàews enànpoðn
TÕv pnyavðv, páorTa è kaTà TOV TÓTOV TOÜTOV
êv © rò yôpa oùvýyyi%e T TeiyetL.

5 ‘Qs & eis rhv ddeow To Bédovs Siérewe rò
karackevatópevov úrò rv Makeðóvwv épyov, kat
mapà rv hev Tiwa mpoeonuaivero Toîs kivòv-
veðovow. èk uèv yàp To meàdyovs ð kÀŬÝðwv
npooceréàace roîs épyois kfjros dmeorov TÒ péyebos,
Ô TMpPOOTECÒV TÖ XÖUATL KAKÒV ÈV OÙŬÕEV ELPYÓCATO,
TÔ Ò éTépw pépet TOÔ owpaTos npocavakekÀruévov
erl moàùv ypóvov čpeve kat moàÀàw karárnànéw

6 mapeiyero Toîs hewuévois TÒ mapáðogov, mdv &’
eis TO méÀayos vyěduevov cis ðerciðaruoviav dugho-
Tépovs mpoņnydyero’ ékárepot yàp ws Toî loce-
Ovos aùroîs Bonlýoew puéAovros Õıékpivov TÒ
oņpeîov, pérovres raîs yvæp pats mps TÒ Wõrov
cvupépov.

7 Eyivero è kal dAàa oneta mapdõðoća, Švvápeva
Srarpomiv kat ġóßov rtoîs öydois mapacyéoba.
katrà yàp tràs Ttpopàs mapa rtoîs Mareðóow oi
akàóuevor TÕV pruv aiparoeh Tv mpoo
eîyov. éwpakévar ŠE tis épyoev öpw kaf? ñv ó
’ Anróàdwv édeye pée éavròv èkùimeiv rhv nów.

8 roô è mAýlovs Ýnrovoýoavros ótt menÀak®s ein
Tòv Àóyov yapıčópevos ` Adeceédvðpw kai tà ToôTo
234

BOOK XVII. 41. 2-8

almost their whole population still in the city. They 832/1 s.c.

had a wealth of catapults and other engines employed
for sieges and they had no difficulty in constructing
more because of the engineers and artisans of all sorts
who were in the city. All kinds of novel devices were
fashioned by them, so that the entire circuit of the
walls was covered with machines, especially on that
side where the mole was approaching the city.!

As the Macedonian construction came within range
of their missiles, portents were sent by the gods to
them in their danger. Out of the sea a tidal wave
tossed a sea-monster of incredible size into'the midst
of the Macedonian operations. It crashed into the
mole but did it no harm, remained resting a portion
of its body against it for a long time and then swam
off into the sea again.? This strange event threw
both sides into superstition, each imagining that the
portent signified that Poseidon would come to their
aid, for they were swayed by their own interest in
the matter.

There were other strange happenings too, calcu-
lated to spread confusion and terror among people.
At the distribution of rations on the Macedonian
side, the broken pieces of bread had a bloody look.?
Someone reported, on the Tyrian side, that he had
seen a vision in which Apollo told him that he would
leave the city. Everyone suspected that the man
had made up the story in order to curry favour with

1 Curtius, 4. 2. 12.

2 Curtius (4. 4. 3-4) places this event a little later in the
siege.

3 Curtius, 4. 2. 14. Diodorus omits Alexander’s favouring
dream of Heracles (Curtius, 4. 2. 17 ; Arrian, 2. 18. 1).

1 rôv òpydvwv MSS. ; Fischer deleted rôv.
235

DIODORUS OF SICILY

a lA e ? 3A ` À 8 AÑ A
TÕv vewrépwv ópunodvrwv emi rò ÀAbofoihoat rTòv
dvôðpwrov oros èv dà rÕv apxyőóvrwv èkkàa-
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l4 ` 4 hJ A e + e 4 lA
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m 3 $ + m A ? l e
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wovro, TOÔ leot ròv èk Ts mócws ywpiouóv.

` ~ ~ e ` ? ` z

42. Merà òè rara oi èv Túpior rùv ağénow

m lA k LA 3 Lg $ m
To? yóparos ceùdaßnhévres enràńpwoav moa TÕv
éñarróvwv okaġõv oétvßedðv re kal karaneàrôÔv
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2 uèv karérpwoav, oùk Àiyouvs è amékrewav: eis
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` `
modà omovòiv dvénàcov els rùv Túpov. àpo-

+ ` ` A e ` ~ ~
répwv è ià Tv únmeppoàùv ris giňoriuias raîs

+ So Hertlein (cp. Books 12. 27.3; 19. 75.2): rìareis.
236

BOOK XVII. 41. 8—42. 4

Alexander, and some of the younger citizens set out 33°/i s.c.

to stone him ; he was, however, spirited away by
the magistrates and took refuge in the temple of
Heracles, where as a suppliant he escaped the people’s
wrath, but the Tyrians were so credulous that they
tied the image of Apollo to its base with golden cords,
preventing, as they thought, the god from leaving
the city.!

42. Now the Tyrians were alarmed at the advance
of the mole, and they equipped many small vessels
with both light and heavy catapults ? together with
archers and slingers, and, attacking the workers on
the mole, wounded many and killed not'ʻa few. As
missiles of all sorts in large numbers rained upon un-
armed and densely packed men, no soldier missed his
mark since the targets were exposed and unsuspect-
ing. The missiles struck not only from the front but
also from the back, as men were working on both sides
of a rather narrow structure and no one could protect
himself from those who shot from two directions.

Alexander moved immediately to rectify what
threatened to be a shocking disaster, and manning
all his ships ? and taking personal command of them,
made with all speed for the harbour of Tyre to cut off
the retreat of the Phoenicians. They in turn were
terrified lest he seize the harbour and capture the
city while it was empty of soldiers, and rowed back
to Tyre as fast as they could. Both fleets plied their
oars at a fast stroke in a fury of determination, and

1 Curtius, 4. 3. 22 ; Plutarch, Alegander, 24. 3-4.

2 Probably the oxybeleis were armed with heavy wooden
arrows or quarrels, while the catapeltae threw balls of
stone.

3 Alexander was by now in possession of the fleets of the
other Phoenician cities (Arrian, 2. 20. 7).

237

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ceipeoiais nmvkvaîs ypwpévwv kal rÔôv Makeðóvwv
HÒN màyoratóvræwv rots Muéow oi Doivies map
ôàiyov èv HABov TOÔ mdvres amoàéobar, maperonre-
oóvres ®© óuws r Biq kal tràs redevraias vaôs
anopaàóvres ĝeocóbnoav eis Tv mów.

ʻO è Pacieùs peydàns mpos drorvyæv
TÁÀv mpocekaprépet TÔ yó atı kal TÔ nÀýber TÕV
veðv mapeixero roîs épyağopévoirs rův doġdàeav.
Trv È épywv màņoatóvrav T móde kal ris
á\ðoews mpooðokwupévns åpyéorns ğveuos uéyas
êneyévero kal TOÔ yaparos moù uépos éìvuńvaro.
60 ©’ `Aàééavõðpos eis dunyaviav éunintwv ŝià Tùv
aùrópaTov TÕv čpywv $lopàv uerepéňero uèv èri
T TÜS ToMopkias émpodĝ, pws Sè rÅ pidoriuia
mpoayópevos èk Tis opewñs èkkórrwv óreppeyéðn
ôévõpa mapekóuýe ral oùv aùroîs roîs rÀdõois
7 èyxæcas védpaće tův Bav roô kàúðwvos. Tayò ò’

drokataorýoas Tà menmovykóra roô yóparos kal
Ti movyeipig Tporópas eis Rédovs åheow eréoryoe
TAS uNyavas eT äkpov TÒ yÕpa kal ros uèv me-
Tpoßódors karéBade TÀ TELXN, Toîs Ò dévßeàéow
aveîpye roùs emi rÔv endàéewv éġeorôras’ ovv-
nywvitovro è Toúrois ot Te Tročóraı kal oġevõðovñ-
TAL ka TmoàÀoùs rõv èv ri móde mapaßonboôvras
KATETÍTPWOKOV.

43. Oi è Túpiot yadxeîs? ëyovres reyviras kai
pnxavoroioùs kareokeóacav hpiàóreyva Boņnðńuara.

1 yaàkeîs Fischer ; dùeîs codd.

t! Curtius, 4. 3. 6-7.
; orug 4. 3.9.
hese “* counter-measures ” do not appear elsewhere in
the sources, and Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2. 120 f.) may
238

BOOK XVII. 42. 4—43. ı

the Macedonians were already nearing the entrance, 332/1 n.o.

but the Phoenicians, by a narrow margin, escaped
losing their whole force and, thrusting their way in,
got safely to the city with the loss only of the ships
at the tail of the column.

So the king failed of this important objective, but
nevertheless pushed on with the mole, protecting his
workers with a thick screen of ships. As his engines
drew close to the city and its capture seemed im-
minent, a powerful north-west gale blew up and da-
maged a large part of the mole.! Alexander was
at a loss to deal with the harm done to his project by
the forces of nature and thought of giving up the
siege attempt, but driven by ambition he sent to
the mountain and felling huge trees, he brought
them branches and all and, placing them beside the
mole, broke the force of the waves.? It was not long
before he had restored the collapsed parts of the mole,
and pushing on with an ample labour force until he
came within missiles’ range, he moved his engines
out to the end of the causeway, and attacked the
walls with his stone throwers, while he employed his
light catapults against the men stationed along the
battlements. The archers and slingers joined in the
barrage, and wounded many in the city who rushed
to the defence.

43. The Tyrians had bronze workers and machi-
nists, and contrived ingenious counter-measures.?

be right in tracing them ultimately to a technical military
manual. It is not impossible that they may be insertions
of Diodorus himself and were lacking in his source; Dio-
dorus was interested in curiosities. The wheels appear again
below (chap. 45. 3) in somewhat different form. They are
otherwise unknown in antiquity (Tarn, p. 121). Apparently
they were made to whirl in front of the men on the walls,

239

DIODORUS OF SICILY

` ` ` ` À A IN A!
TpOS pv yàp Tà karaneàrikà PEAN Tpoyoùs kart-
a A
eokeģacav ĝnupévovs mukvoîs iadpáyuacı,
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3 .
1 åmeorpéjavro RF; ånerpéļavro X ; damerpiþavro Wesseling.

giving them observation through the spokes but protecting
240

BOOK XVII. 43. 1-5

Against the projectiles from the catapults they 332/1 s.c.

made wheels with many spokes, and, setting these
to rotate by a certain device, they destroyed some of
the missiles and deflected others, and broke the force
ofall. They caught the balls from the stone throwers
in soft and yielding materials and so weakened their
force. While this attack was going on from the
mole, the king sailed around the city with his whole
fleet and inspected the walls, and made it clear that
he was about to attack the city alike by land and
sea.

The Tyrians did not dare to put to sea again with
their whole fleet but kept three ships moored at the
harbour mouth.! The king, however, sailed up to
these, sank them all, and so returned to his camp.
Wanting to double the security of their walls, the
Tyrians built a second one at a distance of five cubits
within the first ; this was ten cubits in thickness, and
the passage between the walls they filled with stones
and earth, but Alexander lashed triremes together,
mounted his various siege engines upon them, and
overthrew the wall for the space of a plethron.?
Through this breach the Macedonians burst into the
city, but the Tyrians rained on them a shower of
missiles and managed to turn them back, and when
night came, they rebuilt the fallen part of the wall.

Now the causeway had reached the wall and made

them from missiles. The translation here offers difficulties ;
“ wheels divided by thick diaphragms ” or “ with many
barriers at close intervals.” Possibly the diaphragms were
screens between the wheels.

1 Curtius, 4. 3. 12; Arrian, 2. 20. 9.

2 The distances are seven and one-half feet, fifteen feet,
and one hundred feet respectively.

3 Arrian, 2. 22. 7.

241

DIODORUS OF SICILY

TEiXEL kal TÜS TÖAEWS YEPPOVýToV yevopévnS Toà-
Àoùs kal peyáàovs dyðvas ovvéßawe yiveoĝar karà
6 T)v Teyopayiav. ot èv yàp TÒ Öeiwòv ëyovres èv
Spladuoîs kal rhv èk ris ádàócews cvuhopàv ava-
Àoyı$õpevor raîs puyaîs oŭrw mapéoryoav mpòs
rov kivõuvov wore TOÔ Îavdrov karapovĝoat.
7rõv yap Mareðóvwv rposayóvræv múpyovs úm-
Àoùs igous Toîs reiyeci kal ià roúrwv tràs èm-
Páðpas émPadàóvrwv rai Opacéws raîs erdàćeow
eniPawóvrwv oi èv Tópior ià rùv ènivorav rôv
ôpyavororðv ToàÀà mpòs Tyv Teiyopayiav elyov
8 Bonbýpara. xadkevodpevor yàp eùpeyébes rpi-
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xeipòs Toùs êm tÕv núpywv kaĥeorôras. èunN-
yvvupévwv è eis tàs doriðas Toúrwv kal káìovs
exóvrwv mpooðeðeuévovs eîÀkov mpòs éavroùs èm-
9 Àaußavópevot trv kdňwv. dvaykaîov oĝv Åv À
mpoieohar Tà ÖmÀàa kal yupvovpévovs Tà oóuara
katatırpwokeobat mov gepouévwv peiðv À
Typoðvras tà mda ià ùv aloyóvyy mimrew åg
10 úyàðv múpywv ral reàcurâv. Ador © ádvrikà
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pirtoÎvres kat Tas yeîpas dypýorovs moroðvrTes
katéonwý kal mepiekóov årò ris èmpáðpas èri

~N A
TNV yY.

44. “Erepov ©’ èrevónoav ečpeua hiàdreyvov karà
Tis rôv Makeðóvwv dvôpeias, 8? oô rods åpiorovs
TÕV Toàepiwv dunydvois kal Sewaîs mepiébaov ri-
pwpiais. katTaokevdoavtes yàp doriðaşs yaàkâs
kal oðnpâs kal raúras mÀànpóoavres àupov pàoyi
TOoAAÑ ovveyôs Úrékaiov kal ÔLdTupov kareokev-

2 aov Tv dppov. raúrnv è ŝid Twos unNxavis Toîs
242

BOOK XVII. 43. 5—44. 2

the city mainland, and sharp fighting took place along 8332/1 s.c.

the wallis. The Tyrians had the present danger be-
fore their eyes and easily imagined what a disaster
the actual capture of the city would be, so that they
spent themselves so freely in the contest as to despise
mortal danger. When the Macedonians moved up
towers as high as the walls and in this way, extending
bridges, boldly assaulted the battlements, the Tyrians
fell back on the ingenuity of their engineers and
applied many counter-measures to meet the assault.
They forged great tridents armed with barbs and
struck with these at close range the assailants stand-
ing on the towers. These stuck in the shields, and as
ropes were attached to the tridents, they could haul
on the ropes and pull them in. Their victims were
faced with the alternative of releasing their arms and
exposing their bodies to be wounded by the missiles
which showered upon them, or clinging to their shields
for shame and perishing in the fall from the lofty
towers. Other Tyrians cast fishing nets over those
Macedonians who were fighting their way across the
bridges and, making their hands helpless, pulled them

off and tumbled them down from bridge to earth.
44. They thought of another ingenious device also
to offset the Macedonian fighting qualities, by which
they involved the bravest of the enemy in a horrible
torment which could not be avoided. They fashioned
shields of bronze and iron and, filling them with
sand, roasted them continuously over a strong fire
and made the sand red hot. By means of a` certain
243

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Opacýórara payopévois éneppimrovv kal traîs èoyd-
Tras ovupopaîs mepiéßaàov roùs úroneoóvras'
Õià yàp rÕv lwpákwv kal rÔôv ÚnoðvrÕv mapei-
minrtovoa ý) duos kat ià Thv úmeppoàńv tis Oep-
pacias Àvpawopévy tràs odpkas dßońðnrTov roie
3r7ò arúyņupa. ð kat maparàņoiws roîs Pacavı-
touévois nâoav ĝentrikhv pwviv mpoïépevot roùs
èv êmikovpýoovras oùk elyov, aùroil òè à TÙV
õewwvóryra To málovs eis pavrbðeis iabéoeis èp-
minrtovtes ereÀeúrwv, eÀeew® kal duyydvw máber
,

TEPLTITTOVTES.

“Apa è kal mp ènreppirrovv kal cavvia ral
Àibovs eméßañdov oi oivixes kai TÔ màýbe tÊv
Peàðv kareróvovv tàs dperàs rôv dvhiorapévwv
kat Taîs èv Õperavnpópois kepaiais TàS TÕV kptÂÔv
òppoTnpias Úroréuvovres ypnorov Tův rv p-
yávæv iav èroiovv, raîs Sè muppópois uúðpovs
peyáñovs ðiarúpovs eméßaňov eis rò mÀñbos tTÔv
moàeuiwv kal ià Tù mukvórnra rv dvðpôv ovy
ýuápravov TÕv okorðv, roîs è kópafı kal raîs
onpas yepoiv dvýpračov roùðs roîŭs Îwparelois
5 êpeorðras. ri è modvyepig náoas tàs unyavàs
évepyeis" moroðvres moods rv Biatouévwv àn-
ékTevvov.

45. `Avuneppàýrov è rìs èkmàýéews oðons kal
Ts êv roîs dyôoı Õewóryros dvvroorárov yiwo-
Héns oð ðs éAqyov rs róňunņs ot Maresóves,
dÀÀà Tos det mimtovras Úrneppaivovres oùk èvovbe-
2 rovro Tais TÕv dÀ\wv ovugopaîs. ó &’ ’Aàdéav-
pos morýoas èri roùs åpuótovras rórovs? rovs

1 évepyeîs Fischer ; dvepyeîs RX ; åvevepyeîs F.
244

BOOK XVII. 44. 2—45. 2

apparatus they then scattered this over those Mace- 832/1 s.o.

donians who were fighting most boldly and brought
those within its range into utter misery. The sand
sifted down under breastplates and shirts, and scorch-
ing the skin with the intense heat inflicted upon them
irremediable disaster. They shrieked supplications
like those under torture and there was no one to help
them, but with the excruciating agony they fell into
madness and died, the victims of a pitiable and help-
less lot.

At the same time, the Phoenicians poured down
fire and flung javelins and stones, and by the volume
of their missiles weakened the resolution of the at-
tackers. They let down long poles or spars equipped
with concave cutting edges and cut the ropes sup-
porting the rams, thus rendering these instruments
useless. With their fire-throwers they discharged
huge red-hot masses of metal into the press of the
enemy, and where so many men were packed together
they did not miss their mark. With “ crows ” and
“iron hands ” 2? they dragged over the edge many
who were stationed behind the breastworks on the
towers. With many hands at work they kept all their
engines busy and caused many deaths among the
besiegers.

45. They caused extreme terror by all of this and
the fury of their fighting became hardly resistible,
but the Macedonians did not lose their boldness.
As those in front kept falling, those behind moved up
and were not deterred by the sufferings of their com-
rades. Alexander mounted the stone-throwing cata-

1 Curtius, 4. 3. 25-26. 2 Two forms of grappling irons.

2 roùs åppótovras rórovs added by Fischer, exempli gratia,
from Polybius, 5. 4. 6.
245

DIODORUS OF SICILY

merpopódovs kararéàras kal Albovs peydàovs
dgieis esdeve Tà telyn, roîs È cévßeàćéow àro
rÕv múpywv rÕÔv Évàívwv èkßdààwv Peàðv mavro-
ðarðv màñhos ews karerirpwoke Toùs eheorô-
3 Tas Toîs Teiyeotw. dvTiuNyavópevor Š Tpòs Traîra
ot Túópioi mpò èv rÕv Teyðv pappapivovs Tpoyoùs
toravov kal id Twv òpydvwv Tovrovs Šweðovres
TÀ hepóueva Béàn karareàtixà ovvérpißov ral eis
Tà TÀdyia pép mapádyovres ånmpákrovs rolovv tàs
4rõv dpieuévwv mànyás. mpòs è roúrois Búpoas
kat Sıràâs ıphépas mepvkwuévas karapádrrovres
eis Traúras dneĝéyovro tàs nò rv merpoßóňwv
mànyds’ kait padarhs tris èvõóoews yiwouévns ét-
5 eàvero TÕv hepouévwv nerpôv ý Bia. kafóìov Šè
ot Túópiot mávra rpőrov eùpóorws åuvvópevoi rai
kaTevnopoðvres Tots Ponlýuacı kareðdppnoav tôv
moàcuiwv kal TÒ TeÎîyos kal ràs evròs TÔv TÚpPYWV
ordoeis dnoùróvres èr aùràs òbhoûvro ràs ém-
Pálpas kai raîs rv moàeuiwv åvõpayabðiais åvr-
6 érartrov tàs éavrõv dperás. Šıò kal ovurÀekópevor
Toîs moàeuiois kal ùv páyyv èk yepòs ovvord-
evot péyav ayva tòv rèp rs nmarplos ovv-
Íoravro kai tives meÀékeot TrÔv ånmavrávrwv rò
TpooTEsÒV pépos TOÔ owuaTos àTmékorrtov.

"Evða ù râv mapà ros Maxesóow hyeuóvæv
Tis, voa pèv ”Aðunros, Sıadépwv è dvõpeia raì
cúparos pun, TeBappròs thv Biav rôv Tvplwv
ûnéory kal nmànyeis medéket éon Tiv kehaàñv
mapaypiua karéorpepe rov Biov hpwikôs.

7 “O © ’Aňééavðpos ópðv rå uáxņ trv Tvpiwv
katrıoyvouévovs toùs Makxeðóvas dvekadéoaro TÌ
246

BOOK XVII. 45. 2-7

pults in proper places and made the walls rock with 332/1 s.c.

the boulders that they threw. With the dart-
throwers on the wooden towers he kept up a constant
fire of all kinds of missiles and terribly punished the
defenders of the walls. In response, the Tyrians
rigged marble wheels in front of the walls and causing
these to rotate by some mechanism they shattered the
flying missiles of the catapults and, deflecting them
from their course, rendered their fire ineffective.! In
addition, they stitched up hides or pairs of skins and
stuffed them with seaweed so as to receive the blows
of the stones on these. As these were soft and yield-
ing, the force of the flying stones was lessened. In
sum, the Tyrians defended themselves strongly in all
regards and showed themselves well provided with
the means of defence. They were bolg in face of
their enemies, and left the shelter of the walls and
their positions within the towers to push out onto the
very bridges and match the courage of the Mace-
donians with their own valour. They grappled with
the enemy and, fighting hand to hand, put up a stout
battle for their city. Some of them used axes to chop
off any part of the body of an opponent that presented
itself.

There was one of the Macedonian commanders
named Admetus who was a conspicuously brave and
powerful man.? He withstood the fury of the Tyrians
with high courage and died heroically, killed instantly
when his skull was split by the stroke of an axe.

Alexander saw that the Macedonians were held in
check by the resistance of the Tyrians, and, as it

1 Cp. chap. 43. 1 above, and note.

2 He commanded the kypaspistae or infantry of the guard
(Arrian, 2. 23. 2-5). He was killed by a spear thrust, accord-
ing to Arrian (2. 24. 4).

247

IXa)

DIODORUS OF SICILY

OAÀTLYYL TOÙS OTPATLÖTAS VUKTÒS MÒN YEVOLÉVNS.
kal TÒ èv nmpÊrTov ëkpive ÀADoar Tv moMopkiav kal
Tv orparteiav émi Tyv Aiyunrtov mowîoha pera-
vocas è mádÀw kal vopisas aioypòv eÎvat mapa-
xwpoar Tupiois ts karà thv moMopkiav ééns
kai TÕv hiàwv éva uóvov óuoyvwpovoðvra Aaß®v
’ A uúvrav ròv ° Avðpouévovs maw mpòs Tùv Toop-
kiav ÈTpÉTETO.

46. Hapakañéscas ĝè roùs Mareðóvas éavroô uù
Àciplĝvar kar’ dvõðpeiav ànmdoas tràs vas mode-
pikÂÔs karackevácas mpooéßaňàe Toîs reiyeow ék-
Oúuws karà yv dpa kal karà Îdàarrav. kara-
vocas è mepi Tà vewpta TÒ Teîyos dohevéorepov
Úmdpyeiv ToÚT® Tpoocýyaye ras Tprýpeis ètevyuévas
kal pepoúoas tràs dgrooywráras uņyavás. èv-
rala’ è èróàunoev èmreàéoachlai mpâéw oùð’
aùrtoîs Toîs ópðot morevopévyv: èmpdðpav yàp
dno ToÔ čuàivou múpyov rols ts móňews reiyeow
emPaàwv òà raúrns uóvos éréßn TÔ Teiyet, oùre
Tov dro ris Tóxns $lövov eðňaßnðbeis oŭre rův rôv
Tvpiwv õewóryra rararàayeis, Aà Tùv kar-
aywvioapévnv roùs Heépoas Súvapıv čywv Bewpòv
Ts iias dvõpayabias Toîs èv &Adors Mareðéow
akoàovleîv mpocéraćev, aùròs 8è kaðnyoúuevos TÔv
eis xyeîpas Bratouévæv roùs uèv TÔ óparı, rods Šè
TÑ payaipg TÓTTwV dmékrewev, éviovs È aùrh TÅ
mepipepeig Ts doriðos åvarpérwv èmoyeîv roô
ToAÀod Opdoovs éroiņoe roùs modeulovs.

“Apa è roúrois mparropévois kab’ črepov uépos

1 êraîha Dindorf; & raúrais codd.

1 Curtius, 4. 4. 1.
248

BOOK XVII. 45. 7—46. 3

was now night, recalled his soldiers by a trumpet call. 8332/1 s.o.

His first impulse was to break off the siege and march
on to Egypt, but he changed his mind as he reflected
that it would be disgraceful to leave the Tyrians with
all the glory of the operation. He found support in
only one of his Friends, Amyntas the son of Andro-
menes,? but turned again to the attack.

46. Alexander addressed the Macedonians, calling
on them to dare no less than he. Fitting out all his
ships for fighting, he began a general assault upon the
walls by land and sea and this was pressed furiously.
He saw that the wall on the side of the naval base was
weaker than elsewhere, and brought up to that point
his triremes lashed together and supporting his best
siege engines. Now he performed a feat of daring
which was hardly believable even to those who saw
it.* He flung a bridge across from the wooden tower
to the city walls and crossing by it alone gained a
footing on the wall, neither concerned for the envy of
Fortune nor fearing the menace of the Tyrians. Hav-
ing as witness of his prowess the great army which
had defeated the Persians, he ordered the Macedoni-
ans to follow him, and leading the way he slew some
of those who came within reach with his spear, and
others by a blow of his sabre. He knocked down
still others with the rim of his shield, and put an end
to the high confidence of the enemy.

Simultaneously in another part of the city the bat-

2 A prominent Macedonian noble, who served Alexander
in various positions of trust until his death in 330 or 329 s.c.
(Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 57).

3 Curtius, 4. 4. 10-11. Tarn comments (Alexander the
Great, 2, p. 120) that this description would fit better the de-
scription of a land siege. Arrian’s account (2. 23. 5) is quite
different.

249

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ó kpiòs TÝnTWV KaTéßaňe moù pépos ToÔ Teiyovs'
Sià è roô mróparos ceioreoóvrwv rv Mareðóvwv
kal rÔv mepi Tròv ’Adétavòðpov ià Ts èmfpdðpas
SraBdvrwv èri TÒ Teîxos Ñ) ÈV MÓAS KATEIÀANTTO,
oi è Túpior mpòs dàkùv tparévres kal mapakañé-
gavres dÀÀńÀovs êvéġpačav roùs orevwmoùs kal
payóuevot TAV OÀALYWV ÅTAVTES KATEKÓTMNOAV,

4 ğvres màelovs TÕy énrakioyiÀiwv. O è Pacideùs

tékva pev kal yvvaîkas čnņnvðparoðicato, roùs ðè
véovs mdvras, òvras oùk éÀdTtTOoVS TÖV ÖIoxiÀiwV,
èkpéuace. owpara © aixudàwra rocalra TÒ TÀAÑ-
bos eúpéðņn wore rv rmàeciorwv eis Kapynòóva
kekoo pévwv TÀ ùroeiphévra yevéoðlar màeiw rÕv
uupiwv kal TpoyiÀiwv.

Túpiot èv ov yevvarðrtepov pňov Ñ poviem-
TEPOV ÚTOOTÓVTES TV TOMLOPKÍAV TOOCAÚTALS TTEpté-
mecov ovuhopaîs, moMopknÂévres uvas émrd. ó
Sè Bacideùs roô uèv Ardàwvos tràs ypvoûs cerpas
kal Tà ðeouà mepieàóuevos mapýyyerev óvopdģew
ròv Beòv torov Arow pidadééavðpov, TÔ ôè
‘Hpakàeî peyaàorpereîs Ouoias ovvreàésas kal
roùs avòpayalýoavras tiuýoas, črte è roùs rere-
Acurykóras peyañorpenrðs Odas rs èv Tvupiwv

1 Curtius (4. 4. 16) gives the total as 6000, Arrian (2. 24. 4)
as 8000. Justin (11. 10. 14) states that Tyre was taken by
treachery.

i Curtius (4. 4. 17) reports that 2000 men were “ erucibus
afħxi.”

3 Arrian (2. 24. 5) gives the number of survivors as 30,000,
and the Macedonian losses as 400. In chap. 41. 2 above,
Diodorus stated that only a few of the non-combatants were
removed to Carthage.

250

BOOK XVII. 46. 3—6

tering ram, put to its work, brought down a consider- 332/1 s.c.

able stretch of wall; and when the Macedonians
entered through this breach and Alexander’s party
poured over the bridge on to the wall, the city was
taken. The Tyrians, however, kept up the resistance
with mutual cries of encouragement and blocked the
alleys with barricades, so that all except a few were
cut down fighting, in number more than seven thou-
sand.! The king sold the women and children into
slavery and crucified all the men of military age.?
These were not less than two thousand. - Although
most of the non-combatants had been removed to
Carthage, those who remained to become captives
were found to be more than thirteen thousand.?

So Tyre had undergone the siege bravely rather
than wisely and come into such misfortunes, after a
resistance of seven months.* The king removed the
golden chains and fetters from Apollo and gave orders
that the god should be called “ Apollo Philalex-
ander.” 5 He carried out magnificent sacrifices to
Heracles, rewarded those of his men who had dis-
tinguished themselves, and gave a lavish funeral for
his own dead. He installed as king of Tyre a man

4 This length of the siege is given by Plutarch also (4lex-
ander, 24. 3), and the city was taken in Hecatombaeon (July ;
Arrian, 2. 24. 6), probably, if the Macedonian months were
equated to the Athenian, on the 29th day. Plutarch (4lex-
ander, 25. 2) reports that Alexander, to save a prophecy of
Aristander, redesignated that day as the 28th and not the
30th. (In other words, it was a *“ hollow ”’ month and had
no 29th day ; Alexander intercalated a second 28th and was
prepared to continue the process until the city was taken.)

5 Another version of the same story is given by Plutarch,
Alexander, 24. 4. The Tyrians suspected that Apollo in-
tended to desert them (chap. 41. 8), and tied him to his base,
calling him an °Aàefavðpiorýs.

251

DIODORUS OF SICILY

nóňcws karéorņoe Raciàéa ròv dvopaópevov Ba-
Advvuuov, Tepi oÔ TAa karà uépos oùk déiov Tapa-
Arev Òtà TO ThS mepirerelas mapdõogov.
47. Toô yàp nmpoïmdpyovros Bacıiàéws Xrpárwvos
à Tùv mpòs Aapeîov hiàiav êkmeoóvros êk TS
apxfjs ò °` Aàééavðpos éðwrev ééovoiav ‘Hoaroriwvi
karaorioat Baciàéa ris Túpov rv iðiotévwv ôv
2 äv mpoupiTa. TÒ èv ov mpõrTov oros eùðoký-
oas TÔ Eévw, map ® tùv èmoraluiav èneroinrto
keyapıouévws, ToÛrTov èneßdàero kúpiov dvayopeð-
oat Tis móàcws’ ó è màoúrw èv kal ĝóén ðia-
pépwv rv moùrõv, oùðeuiav è ovyyéverav Eywv
mpòs Troùs yeyovóras Paocıideîs oùk eðééaro TÙův
3 õwpedv. roô È ‘Hhaoriwvos èmrTpépavros aùr®
thv êkàoyùv morýoachar èk roô yévovs rôv Ba-
oiÀéwv épnoev eivai tiva ts PaoikÎs oikias
anóyovov Tà èv Àa owppova kat ayabòv åvõpa,
4 névnra ðè kab’ úneppoàńýv. ovyywpńoavros è roô
‘Hpaoriwvos roúrw tùv ðuvaorelav ò Àaßav tùv
ÊTLTPOTÙV KATÝVTNOEV TL TÒV WVOPACHÉVOV METÀ
Paois èchiros kai karéìaßev aùròv ëv tm
kýnw polo èv dvràoðvra, pákeot è rToîs Tv-
5 yoðoiw obire ypõuevov. nàwoas è TÅv mept-
mérerav kat nmepibeis rhv Bacidxiv oroàùv kal ròv
dAÀov Tòv åpuóģovra kóopov ávýyayev aŭròv es
Tv ayopàv rat dnméðeiče Baocıiàda rv Tvupiwv.
6 douévws è ro mÀýlovs mpooðečauévov kal rò

1 Baàóvvpov X ; BadMóvupov RE.

Mi; Presumably the correct form of the name, Abdalonymus,
is preserved in Curtius (4. 1. 15-26) and Justin (11. 10. 8), and
it is a proper Phoenician nomenclature, with the meaning

252

BOOK XVII. 46. 6—47. 6

named Ballonymus,! the story of whose career I can- 332/1 s.c.

not omit because it is an example of a quite astonish-
ing reversal of fortune.

47. The former king, Straton, was deprived of his
throne because of his friendship for Dareius, and
Alexander invited Hephaestion to nominate as king
of Tyre any personal guest-friend whom he wished.
At first he favoured the host with whom he found
pleasant lodging, and proposed that he should be
designated master of the city. He was prominent
among the citizens in wealth and position, but not
being related to those who had been kings he would
not accept the offer. Hephaestion then asked him
to make a choice from among the members of the
royal family, and he said that he knew a man of royal
descent who was wise and good in all respects, but
he was poor in the extreme. Hephaestion neverthe-
less agreed that he should be given the royal power,
and the one who had been given the choice went off
to find the man he had named, bearing with him the
royal dress, and came upon him drawing water for
hire in a garden, dressed in common rags. He in-
formed him of the transformation in his position,
dressed him in the king’s robe, and gave him the other
appropriate trappings of office. Then he conducted
him to the market place and proclaimed him king of
Tyre. Everyone accepted him with enthusiasm and

“ Servant of the gods.” Some have wished to see this king

as the owner of the Alexander Sarcophagus from Sidon, now
in Istanbul; cp., e.g., I. Kleemann, Der Satrapen-Sarkophag
aus Sidon (1958), pp. 28 f. In any case, the mention of King
Straton shows that the incident occurred in Sidon, not in
Tyre. Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alesandri, 2. 8.
340 c-E, locates it in Paphos (rendering the name Araly-
nomus). See Addenda.

253

DIODORUS OF SICILY

lA A 2 A D ` l
mapáðoģov rs rúyns avudoavros oros èv piàos

L4 > À 4 ` À 7 ” z.
yevóuevos °`Adcédvõpw Tův Paoiàceiav čoye nmapd-
ðceiryua Toîs dyvooðot Trùv Ts TÚXNS mapdðoćov
ueraßoàńv.

‘Hues © emel rà mepi ròv ° Adééavõpov ShAbo-

Pa ` 7
pev, peraànpópeba riv Siýynow.

48. Kara yàp rv Eùpónyv” Ayıs pèv ó rôv Aa-
keðaruoviwv Paoideùs rõv èk ris èv loc udáyns
cracwhévrwv puolhopópwv dvaňaßðv krarıoyıàlovs
vewTépwv mpaypárwv dvreiyero, yapıčópevos Aa-
2 peiw. mpociaßòv Õè mapà tToúrov kal vas kal ypy-

ld a p 3 f h3 ~ €
párTrwv nÀflos érdevoev eis Kpýryv kat rv nócewv
Tas mÀeiovs yepwoduevos Ņváykace rà IMepoôv
aipeîobar.

'Auúvras © ó ġvyav èk Mareõovias ral mpòs
Aapeĉov avaßàs ovvnywvicarto pèv rois Iépoais èv
ti Kiùkig, draowheis © èk ris èv loo rapa-

lA ` Aĉ 1 8 l x. A
ráews perd TerpakioyiÀlwv pobopópwv kal mpò

m > 2
ris `Adeédvõpov mapovoías õiavúoas els Tpimoàw

~ (69) [d 3 [A 3 la ` L `
rs Powirns nédećev r toô mavròs oréìov rås
dpkoúcas vas eis ròv mÀoðv roîs llors orparıð-
3 rais, TàS Ò’ Adas evénpnoe. Siaràcócas &’ els TÙY
Kúrpov kai mpoocaßóuevos otparuóras kal vaôs
SrémÀcvoev eis rò Inàovoiov. ris 8è mróàcws êy-
KpaTůs yevópevos dméĥawev éavròv úrò Aapeíov
To Paoiàéws dreordàbat orparnyòv Sià TÒ rov
e [A ~
Ņyovuevov Ts Aiyórtov oatpányv ovvaywvičó-
254

BOOK XVII. 47. 6—48. 3

marvelled at the vicissitudes of Fortune. Thus he 33?/1 s.c.

became a Friend of Alexander’s and took over the
kingdom, an instructive example to those who do not
know the incredible changes which Fortune can effect.

Now that we have described Alexander’s activity,
we shall turn our narrative in another direction.

48. In Europe, Agis king of Sparta engaged the ser-
vices of those mercenaries who had escaped from the
battle at Issus, eight thousand in number, and sought
to change the political situation in Greece in favour of
Dareius. He received from the Persian king ships
and money and sailed to Crete, where he captured
most of the cities and forced them to take the Per-
sian side.!

That Amyntas who had fled from Macedonia and
had gone up to Dareius had fought on the Persian
side in Cilicia. He escaped, however, from the battle
at Issus with four thousand mercenaries ? and got
to Tripolis in Phoenicia before Alexander’s arrival.
Here he chose from the whole Persian fleet enough
ships to transport his soldiers, and burned the rest.
He sailed over to Cyprus, took on additional soldiers
and ships, and continued on down to Pelusium. Be-
coming master of that city, he proclaimed that he had
been sent by King Dareius as military commander
because the satrap of Egypt had been killed fighting

1 The narrative is continued later, chaps. 62. 6-63. 4; 73.
5-6. Cp. Curtius, 4. 1. 388-40 ; Arrian, 2. 13. 4-6 ; 8. 6. 3.

2 A prominent Macedonian, son of Antiochus, suspected
of hostility to Alexander because of his association with
Alexander’s cousin Amyntas (SIG? 258). Amyntas had de-
serted to the Persians about 335 s.c. (Berve, Alexanderreich
2, no. 58). Curtius (4. 1. 27-33) also gives him 4000 troops,
Arrian (2. 13. 2-3) 8000.

1 qpioyiàiwv Q.
255

DIODORUS OF SICILY

4 pevov èv ` loo ris Kidikias memrwkévai. dvaràeú-
cas © ecis Méugdiv rò pèv npôrov mpò tis móews
maparačáuevos roîs èyywpiois vikae: merà Õè
TATA NMPÒS APTAYV TÖV OTPATLWTÕV TPANÉVTWV
eneéeàlóvres ék Trs mócws érébevro Tois daTdrTwWS
SLaprdgovot tàs émi TÅS XÓpas kTýoes kal TOV TE
’ Auúvrav drékrtewav kal troùs per aùroô mávras

5 åpðņv avetñàov. `Apúvras pèv oĝv peydàais èrm-
Boñaîs èyyerphoas kal map ària opadeis Torob-
rov oye ToÔ Biov Tò tédos.

e d ` lA ` ~ KA e d

Opoiws ðè toúrw kat rv dAàwv hyeuóvwv
kal orparnyðv tives èk tis èv `looc® páyns perà
orparrwrõv iacwhévres dvrelyovro rv Ilepoi-

6 kôv éàmiðwv. oi èv yàp TÕÀecLS êmkalpovs KaTa-
Aaupavópevoi cepúarrov Traúras T® Aapeiw, ot
© élvy mpocayóuevoi kat Švvápeis mepi avroùs
napackevaópevoi Tràs åppočoðoas ypeías Toîs Úro-
KELLÉVOLS KULpOÎS TApElXOVTO.

Oi òè cúveðpor rõv “‘Edńvwv èfpnpiocavro méppa
npéoßeis mevreraiðerka oréhavov þépovras ypvooðv
mapà ts ‘“EMdõos dpioretov? ’'Adeédvõpw kal

7 ovvnolnoouévovs t karà Kixiav viky. ° AÀéé-
avòpos è orpareúoas ènmi T'ábav dpovpovpévnv rò
Iepoðv kal õiunvov npoceðpeúoas eTe karà kpáros
TIV TOÀW.

49. Er dpyovros &’ ’Abývnow °Apioroġávovs èv
‘Põun kareoráðnoav öraror Zrovpios IMoorówos
kal Tîros Oùeroúpios. èm. è roúrwv ’Adééav-

1 mapacrevačópevoi F ; raracrevatópevoi cett.

2 apıoreîov F; dpíøoriov Fischer and codd.

2 His name was Sabaces or Tasiaces (chap. 34. 5).
2 Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2, p. 13) sees here very plau-

256

BOOK XVII. 48. 3—49. 1

at Issus in Cilicia. He sailed up the river to Mem-
phis and defeated the local forces in a battle before
the city, but then, as his soldiers turned to plunder,
the Egyptians issued out of the city, attacked his
men as they were scattered looting estates located
in the countryside, and killed Amyntas and all who
came with him to the last man. And that was the end
of Amyntas, who had set his hand to great undertak-
ings and failed when he had every prospect of success.

His experience was paralleled by those of the other
officers and troop leaders who escaped at the head of
their military units from the battle at Issus and at-
tempted to maintain the Persian cause. Some got
to important cities and held them for Dareius, others
raised tribes ? and furnishing themselves with troops
from them performed appropriate duties in the time
under review.

The delegates of the League of Corinth voted to
send fifteen envoys with a golden wreath as a prize
of valour from Greece to Alexander, instructing
them to congratulate him on his victory in Cilicia.
Alexander, in the meantime, marched down to Gaza,
which was garrisoned by the Persians, and took the
city by storm after a siege of two months.*

49. In the archonship of Aristophanes at Athens,
the consuls at Rome were Spurius Postumius and Titus
Veturius.’ In this year King Alexander set in order
sibly a reference to the revolt of Cappadocia (Curtius, 4. 1.
34-35 ; 5. 13). 3 Curtius, 4. 5. 11-12.

4 Full accounts of the siege of Gaza are given by Curtius
(4. 6. 7-30) and Arrian (2. 25. 4-27). Cp. Plutarch, Alexander,
5 e was archon at Athens from July 331 to
June 330 s.c. The Roman consuls of 334 s.c. were Sp. Pos-
tumius Albinus and T. Veturius Calvinus (Broughton, 1,
p. 140).

VOL. VIII K 257

332/1 B.C.

331/0 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

pos ð Pacıdcùs ra repli tv Tágav diorcýoas
’Auúvrav èv perà éka veðv eis Mareðoviav ègé-
meupe, npooráćas TÕv véwv roùs eùlérovs émAééa
npòs orpaTeiav, aùròs Sè perà nmáons Tis vváduews
maphAbev cis Aiyurrov kal napédaße máoas tràs èv
2 aùr Tóàes ywpis kwõúvwv' ot yàp Aiyúntioi TÔv
IHepoðv oeßnkórwv eis rà tepà kai Biaiws åpxóv-
Twv douevoi mpocedééavro roùs Makeðóvas.
Karaorýoas è rà karà rv Aiyvnrtov mpoñAbev
ceis ”Aupwvos, Bovàóuevos ypýoaocðar TÔ Oeô.
kata uéony è tùv òðòv anývryoav aùr mpéoßeis
mapa Kvpnvaiwv oréġavov kouitovres kal meya-
Àorpenri pa, èv ols yov immovs re moàemoràs
3 rpiakociovs kal névre TéÎpirna Tà kpádriora. ó ðè
ToúTovs èv droðefdpevos hiàlav kal ovppayiav
guvélero mpòs aùroús, aùròs è merà rÔv ovvano-
Ônuovvræwv npoñyev èri rò iepóv' kal Siavýsas emi
TV épņuov kal ğvvðpov, Úpevoduevos Šiýet TÀV
xøpav éyovoav upov péyelos åépiov. èv huépas
ôe réooapow éfavaàwlévrwov tÕv komtouévwv
4 WðáTæv eis ewy onáviwv mapeyévovro. eis àĝvulav
ov návrwv éunecóvrwv äġvw moàùs õußpos eÉ où-
pavoĵ kateppdyn, Tùv Örndpxyovoav rv úypôv ëv-
Serav mapaðótws Šwphoðpevos: Siò xal rò ovußàv
Eogev aveàriorws owbeîoi Bev mpovoig yeyovévar.
5 Úpevodpevot È ëk Twos roràdõos, mi réooapas

1 This was Amyntas the son of Andromenes (chap. 45. 7).
Curtius (4. 6. 30) mentions the same incident. His brother
Simmias took over his battalion of the phalanx in his absence.
A oa Alexander in 331 (chap. 65. 1; cp. Arrian, 3.

2 Curtius, 4. 7. 1. Arrian (3. 1. 2) limits this friendliness
to Mazaces, the Persian satrap.

258

BOOK XVII. 49. 1~5

the affairs of Gaza and sent off Amyntas with ten ships 331/0 s.c.

to Macedonia,! with orders to enlist the young men
who were fit for military service. He himself with all
his army marched on to Egypt and secured the adhe-
sion of all its cities without striking a blow. For since
the Persians had committed impieties against the
temples and had governed harshly, the Egyptians
welcomed the Macedonians.?

Having settled the affairs of Egypt, Alexander went
off to the Temple of Ammon, where he wished to
consult the oracle of the god. When he had ad-
vanced half way along the coast, he was met by en-
voys from the people of Cyrenê,: who brought him
a crown and magnificent gifts, among which were
three hundred chargers and five handsome four-horse
chariots. He received the envoys cordially and made
a treaty of friendship and alliance with them ; then
he continued with his travelling companions on to the
temple. When he came to the desert and waterless
part, he took on water and began to cross a country
covered with an infinite expanse of sand. In four
days their water had given out and they suffered from
fearful thirst. Al fell into despair, when suddenly
a great storm of rain burst from the heavens, ending
their shortage of water in a way which had not been
foreseen, and which, therefore, seemed to those so
unexpectedly rescued to have been due to the action
of divine Providence. They refilled their containers
from a hollow in the ground, and again with a four

3 Curtius, 4. 7.9. This incident is omitted by Arrian. For
the Siwah visit in general see Curtius, 4. 7. 6-32; Justin,
11. 11. 2-12 ; Plutarch, Alegander, 26. 6-27 ; Arrian, 3. 3-4.

4 Curtius, 4. 7. 14; Plutarch, Alexander, 27. 1; Arrian,
3. 3. 4.

259

LAS]

DIODORUS OF SICILY

M 2 `
ýuépas ëyovres dprkoðsav tùv Pońberav kai Sred-
4
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a m~ t
tijs ènmi rò iepòv pepovons atparo mpoonpaivov-
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bi A lg ` hi > ’ A
kal dadabov éyechaı rov eðv aouévws Tùv map-
ovoíav aùroô nmpofjye karà omovòńýv. kal TÒ pèv
mpôrov karývvoev ml Tv mikpàv kañovuévyv Àp-
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? 1 $ A
évõiarpißovot Tùv eùkpaciav. Tò èv oĝv réuevós
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ueoņnuppiav kat Súoiw Aibiores, karà Šè TÙV ApkTov

Pa Post (cp. Herodotus, 3. 4. 3); Sieténrecav
coad.

260

BOOK XVII. 49. 5—50. 2

days’ supply in hand marched for four days and came 331/0 s.c.

out of the desert.! At one point, when their road
could not be traced because of the sand dunes, the
guide pointed out to the king that crows cawing on
their right were calling their attention to the route
which led to the temple.? Alexander took this for an
omen, and thinking that the god was pleased by his
visit pushed on with speed. First he came to the so-
called Bitter Lake, and then, proceeding another
hundred furlongs, he passed by the Cities of Ammon.
Then, after a journey of one day, he approached the
sanctuary.

50. The land where this temple lies is surrounded by
a sandy desert and waterless waste, destitute of any-
thing good for man. The oasis is fifty furlongs in
length and breadth and is watered by many fine
springs, so that it is covered with all sorts of trees,
especially those valued for their fruit. It has a mo-
derate climate like our spring and, surrounded as it
is by very hot regions, alone furnishes to its people a
contrasting mildness of temperature.* Itis said that
the sanctuary was built by Danaüs the Egyptian. The
land, which is sacred to the god, is occupied on the
south and west by Ethiopians, and on the north by

1 The four days are mentioned by Curtius, 4. 7. 15.

2 The crows come from Aristobulus ; Arrian, 3. 3. 6; cp.
Curtius, 4. 7. 15; Plutarch, Alexander, 27. 2-3.

3 These localities are not mentioned by the other sources,
and the first looks like a mistake for the salt lakes at the Wadi
Natrun. There is a small oasis between Mersa Matruh and
Siwah, but this could hardly be the *‘ Cities of Ammon.” The
total map distance from the coast to Siwah is about 90 miles.

4 Curtius, 4. 7. 17.

2 åuuóðovs codd. ; upov RX, which may be better.
3 gorepnuévns Cospius ; eorepuévņ codd.
261

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Aßúwv vouaðıkov élvos ral mpòs Tùv uesóyerov
avfkov rò rôv Nacapùvwv òvopagouévwv ébvos.

Tõôv © 'Apuuwviwv rwunõòv oikoúvrwv karTà
éonv aùrôv Tův yópav årpõroùis úrápxet TpiTÀoîs
OXVPWUEVN TOTS TELXESL’ kal TAÚTNS Ò ÈV TPÕTOS
nepipodos éyet trÕv àpyaíwv vvaorðv acideca, ò
Ò érepos Tv yvuvaukwvirv aùÀ)v kal TaS TÔV
Tékvwv kal yvvukÂôv kal ovyyevðv oikýoes kal
dpvàakrýpia trv okonrðv,! ére è ròv roô eot
oņkòv kal Tùv iepàv kpvyv, á% fs Trà TÔ beĝ®
npoohepóueva ruyyáver ts dyveías, ð è TpiTos
tàs TÔv Õopvfópwv karañŭýoceis kat rà fvàarrhpia
TÕv Tòv Túpavvov opvóopoðvrwv.

Kabispvrai Sè ts akporóàews kròs où uakpàv
éTepos vaòs ”“Auuwvos mToàdoîs kal ueydàois ĝév-
pois oúokios. Torov è nÀnolov Ýndádpyet kpývN
òà Tò ovupepnkòs vopačouévy ‘Hàiov rpývn'
aùr è TO Vwp ëxet ovuuerafadàduevov aiel taîs
huepiwaîs pais mapaðóćfws. p pépa yàp fino
Tv myyiv yàapdáv, mpoïoúoņs è rs ńuépas ri
mpoclécet TV wopðv dvádoyov katapóyerat, TOÛ
peonuppiwot è kaúparos àruáģer tÅ puypórnr
mdv è dvdàoyov aroye mpòs Tùv éonépav kal
Tis vuktòs êmÀaßoðons davabeppaiverai péypi ué-
cwv vuerÕv kal TÒ Àomròv amońyet, uéypi àv

1 okonðv Fischer; rórwv codd.

1 Curtius’s account (4. 7. 18-19) is more systematic :
Ethiopians on the east and west, Trogodytes on the south,
Nasamonians on the north. Strabo (17. 3. 20) calls the
Nasamonians a Libyan people, and states (2. 5. 33) that they
live on the coast near the Syrtes.

262

BOOK XVII. 50. 2-5

the Libyans, a nomadic people, and the so-called 8331/0 s.o.

Nasamonians who reach on into the interior.!

All the people of Ammon dwell in villages. In the
midst of their country there is a fortress secured by
triple walls. The innermost circuit encloses the pa-
lace of the ancient rulers ; the next, the women’s
court, the dwellings of the children, women, and rela-
tives, and the guardrooms of the scouts, as well as the
sanctuary of the god and the sacred spring, from the
waters of which offerings addressed to the god take
on holiness ; the outer circuit surrounds the barracks
of the king’s guards and the guardrooms of those who
protect the person of the ruler.?

Outside of the fortress at no great distance there is
another temple of Ammon shaded by many large
trees, and near this is the spring which is called the
Spring of the Sun from its behaviour.* Its waters
change in temperature oddly in accordance with the
times of day. At sunrise it sends forth a warm stream,
but as the day advances it grows cooler proportionally
with the passage of the hours, until under the noon-
day heat it reaches its extreme degree of cold. Then
again in the same proportion it grows warmer toward
evening and as the night advances it continues to heat
up until midnight when again the trend is reversed,

2 Curtius, 4. 7. 20-21. For a description of Siwah and its
antiquities see Ahmed Fakhry, Siwa Oasis, Its History and
Antiquities (1944); The Oasis of Siwa, Its Customs, History
and Monuments (1950). The fortress and the shrine of the
oracle were on the hill called Aghurmi, never systematically
excavated.

3 Curtius’s description of the fortress (4. 7. 21) is clearer.
The inner walls encìosed the palace ; the second, the dwel-
lings of wives, concubines, and children, and the shrine of
the oracle ; the third, the quarters of the guards.

4 Curtius, 4. 7. 22; Arrian, 3. 4. 2.

263

DIODORUS OF SICILY

€ m ` ` $ 3 3 ~ > m~
dua TÊ hpwri mpòs trùv éé apys anmokaraorabf
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dÀàwv mouvreàðv Abw mepiéyerat kat TV pav-
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kai yuvak®v mavas QÕóvrwv kara TÊCAV TÙV
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Qévros eis ròv vewv kal tròv Îeòv karavoýoavros
4
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> 2 ~
pov, dmóġnvaí pot rÕv EnTovpévwv, el mdvras ġ%8n

1 moàvredðv Aíbwv added by Fischer, perhaps unnecessarily.

2 Dindorf corrected rov to rot.

3? Wesseling corrected dôóvrwv and kaĝbvuvovvrwv to åĝovoðv
and kaĝypvovoðv. R. Laqueur (Hermes, 86, 1958, 261) also
would keep the manuscript readings.

4 emé por supplied by Madvig; I am not sure that the
words are necessary.

264

BOOK XVII. 50. 5—51. 2

and at daybreak once more the waters have returned 331/0 s.c.

to their original temperature.

The image of the god is encrusted with emeralds
and other precious stones, and answers those who
consult the oracle in a quite peculiar fashion. It is
carried about upon a golden boat by eighty priests,
and these, with the god on their shoulders, go without
their own volition wherever the god directs their
path. A multitude of giris and women follows them
singing paeans as they go and praising the god in a
traditional hymn.:

51. When Alexander was conducted by the priests
into the temple and had regarded the god for a while,
the one who held the position of prophet, an elderly
man, came to him and said, “ Rejoice, son 2; take
this form of address ås from the god also.” He replied,
“ I accept, father ; for the future I shall be called thy
son. But tell me if thou givest me the rule of the
whole earth.” The priest now entered the sacred
enclosure and as the bearers now lifted the god and
were moved according to certain prescribed sounds of
the voice,’ the prophet cried that of a certainty the
god had granted him his request, and Alexander
spoke again : “ The last, O spirit, of my questions
now answer ; have I punished all those who were the

1 Curtius, 4. 7. 23-24. The god gave his responses by
nods and signs, as Callisthenes reported (Strabo, 17. 1. 43),
just as did later the Apollo of Hierapolis (Lucian, De Dea
Syria, 36). The temple procedure is quite typical of the
Egyptian temples, where the god’s image was carried about
in a boat-shaped litter or tray.

2 Curtius, 4. 7. 25; Justin, 11. 11. 2-12 ; Plutarch, Alex-
ander, 27. 5.

3 It is not clear whose voice this was which uttered “ sym-
bols.” Perhaps the automatic movements of the bearers
were symbols which could be interpreted in oral responses.

265

DIODORUS OF SICILY

z ` + A ~ 4 s

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m~ ~ ki lé A `

uevov èmpovàeoat TÔ yevvýoavrı aùróv, Toùs Õe

toô Piàirrov poveîs ådmavras rTerevyévat Tipw-
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pías. Tekuńpia & čoeolar ris èk Tob heo yevéoews
A ~ !

Tò uéyelos rÕv èv raîs mpdéceoi karopfwpdrwv:

kal yàp TpÖTEpOV AÚTTNTOV aùròv yeyovévar kal

hI m 9 DA ` kj > 4 e 3

4 perà TaT’ čoeolat Sa mavròs dviknTov. ð ğ

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Aàééavðpos oleis émit Toîs keypnouwðnpévois kat
Ps 3

ròv Îeòv peyadorperéoiw dvabýpaci Tuýoas mav-

HAbev eis tåv Aiyvurrov. ;

52. Kpivas & èv raúrņn móùv ueydàņv Krisa
npocérače ros ènmi Tùv èmiuéÀcav TaŬTv kaTa-
Àceinopévois và péoov Ts Te Àluvns kai tis ba-

2 ? ld A lA P ~ 4
2 Àdoons oikioat Tùv mów. Õıauerphoas è TOV

/ ~ e P. lA hi la kd 3
tónov kal puuorouýoas hiàoréyvws Tv mów aġ
avroð mpooņnyópevoev ’A\cédvðperav, eùkarpórarta

A ~
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Pa ? ld > $
TOÎS ÊTNOLOLS ÅVÉLOLS KAL TOÚTWV TMVEĞVTWV ÈV Õtà
To peyiorov meàdyovs, karaypuyóvrwv òè rTòv

`“ 4 ? 2: F Pa m~
KATA TÙ)V TÓAùV épa ToÀÀŅv roîs kartoikoðow eù-
3 kpagiav kal úyieav karteckevacev. Kal TÒV èv
+ ~ ~
mepiBoàov aùris úneorýoaro TÔ Te peyéðlet ðia-
£
ġépovra kai kara Tùv òyvpóryra Îavudciov’ avà
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l Ed t ~ ~ 3
uóvov ano rtis yis čyet mpooððovs orevàs kal
mavreiðs ceùdvàdrrTovs.

266

BOOK XVII. 51. 2—52. 3

murderers of my father or have some escaped me ? ” 331/0 s.c.

The prophet shouted : “ Silence ! There is no mortal
who can plot against the one who begot him. All the
murderers of Philip, however, have been punished.
The proof of his divine birth will reside in the great-
ness of his deeds ; as formerly he has been undefeated,
so now he will be unconquerable for all time.” Alex-
ander was delighted with these responses. He hon-
oured the god with rich gifts and returned to Egypt.*

52. He decided to found a great city in Egypt, and
gave orders to the men left behind with this mission
to build the city between the marsh and the sea.?
He laid out the site and traced the streets skilfully
and ordered that the city should be called after him
Alexandria. It was conveniently situated near the
harbour of Pharos, and by selecting the right angle
of the streets, Alexander made the city breathe with
the etesian winds ? so that as these blow across a great
expanse of sea, they cool the air of the town, and so
he provided its inhabitants with a moderate climate
and good health. Alexander also laid out the walls
so that they were at once exceedingly large and mar-
vellously strong. Lying between a great marsh and
the sea, it affords by land only two approaches, both
narrow and very easily blocked.

1 Curtius, 4. 7. 27-28; Justin, 11. 11. 9; Plutarch, Alex-
ander, 27. 3-4. See Addenda.

2 Curtius, 4. 8. 1-6; Justin, 11. 11. 13; Plutarch, Alex-
ander, 26. 2-6 ; Arrian, 3. 1. 5-2. 2. Diodorus, Curtius, and
Justin follow the tradition of Aristobulus (Arrian, 3. 4. 5)
in placing the foundation of Alexandria after Alexander’s
visit to Siwah ; Plutarch and Arrian follow Ptolemy in locat-
ing it before the visit. The marsh is Lake Mareotis.

3 The north-western winds of summer. This description of
Alexandria is based on Diodorus’s own observation (Introd.
p. 6), and is lacking in the other Alexander histories.

267

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Tòv è rúrov dmoreðv yàayýðı maparàýoiov
exet nàareîav péonv oyeðòv Tův mów Téuvovoav
kal T Te peyébei kai kdààcei Îavuaorýv: darò
yàp múàņs mi múàņv Šýkovoa Teooapákovra pèv
araðiwv éget TÒ uikos, mÀébpov è rò mÀdros,
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4 kekóounTar. npocéraćev © o ° Aùéćavðpos kal Ba-
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kal Bápos rv čpywv. où uóvov & ó ’AÀéćavôpos,
dÀÀà kal oi per aùròv Pacieúoavres Aiyúrrov
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5 reàéot karackevaîs núénoav rà Baciàeia. rkabóàov
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oĝar TÕv katrà Tùv oikovuévyv: kal yàp kdààci kal
peyébe kal mpoodðwv mÀýÂe kal rÕv mpòs Tpupiv

6 davykóvrwv moù ðadépei rÕv AAwv. rò è Tôv
kaTorkovvTwv oikyTópwv aŭtův mÀñÂos úrmepßáňc
Toùs év taîs dÀÀais móàeow oikýropas: kab’ ôv yàp

hueîs mapepdàouev ypóvov eis Ařyvrrov, čġacav oí
tàs avaypaġàs ëyovres rÕv karoikoúvrov elvat
Toùs ev aùr crarpißovras édevhépovs màelovs rôv
Tpidkovta uupidðwv, ék è rÕv mpooóðwv TÔv kar’
Aiyvnrov Àaupávew ròv Baoiàéa màciw rôv éta-
KIOXIÀALWV TAÀAVTWV.

7 ʻO ov Baoideùs ’Adfavõpos émorýoas tiwvàs
TÕv hidwv èri trùv karaorevyv ris ’Adetavòpei-
as kal ĝioikýoas mavra TÀ katrà tùv Alyvrrov
enmavhàbe uera ris vváuews eis thv Xuplav.

53. Aapeîos è mvhópevos aùroð Tův mapovoiav

1 The contemporary description of Strabo (17. 1.7 -10) says
268

BOOK XVII. 52. 3—53. 1

In shape, it is similar to a chlamys, and it is approxi- 331/0 n.c.

mately bisected by an avenue remarkable for its size
and beauty. From gate to gate it runs a distance of
forty furlongs t; it is a plethron ? in width, and is
bordered throughout its length with rich façades of
houses and temples. Alexander gave orders to build
a palace notable for its size and massiveness. And
not only Alexander, but those who after him ruled
Egypt down to our own time, with few exceptions have
enlarged this with lavish additions. The city in
general has grown so much in later times that many
reckon it to be the first city of the civilized world, and
it is certainly far ahead of all the rest in elegance and
extent and riches and luxury. The number of its in-
habitants surpasses that of those in other cities. At
the time when we were in Egypt, those who kept the
census returns of the population said that its free
residents were more than three hundred thousand,?
and that the king received from the revenues of the
country more than six thousand talents.

However that may be, King Alexander charged
certain of his Friends with the construction of Alex-
andria, settled all the affairs of Egypt, and returned
with his army to Syria.*

53. By the time he heard of his arrival, Dareius

thirty furlongs. The ancient circuit of the walls has not been
traced.

2 One hundred feet. i

3 A papyrus of later date has been interpreted as stating
that the citizens of Alexandria numbered 180,000, but this is
very uncertain (H. A. Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan
Martyrs, 1954, no. III, col. i. 15). i

4 Further details are given by Curtius, 4. 8. 4-9 ; Arrian,
3. 5. 2-7, Alexander reached Thapsacus in the Attic month
Hecatombaeon (Arrian, 3. 7. 1; about July/August 331 ;
see below, p. 278, note 2).

269

DIODORUS OF SICILY

cuvylpoike: èv tràs mavrayólev Õuváueis kat TávTa
TA TPOS TV TApPATAÉW XPÁCLHA KATEOCKEVAOTO. TÒ
èv yap éin kai tà Évora moù pelbw rv mpo-
yeyevnuévwv noioe Sià rò ĝokeîv ià Toýrwv
moààdà rov Adééavõpov èv rh mepi Kiıikiav uáyy
menÀcovekrnkévai kateokeúace Òe kai dpupara
Speravnpópa ðıakóora mpòs rarádrànéw ral póßov
2 rÕv moàceuiwv eùbérws émwevonpéva. ToúTwv yàp
ékáorov map ékárepov trÕv oepopópav’ inmmwv
eéékerro npooņnàwuéva TÔ Guy Éorpa mapauhrn
tporilaua, Thv èmotpopiv Ts akufjs ëyovra mpòs
TÅ kaTà mpóocwrov mihdverav, mpòs Šè raîs kara-
kàcioseo? trÕv agóvwv èr eùbeias dÀña úo, Tùv
pÈV TONY ÓLOĽAaV ÈXOVTA TPOS TV KATA TPÓTWTOV
êmipdverav Toîs mporépois, TÒ è uÎkos ueitw ral
mÀarúrepa: ovvýpuooro è raîs roúrwv åpyaîs
òpérava.

Ilâcav è rv úvajuv ëv re önàois èmońuos
kai hyeuóvwv dperaîs koocuýoas dvéķevćev èk tîs
Baßvàðvos éxwv megoùs èv mepi ðyõońrovra uvpi-
dôas, inreis è oùk éÀárrovs TÕv elkooct uvpidðwv.
kartà è Tùv óðorropiav efiðv uèv ëywv ròv Tiypw,
apiorepòv è ròv Eùppáryv mpońet à yópas
eùðaiuovos kal Öuvapévys rois rrýveot Sapı
XopTáopata mapacyécðar, TÔ Sè mÀýhet rÔv orpa-

l oepopópav F; oipoġópwv cett.

2 karakàcioeoi Bosius and Reiske ; kararàioeot codd.

270

BOOK XVII. 53. 1-3

had already assembled his forces from all directions 331/0 s.c.

and made everything ready for the battle. He had
fashioned swords and lances much longer than his
earlier types because it was thought that Alexander
had had a great advantage in this respect in the
battle in Cilicia. He had also constructed two hun-
dred scythe-bearing chariots well designed to astonish
and terrify the enemy.! From each of these there
projected out beyond the trace horses scythes three
spans long,? attached to the yoke, and presenting
their cutting edges to the front. At the axle housings
there were two more scythes pointing straight out
with their cutting edges turned to the front like the
others, but longer and broader. Curved blades were
fitted to the ends of these.?

All of the force the king adorned with shining ar-
mour and with brilliant commanders. As he marched
out of Babylon, he had with him eight hundred
thousand infantry and no less than two hundred
thousand cavalry. He kept the Tigris on the right
of his route and the Euphrates on the left, and pro-
ceeded through a rich country capable of furnishing
ample fodder for the animals and food enough for so

1 Curtius, 4. 9. 3-5 ; Arrian, 3. 8. 6.

2 About twenty-seven inches.

3 Curtius, 4. 9. 5 is a little clearer than Diodorus. He adds
that a spear projected forward from the end of the chariot pole
and that blades below the chariot reached towards the ground.
He also mentions swords projecting from both ends of the yoke,
as would be possible in a two-horse chariot. But Diodorus’s
trace horses would seem to make these impossible.

4 The Persian forces numbered 500,000 according to Jus-
tin (11. 12. 5), 1,000,000 according to Plutarch (Alexander,
31. 1), 1,000,000 foot and 40,000 horse according to Arrian
(3. 8. 6). Curtius gives the totals later (4. 12. 13) and more
reasonably : 45,000 horse and 200,000 infantry.

271

DIODORUS OF SICILY

4 TriwrÕv ikavàs tpopàas yopnyjoar. čomevõe yàp
mepi Thv Nivov morjoaoĝðar Tùv mapáraćıv, eùĝe-
TwTÁáTÆv ÖvTæv TÕv mepi aùðrýv meðiwv kal ToAÀNùv
eùpvywpiav mapeyopévwv T® ueyébet rv ÙOpowo-
pévæav ýr aùrtoô Suváuewv. karaorparoneĝðevoas
Se mepi kóuny Tv ovopačouévyv ”Apßnàa ràs ŝv-
vápeis évraðla kað’ ýuépav èérarre kal tî
ouveye? ðiıardéet ral peàéry kareokeúacev eù-
meiles: oóðpa yàp hywvia uýrore Toààðv kai
dovupovwv èbvôv Oporspévwv raîs Siadérrois
TAPaAXÝ TiS yévnTar kaTà TV Tapáračıv.

54. Ilepi è Sadúoews ral mpórepov uèv té-
mepe npeoßevràs mpòs °` Aàétavðpov, êkywpôv av-
T® Tis évròs "Advos morapoô xópas, kal mpoo-
ennyyéňdero ðoew åpyvpiov ráñavra Šıouúpia.!
ws È’ où mpooceîyev aùr, mdv èéémeppev Aovs
npéopeis, énawÂv èv aùròv émi TÔ kaìôs keypi-
oĝar TÜ Te unTpl kal roîŭs &Àdois aiyuaiórois,
dérðv ðè piov yevéoðar kal daßew rùv evròs
Eùġpárov yæpav kal rádňavr” åpyvpíov tpiopúpia?
kal Thv érépav TÕv éavroô Îvyarépwv yvvaîka, kab-
óÀov Õè yevóuevov yaußpòv ral rdéw víoô Àaßóvra
3 kaldrep kowwvòv yevéohari ris čàņs PBacıàcias, ó
©’ ’AAéfavõpos eis rò ovvéðpiov mapañaßòv mdvras

1 ĉopúpia Fischer; ôioyia R; mevrakioyia F.
3 2 grma F (in first hand); rpeeyi\a RX and F (second
and).

Aee a ae e E

1 In Curtius also (4. 9. 6), Dareius started his march from
the left bank of the Euphrates at Babylon and crossed over
to the left bank of the Tigris at some unspecified point up-
stream. Arrian suggests (3. 8. 3-6) that Dareius’s army

272

BOOK XVII. 53. 3—54. 3

many soldiers.? He had in mind to deploy for battle 331/0 s.o.

in the vicinity of Nineveh, since the plains there were
well suited to his purpose and afforded ample ma-
næuvre room for the huge forces at his disposal. Pitch-
ing camp at a village named Arbela, he drilled his
troops daily and made them well disciplined by con-
tinued training and practice. He was most concerned
lest some confusion should arise in the battle from the
numerous peoples assembled who differed in speech.

54. On the other hand, just as he had previously ?
sent envoys to Alexander to treat for peace, offering
to concede to him the land west of the Halys River,
and also to give him twenty thousand talents of silver,
but Alexander would not agree, so now again Dareius
sent other envoys praising Alexander for his generous
treatment of Dareius’s mother and the other captives
and inviting him to become a friend. He offered him
all the territory west of the Euphrates, thirty thou-
sand talents of silver, and the hand of one of his
daughters. Alexander would become Dareius’s son-
in-law and occupy the place of a son, while sharing in
the rule of the whole empire.4 Alexander brought
together all his Friends into a council and laid before

mustered east of the Tigris, perhaps not far from the actual
battlefield.

2 The diplomatic exchanges between Dareius and Alex-
ander are discussed above on chap. 39, p. 228, note 1.

3 These figures are variously reported in the manuscripts ;
see notes 1 and 2 on the opposite page.

4 It was a common practice among the Persians as later
among the Seleucids for the king to share the administration
of his huge realm with the crown prince. According to this
offer, Dareius would rule the east, Alexander the west, but
the kingdom would remain a unit. The territory offered to
Alexander was approximately that which later became a part
of the Roman Empire.

273

DIODORUS OF SICILY

roùòs piàovs kal nepi rÔv mpotibepévwv aipécewv
åvakowwodpevos ġŅéiov TÅv iðiav yvóøunv ékaoTtov
4 perà mappnoias ånopývacðar. tÕv pèv ov dAAwv
oùðeis èróàua ovpfovàcðoat ià rò péyehos ris
ónokeruévys Čnrýoews, Iappeviwv è mpõrTos
elrev, °Eyà uèv ðv `Adééavõpos čAaßov äv rà ĝt-
5 õóueva kal rv oúvðeoiw èromodunv. ó &’ ’AÀé-
éavõpos ónoàaßàv elmev, Kaya eè Happeviov Ñv
éaßov àv. -

Kaĝóàov è rat ddois pueyadopúyois Àðyors
ypnoápevos kat roùs pèv àóyovs rôv Iepoðv
ånoðokiudoas, nporiuýoas è Tv eùðoiav TÖV
mporewopévwv wpeðv roîs uèv mpéoßeow dró-
kpiow čwkev ðs oŬb’ ó kóopos Õveîv Àiwv övTwv
rnpoar óva äv rův iav ĉakóounoiv re kat
tráéw où ý oikovuévn úo Bacidéwv èyóvraw rùv
Hycuoviav drapáxws kal doracidorws ĝiapévew àv
6 ĝúvarro. Õıónep amayyéàcw aùŭroùs ékéàevoe TO
Aapeiw, el pèv rÕv npwTelwv ópéyeTar, Õrapdyeohar
mpos aùròv mepi rijs Tv ôÀwv povapyias'’ el Õè ó-
éns karadþpovôv nmporpivet Tv Àvorréàciav kal TÙv
êk ris pgorævns tpvpýv, aùròs èv 'Adcédvòpw
mowirw TÀ mpoorartTópeva, Ààwv Sè dpywv pa-
oiÀcevérw, ovyywpovuévns aùr® rs ovoías úrò
Tis ° AÀeéávðpov ypnorórnrTos.

Tò è cvvéðpiov ðiadúcas kat Tùv Õúvauıw dva-
Aaßbàv npoñyev èm tv TÕv moàceuiwv otpaTore-
Sciav. àa òè roúrois mparropévois Tis To Aapeiov
yuvarkòs årohavoúons ó `Adéfavðpos ébapev av-
TNV EYAÀOTPETÕS.

1 Súvaraı RX.
2TA

BOOK XVII. 54. 3-7

them the alternatives. He urged each to speak his 331/0 s.o.

own mind freely. None of the rest, however, dared
to give an opinion in a matter of this importance, but
Parmenion spoke up and said: “If I were Alex-
ander, I should accept what was offered and make a
treaty.” Alexander cut in and said : “ So should I,
if I were Parmenion.”

He continued with proud words and refuted the
arguments of the Persians, preferring glory to the
gifts which were extended to him. Then he told the
envoys that the earth could not preserve its plan and
order if there were two suns nor could the inhabited
world remain calm and free from war so long as two
kings shared the rule.! He bade them tell Dareius
that, if he desired the supremacy, he should do battle
with him to see which of them would have sole and
universal rule. If, on the other hand, he despised
glory and chose profit and luxury with a life of ease,
then let him obey Alexander, but be king over all
other rulers,? since this privilege was granted him by
Alexander’s generosity.

Alexander dismissed the council and ordering his
forces to resume their march, he advanced on the
camp of the enemy. At this juncture the wife of
Dareius died and Alexander gave her a sumptuous
funeral.?

1 The quip, ** So should I if I were Parmenion,” occurs in
all the sources. The “ two suns ” metaphor is given other-
wise only by Justin (11. 12. 15).

2 This is a concept in keeping with the feudal organization
of the Persian empire. The king was, quite literally, “ king
of kings”; if he accepted Alexander’s overlordship, he
might still be king of all the other kings of “ Iran and non-
Iran.”

3 Plutarch, also (Alexander, 30), places this incident after
Dareius’s embassy. Curtius (4. 10. 18-34) and Justin (11. 12.

275

DIODORUS OF SICILY

a y “~ > Ed ? s `
55. Aapeîos è rv dmokpioewv dkovoas kat
A A D ~
tv &à rõv àóywv oúvðłeow dmoyvoùs Tv pev
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Pa 2 a
roîs kivõúvois eùnņkotav éroiuņv kareokeðate, TÕV
Sè piÀwv Mataîov èv perà orpariwrtõv ÈTIÀEKTWV
2 “A
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tauoô kal ròv Tópov nmpokataànpópevov, érépovs Š
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kaîov v ğedleîv roùs moňepiovs’ vóue yàp T®
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hi l RE 4 l L N d A
Tò Balos kai thv opoðpórnra Toð peúuaTos TÎS pev
rovrov ġuvàakĝs uéànoe, roîs è rùv xyøöpav
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únéìaßev dßarov čoeolar roîs modepioirs Sià TV
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3 ‘O & 'Aàétavðpos mapayevõpevos mpòs Tùv Õıd-
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? l ` 7 ` ? 3
mwvwv èyywpiwv pabòv diefißace rv Šóvajuv où
uóvov mıróvws, dA\à kal mavreàðs êmikwõúvws.
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m~ 4 e 7z e + + ` ~ ’
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Twv mapéovpev kal Tùv Baow tv okeàðv Tapy-
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peîro, Tó Te peña Toîs ÖTÀOLS ÈUTTTTOV TOANOŬS TE
mapéhepe kal Toîs syárois kivðúvois mepiéßañàev.
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50 ééavðpos mps Tv aßoðpótrnra roô pev-
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LaTos àvriunxavópevos tmaphyyerňe nõos tàs yeîpas

6-7) place it before the embassy. This was the summer of
331. She had been taken prisoner in November, 333, but
Plutarch, Alexander, 30. 1, states that she died in childbirth.

276

BOOK XVII. 55. 1-5

55. Dareius heard Alexander’s answer and gave up 331/0 s.c.

any hope of a diplomatic settlement. He continued
drilling his troops each day and brought their battle
discipline to a satisfactory state. He sent off one of
his Friends, Mazaeus, with a picked body of men to
guard the crossing of the river and to seize and hold
the ford. Other troops he sent out to scorch the
earth over which the enemy must come. He thought
of using the bed of the Tigris as a defence against the
advance of the Macedonians.! Mazaeus, however,
looked upon the river as uncrossable because of its
depth and the swiftness of the current,’ and neglected
to guard it. Instead he joined forces with those who
were burning the countryside, and having wasted a
great stretch of it, judged that it would be unusable
by the enemy because of the lack of forage.
Alexander, nevertheless, when he came to the
crossing of the Tigris River, learned of the ford from
some of the local natives, and transferred his army to
the east bank. This was accomplished not only with
difficulty but even at substantial risk. The depth of
the water at the ford was above a man’s breast and
the force of the current swept away many who were
crossing and deprived them of their footing, and as
the water struck their shields, it bore many off their
course and brought them into extreme danger. But
Alexander contrived a defence against the violence
of the river. He ordered all to lock arms with each

This may reflect a tradition that Alexander had not taken
as good care of her as was generally believed.

1 According to Arrian (3. 7. 1), Mazaeus was also supposed
to defend the line of the Euphrates, and this plan is reported
in a different form by Curtius, 4. 9. 7 and 12.

2 The Tigris is said to owe its name to the “ arrow-swift ”
character of its current (Curtius, 4. 9. 16).

277

DIODORUS OF SICILY

dAAÀois ovunmàékew kal mv ÔÀnv trÕv owpártwv
6 muvkvóryra mowy Geúyuarıe maparànoiav. mapa-
Bóàov è yevouévys rs ciaßdocews kat rôv Maxe-
Òóvwv uóyis diaocwhévrwv rv èv huépav TraúTtyv
npocavéàaße rův Šúvajuv, T © vorTepaiq ovvre-
Traypévņv ëywv Tův oTtpatıàv nmpofjyev rmi TOÙS
moàeuiovs kal oúveyyvs yevőuevos rv Ilepoôv
KATEOTpaTONEDEVOEV.

56. `Avañoyiõuevos è rò nAñbos ts rõv Ilep-
cv ðvvduews kal TÒ péyelos rv èmikeuévwv
kivðúvwv, ëtt Õe Tv Tepl TÕv õÀwv kpiow êv yepolv
osav Òiyypúnvnoe Tùv výkTa ovveyópevos Tí) mepi
ToD pédovros hpovriði: úrò Sè rhv éwhwhv vda-
Kv Tpareis eis Ünvov oŭrws êkoruýln Babéws wore
Tis uépas ênmiyevopévns uù úvaoðar Šieyephivar.
2 TÒ èv ov mpõrTov ot pidor TÒ ovufàv hòéws éwpwv,
vouigovres TÒv Bacıiàéa mpòs Tov Úroreipevov Kiv-
vvov eùtTovwrepov égechat rerevyóra moñs avé-
oews’ Ós © ó uèv ypóvos mpoćßawev, ó © ůrmvos
ovveîye ròv Paciàéa, Iapueviwv mpecßúraros &ðv
rv hiiwv a$ éavroð mpõoraypa Šidwke roîs
3 nÀýleow érorudteohar Tà mpòs tùv uáynv. oùk
davieuévov © aùroð mpooeàbóvres ot piot uóyis
Siýyeipav ròv ’Aàétavðpov. Bavuačóvrwv © èr.
T ovupeßnkóre mdvrwv ral tùv airiav dkoôosat
ovopévwv épnoev ó `Aàétavõpos Aapeiov cès éva
rómov )Âporkőra tàs Šuvdpeis dmoàeàvkévar mdons

1 Curtius, 4. 9. 15-21. Arrian (3. 7. 5) mer
that Alexander crossed with dieu. AREE TER
2 The tradition of the date of the battle is confused. Eleven
days before it (Plutarch, Alexander, 31. 4) there occurred in
the Attic month Boedromion an eclipse of the moon which

278

BOOK XVII. 55. 5—56. 3

other and to construct a sort of bridge out of the com 331/0 s.c.

pact union of their persons.! Since the crossing had
been hazardous and the Macedonians had had a narrow
escape, Alexander rested the army that day, and on
the following he deployed it and led it forward to-
ward the enemy, then pitched camp not far from the
Persians.?

56. Casting over in his mind the number of the
Persian forces and the decisive nature of the impend-
ing battle, since success or failure lay now entirely in
the strength of their arms, Alexander lay awake
throughout the night occupied with concern for the
next day. About the morning watch he fell asleep,
and slept so soundly that he could not-be wakened
when the sun rose.? At first his Friends were de-
lighted, thinking that the king would be all the
keener for the battle for his thorough relaxation.
As time passed, however, and sleep continued to pos-
sess him, Parmenion, the senior among the Friends,
issued on his own responsibility the order to the troops
to make ready for the battle, and since his sleep
continued, the Friends came to Alexander and at
last succeeded in wakening him. As all expressed
astonishment at the matter and pressed him to tell
the reason for his unconcern, Alexander said that
Dareius had freed him from all anxiety by assembling
has been identified as that of 20/21 September 331 B.C.
(Curtius, 4. 10. 2; Arrian, 3. 7. 6). If the Attic month fol-
lowed the moon in practice as it did in theory, this should
haye been on the 15th of Boedromion, and the battle fought
on the 26th or 27th. Arrian, however, states that the battle
took place in Pyanepsion (3. 15. 7), presumably the month of

the eclipse also. Justin (11. 13. 1) simply says that the battle
occurred “ postero die” after the dismissal of Dareius’s

embassy.
3 Curtius, 4. 13. 17-24; Plutarch, Alexander, 32. 1-2.

279

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 lg 3o o 2 a A e l 2 y ~
4 aywvias aùróv' muĝ yap Ņuépąa kpihévra mepi TÕv

wv maúocolat TÕv móvwv kal moàvypoviwv kivðú-
+ $ > y + ` e l m
vwv. où ùv dÀÀà mapakaàéoas troùs hyeuóvas Toîs
3
oikeiois Àdyois kal mpòs Toùs êmihpepouévovs kivðú-
vovs eùlapoeîs karaorýoas mpofye tùv Úvapuv
ovvrerayuévnv rml roùs Pappápovs, ts rôv metôv
pdàayyos tràs TÕv innméwv etas mpordéas.
57. Emi pèv ov rò Õegiðv Képas račte Tův
B À gi UA D T A e r KÀ "~ e
aciùkův ciànv, Ñs eiye tùv hyepoviav Kàeîros ð
4
péas ovopačóuevos, yopévovs è rTaúrņs Toùs
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hi k S d ld
2 rov aùròv hyepóva. õmølev è Tovrwv Ýnerdyn

TÒ TÕv dpyvpaoriðwv nev ráyua, Sradépov TÅ
TE TÕV ÔTÀwV \aunpóTNTi kal Ti TÕv avðpôv åperi'
kai rovtrwv ýyeîro Nixdvwp ò IHappeviwvos. èyo-
pévyy è roúrwv čornoe tiv ° EùpuÂðrv kañovuévnv
orparnyiav, s Kovos ýyeîro, ééĝs è rv rôv
’Opeorôv kat Avyryorôv rdéw čornoe, Iepikkov
TùV ortparqyiav čyovros. kal Tùv èv èyopévnyv
arparnyiav Meàéaypos eye, rv è ovveyi raúrns
Hodvrépxwv, rerayuévov ýr aùròv rÕv voua-
Copévav Ervupaiwv. Pirros è ó Baàákpov rùv
ovveyi TaúTns otparņnyiav enàńpov kal TÎS perà
1 diñovs codd. ; éraipovs F.

aorparņyíav Fischer ; orparıáv codd.
3 Ioàvrépxaw RX; IMoàvorépywv F.

1 This term is somewhat unexpectedly used instead of the
usual term “ Companions ” (Arrian, 3. 11. 8). Cp. note 1,
p. 14. The full accounts of the Battle of Gaugemela are

280

BOOK XVII. 56. 4—57. 3

all his forces into one place. Now in one day the 331/0 s.c.

decision would be reached on all issues, and they
would be saved toils and dangers extending over a
long period of time. Nevertheless, Alexander sum-
moned his officers and encouraged them for the battle
which they faced with suitable words, and then led
out his army deployed for battle against the Persians,
ordering the cavalry squadrons to ride ahead of the
infantry phalanx.

57. On the right wing Alexander stationed the
royal squadron under the command of Cleitus the
Black (as he was called), and next to this the other
Friends + under the command of Parmenion’s son
Philotas, then in succession the other seven squadrons
under the same commander. Behind these was sta-
tioned the infantry battalion of the Silver Shields,?
distinguished for the brilliance of their armour and
the valour of the men ; they were led by Nicanor, the
son of Parmenion. Next to them was the battalion
from Elimiotis,’ as it was called, under the command
of Coenus ; next he stationed the battalion of the
Orestae and the Lyncestae, of which Perdiccas held
the command. Meleager commanded the next bat-
talion and Polyperchon the one after that, the people
called Stymphaeans being under him. Philip the son
of Balacrus held the next command and, after him,
those of Curtius (4. 12-16) and Arrian (3. 11-15); cp. also
Justin, 11. 13-14. 3 ; Plutarch, Alexander, 32-33.

2 These were the infantry of the guard, the hypaspistae,
called by the name which came into use only in the period of

the Successors (Tarn, Alexander the Great, 2, p. 116; Cp. p.
14, note 1). Curtius (8. 5. 4) writes of the introduction of

silver and gold trappings in 327.

3 The battalions of the Macedonian phalanx were orga-
nized on a territorial basis and known by the names of their
component elements.

281

DIODORUS OF SICILY

raúrņv Kparepòs ńyečro. rõv è mpoepnuévwv
innéwv rv ovvey) tdw dmermÀńýpovv oi arò
Ieàorovvýoov Krai 'Ayaías ovorpareúoavres ir-

a ` ~ ` Ca » ` ` `
meîs kal Drai kat Mañeîs, ére è Aokpol kat
4 Dwreîs, v yero ` Epiyvios? ð Mırvànvalos. ééns
Ò eiorýjkeoav @errañol, Dirrov uèv éyovres
ýyeuóva, dvðpeiq ðè kal t TrÕv ei\ðv inmaciq
moù mpoéyovres Tv Awv. èyopévovs è rToú-
Twv Toùs êk Kpýrys ročóras éraće kal roùs èk Ts
’Ayařas polopopovs.

E? ékarépov è roô képaros émıkdurniov èroinoe

p p u %

TV? rdéw, ônws u) Ôúvwvrai kukÀobv ot moàéwot
TÔ màla rv orparrwrÕv tův oùyóTTa rv
6 Maxeóvaw. mpos è ras rv Öperavņyópwv åp-
pátwv èmpopàs uņnyavópevos ó Bacideùs maphy-
yere Tois év T pdàayyı meķoîs, ôrav TÀANoLACN TÀ
rébpinra, ovvaorioai kal raîs capicais TàS ori-
Sas rúnrTew, mws ĝia rov põdov mTupóueva Tův eis
roùtiocw morýonrat popdv, troîs è Biatouévois e-
Sóvaı ğiaorýuara, Št ðv moroovrai Tv Šiééoðov
akivõðvvov roîs Makeðóow. aùròs è roð Seéioð
pépovs ńyoúpevos kal Àofùv Tův ráči moroúuevos
è éavrot rv ÖÀņv kpiow toô kivðúvov noreîoha
Õreyvóket.

58. “O è Aapeîos karà tràs rôv èlvôv mepioyàs
TÅv kta memompuévos kard Te Tòv ’AÀéÉavðpov
TeTayuévos mpoñyev mi roùs modeulovs. s &
erànolatov dAńdas ai ðvváueis, ot pèv caàmırral

1 ’°Epiyvos RX.
2 tův added by Dindorf.

1 Diodorus’s account of Alexander’s dispositions agrees
generally with those of Curtius (4. 13. 26-35) and Arrian
282

BOOK XVII. 57. 3—58. 1

Craterus. As for the cavalry, the line of the squad- 331/0 ».c.

rons which I have mentioned was continued with the
combined Peloponnesian and Achaean horse, then
cavalry from Phthiotis and Malis, then Locrians and
Phocians, all under the command of Erigyius of Mity-
lenê. Next were posted the Thessalians who had
Philip as commander ; they were far superior to the
rest in their fighting qualities and in their horseman-
ship. And next to these he stationed the Cretan
archers and the mercenaries from Achaia.

On both flanks he kept his wings back so that the
enemy with their superior numbers could not envelop
the shorter line of the Macedonians. Against the
threat of the scythed chariots, he ordered the infantry
of the phalanx to join shields as soon as these went
into action against them and to beat the shields with
their spears, creating such a din as to frighten the
horses into bolting to the rear, or, if they persevered,
to open gaps in the ranks such that they might ride
through harmlessly. He himself took personal com-
mand of the right wing and advancing obliquely
planned to settle the issue of the battle by his own
actions.!

58. Dareius based his formation for battle on the
characteristics of his national contingents,’ and post-
ing himself opposite Alexander gave the command to
advance on the Macedonians. As the lines approached

(3. 11. 8-12. 5), with the exceptions that Arrian gives only
six squadrons of the Companions in addition to that of Clei-
tus, and names Simmias as battalion commander instead of
Philip (who is named also by Curtius, 4. 13. 28; a Philip
appears in 327 as a battalion commander with Alexander in
operations north of the Kabul River, Arrian, 4. 24. 10).

2 The Persian dispositions are given by Curtius (4. 12. 5-13)
and Arrian (3. 11. 3-7) from captured records.

283

(eni

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Tap dpporépots ècńýuawov Tò moňepiróv, ot &
ävôpes pETÀ Tods Boñs gAAÚAors ênepépovro.
2 kal mpôTtov Tà Šperavņnpópa rv åppáTwv amò
Kpárovs davvópeva TOAAÙV ékmàngw kal póßov
Toîs Makeðóoıv ênéornoev' kal yàp Magaîos ó Ò TÖV
innéwv hyoúpevos mvukvaîs raîs etais oùv Toîs
Speravnpópois ÈTÀQVVE, KATATÀNKTLIKWTÉPAV TOLÕV
A 2 A bi 4
3 Tv èmipopàv rÕv peravnpópwv. ris è pdàayyos
ovvaomıoúons kal karà tàs toô fPacıàéws map-
ayyeÀlas TaÎSs UapioatS TMVTWV TUMTÓVTWV TAS
f l
4 åoniðas ovvéßawe póßov mov yiveosĝðar. Srórep
TÀ Toà TÕv àppdTwv mTupopévov TÖV inTWV
eorpéġero kat trùv púuņv dkarádoyerov moroðvra
` ` ATA t LANIER A m D XAA
mpos Toùs iÕiovs Piaiws davéorpehe. TÕv Ò aAwv
m~ m ,
npoorecóvrwv TÀ páňayyı kal rv Maxeðóvwv ror-
, se 7 K Z ` 7 , 1
oúvræwv ačıóňoya ðeaorýńpara ðià ToúTwv hepópeva
Tà pev gvvyrovtioðny, Tà Òè Sregémeoev, evia è
T Bia TS póuns depóueva kai raîs rv cðýpwv
dkpaîs èvepyðs ypnodueva mods kal Towcidas
õraléceis Oavdrwv drmeipydbero. ToaŬTry yàp
v ý oéúrys kal Bia trv kreyaàkevuévwv mpòs
? À e LA ~ ` l ~
amwàceav ónÀìwv wore Toðv uèv Bpayiovas oùv
aùraîs raîs doriow darnokónrechar, oùk àlywv Õè
Ttpayýàovs mapacúpecłðat kal tràs kepaàds min-
Tew emi ryv yiv Pàeróvræv črte TÕv òðuudTwv kal
TS ToÔ mpocwnou cialéosews diahvaTTouévns,
éviwv è ras nÀevpàs mikapioris Topaîs dvaphr-
` Z 3 a ? t 2
rechar kai Îavárovs deis èmihépeobar.

1 tà ġepópeva codd. ; corrected by Fischer.
? dvapņtrróvrwv and èémiepóõvrwv codd.; corrected by

284

BOOK XVII. 58. 1-5

each other, the trumpeters on both sides sounded the 831/0 s.c.

attack and the troops charged each other with a loud
shout. First the scythed chariots swung into action
at full gallop and created great alarm and terror
among the Macedonians,! especially since Mazaeus ?
in command of the cavalry made their attack more
frightening by supporting it with his dense squadrons
of horse. As the phalanx joined shields, however, all
beat upon their shields with their spears as the king
had commanded and a great din arose. As the horses
shied off, most of the chariots were turned about and
bore hard with irresistible impact against their own
ranks. Others continued on against the Macedonian
lines, but as the soldiers opened wide gaps in their
ranks the chariots were channelled through these. In
some instances the horses were killed by javelin casts
and in others they rode through and escaped, but
some of them, using the full force of their momentum
and applying their steel blades actively, wrought
death among the Macedonians in many and various
forms. Such was the keenness and the force of the
scythes ingeniously contrived to do harm that they
severed the arms of many, shields and all, and in no
small number of cases they cut through necks and
sent heads tumbling to the ground with the eyes still
open and the expression of the countenance un-
changed, and in other cases they sliced through ribs
with mortal gashes and inflicted a quick death.?

1 Curtius, 4. 15. 3; Arrian, 3. 13. 5.

2 Mazaeus appears below (chap. 59. 5) in command of the

Persian right wing, not the left.
3 Curtius, 4. 15. 14-17. Arrian is not interested in such

descriptions.

Wesseling. The manuscript readings are explained and de-
fended by R. Laqueur, Hermes, 86 (1958), 259 f.

285

DIODORUS OF SICILY

59. “Qs & yyioav AAAs ai ĝvvdpeis kat ia
rÕv tóčwv kal oħevðovðv, ért è rÕv åkovTio-
uévov cavviwv tà pirroúpeva Béàn mapavýwro,

2 TpPÒS TÙV ÈK XELPÒS HAXNV KATÚVTNOAV. KaL MPÕTOV
rôv inrnéwv ovornoapévwv ayôva kai rv Maxe-
Sóvuv TÔ Šeér® képarıe Sıaywviğouévwv óð pèv
Aapeîos roô Àarot képaTos HYoVuEvoS CUVAYWNOTAS
eÎye roùs ovyyeveîs inmeîs, émÀéktTovs tTaîs aperats
kai raîs eùvoiais, yiÀlovs èv pÊ mepierànuuévovs

3 ciÀy. oroi è Oearhv ëyovres Ts iias avðpaya-
Olas ròv Baoıiàéa rò nmàhlos rv èr aùròv pepo-
uévæv Beàðv npohúpws eéeðéyovro. ovvůoav ðè
Toúrois ol re unàopópoi, ðádhopori raîs dvðpaya-
Oiais kal modol kara rò màñlos, mpòs ðè rovrois
Mápõoi kal Koosator,? taîs Te rv cwpdrTwv úrep-
oyaîs kal raîs Àaunpórņoi tv pvyðv Îavuačó-

4 uevoi. guvnywviovro è TovTois ol TE mepi TA
Baciàcia ĝiarpißovres kal rõv `Ivõððv oi kpáriorot
kar davðpeiav. orot èv ov erà moààñs Bofs
emıppdčavres toîs moàeuiors èkhbúuws hywvigovro
kal TÔ mÀýÂe karenóvovv roùs Mareðóvas.

5 Maģaos ðè rò Seéiðv ëywv Kképas kal perà tTÕvV
apiorwv innéwv iaywvičóuevos eùbùs karà TÙV
npórnv ëpoðov r©v àvleorórwv aveîev oùk Àl-
yovs, ĉıoyiàiovs è Kaðovoiovs kal yiàlovs rÔv
ÈEkvlôv inneîs èmAérrovs eéénmempe, mpoordéas
mepunreðoat TÒ képas TÒ TV TmoÀepiwv kal mpos-
cÀdoavras tÑ mapepo ris dmookevis rvp-

1 ŝıahopot supplied by Hertlein. 2 Kiooaîor RX.

1 Curtius, 4. 15. 24-25. This was the royal chiliarchy,
commanded by the chiliarch or grand vizier. The members

286

BOOK XVII. 59. 1—5

59. As the main bodies now neared each other and, 331/0 s.c.

employing bows and slings and throwing javelins,
expended their missiles, they turned to hand to hand
fighting. The cavalry first joined battle, and as the
Macedonians were on the right wing, Dareius, who
commanded his own left, led his kinsman cavalry
against them. These were men chosen for courage
and for loyalty, the whole thousand included in one
squadron. Knowing that the king was, watching
their behaviour, they cheerfully faced all of the
missiles which were cast in his direction. With them
were engaged the Apple Bearers,? brave and numer-
ous, and in addition to these Mardi and Cossaei, who
were admired for their strength and daring, as well
as all the household troops belonging to the palace
and the best fighters among the Indians. They all
raised a loud battle cry and, attacking, engaged the
enemy valiantly and pressed hard upon the Macedo-
nians because of their superior numbers.

Mazaeus was in command of the Persian right wing
with the best of the cavalry under him and killed not
a few of his opponents at the first onslaught, but sent
off two thousand Cadusii and a thousand picked
Scythian horsemen with orders to ride around the
enemy’s flank and to continue on to their camp and

had the court rank of Royal Relatives. Like Diodorus,
Curtius (4. 12) writes only of left and right wings in the
Persian army, with the king in the former position (4. 14. 8).
Arrian (3. 11. 5) places the king correctly in the centre.

2 So called from the fact that the butts of their spears were
carved in the likeness of apples. They constituted the royal
foot guards. Arrian (3. 11. 3-4) gives from an ofħcial list
captured after the battle Kinsmen, Melophoroi, Indians,
Carians, and Mardi. The Cossaei are named by Curtius also
(4. 12. 10), certainly in error, since they were not subjects of
the king (chap. 111. 4).

287

DIODORUS OF SICILY

A 4 ` `y
6 oa. Êv ééws momodvrwv TÒ npoorayhèv kat
ld m~
mapeoneoóvrwv cis thv orparoreðeiav trv Ma-
m~ e 2 e
keðóvwv rv aiyuaàórTwv Tiwvès dprdoavres ÖmÀa
m `y ld ` 3
guvńpyovv roîs Xrúloss kai rýpračov Tàs ano-
A ` S e 4 ` ò ` s sò
orevds' Boj & v kal rapax) Sà TÒ mapdõoéov
kab’ àv trùv mapeußoàńv. ai èv ov dàu TÕV
2 > rA e
aiypaàwriðwv mpos roùs Pappdpovs aneywpovv, Ù
Sè uńrnp roô Aapeiov Lioúyyaußpis maparañov-
cv aùrv TÔv aiypaàwriðwv où mpocéoxev, dÀ\
3249 e [a p À 2 ka Ca ò 2
èp hovyias čueiwe piňoppóvws, oŭte TÔ mapaðóýw
ris róyņns moreúsaca oùte Tův mpos `Adéfavðpov
3 la $ f $ e lA
8 eùyapıoriav Àvpawouévy. TéÀos è oi Dkóba
moiy ris amoorevis čiaprdoavres ainmevoav
npòs roùs mepi Maķaîov ral rùv eònuepiav amýy-
yeav. óuoiws Sè kal rÕv mepi Aapeîov Teray-
uévov innéwv tiwvès karanovýoavres T® mÀýle
Toùs dvÂeorôras Makreðóvas peyew ùvdykacav.
60. Acvurépov ðè mporepýuaros roîs lépoais ye-
l4 e 4 ? [4 2 kd e m
vouévov © pèv `Aàétavðpos omeóðwv Ôt éavroô
Tùy rrav Sophlwoachar trÕv Öiwv perà ris Ba-
oiikis clàns kat rv dAwv rÕv èmpaveoráTwv
e l4 Pi ? ` ” ` a e k ~
innéwv èr aùròv hAavve ròv Aapeîov. ò ðè rv
La A lA ~ ? A A
Ilepoðv Bacıiàcùs efduevos rův êmpopav tv
1 4 3 49 7
noàeuiwv aùròs uèv èp åpparos dywvıióuevos
3 td 3 A 3 A Fa
Nkövričev eis Troùs émipepouévovs, mov © avr
1 N A 2 3 ? 3 ld :
ovvaywviopévwv kal rTÔv Paoidéwv èm aAàńàovs
e 3
iceuévwuv ó pèv `AàéÉavðpos dkovriosas èmi ròv
A 2 ` e A m~
Aapeîov Torov pèv ńuaprev, ToÔ ðè mapeorÕTos
1 Curtius, 4. 15. 5-11. The “ baggage ” included persons
as well as objects, and it may be that this attack was a cal-
288

BOOK XVII. 59. 5—60. 2

capture the baggage. This they did promptly, and 331/0 s.c.

as they burst into the camp of the Macedonians, some
of the captives seized weapons and aided the Scy-
thians in seizing the baggage. There was shouting
and confusion throughout the whole camp area at
this unexpected event. Most of the female captives
rushed off to welcome the Persians, but the mother of
Dareius, Sisyngambris, did not heed when the women
called upon her, but remained placidly where she was,
since she neither trusted the uncertain turns of For-
tune nor would sully her gratitude toward Alexander.
Finally, after the Scythians had rounded up much of
the baggage, they rode off to Mazaeus to report their
success.! During this time, also, part of the cavalry
of Dareius in superior numbers continued their pres-
sure on the opposing Macedonians and forced them
to give ground.

60. This was a second success for the Persians, and
Alexander saw that it was time for him to offset the
discomfiture of his forces by his own intervention ?
with the royal squadron and the rest of the elite horse
guards, and rode hard against Dareius.®? The Persian
king received their attack and fighting from a chariot
hurled javelins against his opponents, and many sup-
ported him. As the kings approached each other,
Alexander flung a javelin at Dareius and missed him,
culated attempt to recover the Persian women captured at
Issus. Arrian (3. 14. 5-6) views it as a purely military
manœuvre. Arrian reports that it was a break through the
Macedonian line carried out by Indians and Persian cavalry,
while Curtius and Plutarch (Alexander, 32. 3), who do not
identify the troops, agree with Diodorus that the operation

was a sweep around the Macedonian left wing.
2 This same motivation is ascribed to Alexander, Curtius,

4. 15. 19.
3 Curtius, 4. 15. 24-33; Arrian, 3. 14. 1-3.

VOL. VIII L 289

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 ývióyov To Paciéws kararvyæv karéßadev. tÕv
òè mepi ròv Aapeîov åvaßoņnodvrwv oi ToppòrTepov
adeorykóres únréàaßov aùrov ròv Paciéa mentw-
kévar: kat roúrwv tTÌs pvyfjs åpéauévwv ot ovveyeîs
guveimovro kal TÒ ovveoròs T Aapeiw oúvrayua
kart’ OÀiyov aiel mapepphyvuvro. ið kal ris érépas
nàcupâs mapayvuvwheions rv ovvaywviouévwv

4 kal aùTos karanràayeis mpos puyùv æpunoev. Tov-
Twv è ovrws Hevyóvræwv kal TOÔ koviopro? TÕV
innméwv mpòs Üfos aipouévov kat TÕvV mepi TÒv
’AÀéfavðpov èk moðòs éropévwv ða TÒ mAÑOos
kal Tv mukvórTra Toĵ kovioproð ovviðeîv uèv oùk
Ñv ròv Aapeîov ómrot moreîrat Thv pvyv, oTevaypòs
Sè rÕv mrróvrwv avðpðv kal krúmos TÕv inméwv,
éri Õe rÕv pacriywv ovvexùs pópos èyivero.

5 “Apa è Toúrois mparrouévoirs Maģčaîos ð roð
ðeéroð képaros ńyoúpevos, mÀeclorovs ëywv kal
kpariorovs inneîs, Papùs énékerro Toîs kar’ aùròv
terayuévois: Ilappeviwv è perà rv Oerrañðv
inréwv kal TvV AAwv TÕv uer aùroô rkivåvvevóv-

6 rwv óréöTy rToùs modeuiovs. TÒ uèv oĝv mpôrTov
Àaurpõs dywvičópevos ià tràs aperàs TÔv Qerra-
ðv mpoeréper: rÕv è mepl rov Mataîov TÔ re
nÀýle kal Bápet roô ovorýuaTtos èykeiuévwv kart-

7 enoveîro TÒ Tv Mareðóvæwv inmmóv. modot è
ġövov ywouévov Kal TiS TÕv Bapßápwrv ßías vo-
VTOOTÁTOU ywopévns ó ò Happeviwv eSénephé TWAS
TÖV Tepi aùròv innméwv Tmpòs TÒV 'AAéSavõpov,
\éywv KATA TXOS Bontoa.. oğéws Òe ToÚTwV
Tò mapayyeàbèv TpaTTÓVTWV kal TÒvV AAéEavõpov
nvlouévwv modd ris rdčews areonrdoðart karà ròv
290

BOOK XVII. 60. 2-7

but struck the driver standing beside him and knocked 331/0 s.c.

him to the ground. A shout went up at this from
the Persians around Dareius, and those at a greater
distance thought that the king had fallen. They
were the first to take to flight, and they were followed
by those next to them, and steadily, little by little,
the solid ranks of Dareius’s guard disintegrated. As
both flanks became exposed, the king himself was
alarmed and retreated. The flight thus became
general. Dust raised by the Persian cavalry rose to
a height, and as Alexander’s squadrons followed on
their heels, because of their numbers and the thick-
ness of the dust, it was impossible to tell in what
direction Dareius was fleeing. The air was filled
with the groans of the fallen, the din of the cavalry,
and the constant sound of lashing of whips.!

At this time Mazaeus, the commander of the Per-
sian right wing, with the most and the best of the
cavalry, was pressing hard on those opposing him,
but Parmenion with the Thessalian cavalry and the
rest of his forces put up a stout resistance. For a
time, fighting brilliantly, he even seemed to have the
upper hand thanks to the fighting qualities of the
Thessalians, but the weight and numbers of Ma-
zaeus’s command brought the Macedonian cavalry
into difficulties. A great slaughter took place, and
despairing of withstanding the Persian power, Par-
menion sent off some of his horsemen to Alexander,
begging him to come to their support quickly. They
carried out their orders with dispatch, but finding
that Alexander was already in full pursuit at a great

1 Curtius, 4. 15. 33.

1 Rhodoman corrected to inrwv.

291

DIODORUS OF SICILY

~ Kag ` 3 A y e b
8 ŝ&wypov orot pèv êrmavijàĵov drmpakrtot, ó ðè
IHappeviwv raîs rôv Oerrañðv etais ypõpevos
3 l ` ` ` t ? 1
eurepõrara kal moààovs karaßaàwv pois èrpé-
paro roùs Pappápovs, dorta karanràayévras th
katà ròv Aapeîov hvuyĝ.
e ` a ~
61. “O è Aapeîos T orparnyig ðieapépwv ral
` pA ` A m“ a
ouvepyòv xwv TÒ nÀANÂos To kovioproô Tv armo-
LA g a a
xópnow oùx ópoiav Toîs Àdors Bapßpdápors êroreîro,
kd
eis Toùvavtiov è pépos ópuńcas kat kpurTouévnv
y A `
éxwv ià Tov Éarpõuevov kovioptTòv Tùv iðiav ano-
z >
xøpnow arwðúvws aùrós re répuyev rovs te ueb’
e a A m~
éavroĵ mdvras eis TAS katómıv Kepévas TÕV
M ô l r ð r L ` lA m~
2 Makeððvwv kóuas ðéoswoe. réàos ðè nmdvrwv TÕv
l ` ~ e Pa
Bapßápwv mpos ġuyùňv óppnodvræwv ral rôv Ma-
ld ` m
keðóvwv TOoÙS oydrovs del kTewóvrwv TayÒ râs ð
3 mÀnoiov ToÔ meðlov róros vekpõðv ènànpobn. Siò
` M~ 2 bJ 2 m
kal TÕv Pappápwv èv raúrņ Ti dyn katekómnoav
e e la m~
ot mávres imnes re kal nmečol nmÀelovs rÕv èvvéa
LA m“
pvpidðwv: rõv è Maxeðóvwv avņpébnoav èv eis
la
TEVTAKOCLOVS, Tpavpariat Ò eyévovro maprànbeis,!

1 mavurànbeis X.

1 This incident is variously reported. According to Dio-
dorus, Alexander did not receive Parmenion’s plea for help,
and Parmenion extricated himself without it. According to
Curtius (4. 15. 6-8; 16. 1-4) and Plutarch (Alegander, 32.
3-4; 33. 7), Alexander received the message but did not turn
back, and Parmenion extricated himself without help. Ac-
cording to Arrian (3. 15. 1), Alexander received the message,
returned, and helped Parmenion.

2 Diodorus is confused as to Dareius’s movements after the
battle, perhaps from a confusion of the Greater and the
Lesser Zab. He placed the battle at Arbela (chap. 53. 4),
292

BOOK XVII. 60. 7—61. 3

distance from the battlefield they returned without 331/0 s.c.

accomplishing their mission. Nevertheless Parme-
nion handled the Thessalian squadrons with the ut-
most skill and finally, killing many of the enemy,
routed the Persians who were by now much dishear-
tened by the withdrawal of Dareius.*

61. Dareius was a clever strategist. He took ad-
vantage of the great cloud of dust and did not with-
draw to the rear like the other barbarians, but swing-
ing in the opposite direction and covering his move
ment by the dust, got away safely himself and brought
all his troops into villages which lay behind the
Macedonian position.” Finally all the Persians had
fled, and as the Macedonians kept slaughtering the
stragglers, before long the whole region in which the
battle had taken place was covered with dead. On
the Persian side in the battle fell, cavalry and infantry
together, more than ninety thousand.? About five
hundred of the Macedonians were killed and there
were very many wounded.t Of the most prominent

which lies between the two rivers. If Dareius made his escape
up the valley of the Greater Zab, to the north, he would have
moved into the Macedonian rear. Actually, of course, the
battle took place at Gaugamela, in the plain north of the
Greater Zab, and Dareius fled to the south to Arbela, escap-
ing up the valley of the Lesser Zab (Curtius, 4. 16.8 ; Arrian,
3. 15. 4-5). Diodorus’s repeated reference to the dust cloud
may be an attempt to cover what he felt to be an inherent
improbability. It is true that, accidentally or intentionally,
dust played a part in many ancient battles (ep. E. Echols,
Classical Journal, 4'1 (1952), 285-288).

3 This figure is given variously as 40,000 (Curtius, 4, 16.
26) and 300,000 (Arrian, 3. 15. 6). The writer of P. Owy-
rhynchus 1798 gives a total of 53,000.

4 The Macedonian casualties are given variously as 100
(Arrian, 3. 15. 6), 300 (Curtius, 4. 16. 26), and 1000 foot and
200 horse (P. Oxyrhynchus 1198).

293

DIODORUS OF SICILY

? e ` A 3 z e z e

ev ois kal trÔv êmipaveordrwv hyeuóvwv ‘Hea
oriwv uèv eis Tov Ppayiova vorð PAnbeis èrpwbn,
TÕv cwpaTopvàdkwv hyoúuevos, rÕv Õè orparnyðv
Ilepõikkas kait Koîvos, ére è Mevlðas rai rwes
érepor TÕv êmihpavðv ýyeuóvwv.

H pèv ov mepi ”Appnàa yevouévy mapáraćıs
TOLoÛTOV ČOXE TÒ TÉpAS.

62. Er äpyovros & ’`Abývnow '’Apıoropâvros
ev ‘Poun ieðééàvro rùv vrativ apxyiv Tdios Ao-
pérTTios kal Añàos Kopvýňios. emi òè roúrwv eis
rv ‘Eddõa rìs mepi "Appnàa uáyxns raðobeions
moal rÕv móàcwv údopõuevar Tv aŭéņnow TÔv
Makeðóvwv čyvwoav, éws ére rà Ilepoðv mpáy-

2 para iauévei, Tis edcvhepias avréyeobar Bonôh-
cew yàp aùroîs Aapeîov kal xpnudrwv te mÀñÂos
xopnyýoew mpòs rò Súvacðaı Éevikàs peyáàas

vvápeis ovviorachat kat ròv °’Aàéfavèpov uù õv-

3 výoeoðat Šrarpeîv ràs Švvápers. el Sè mepióovrar
roùs Ilépoas karanroàeunhévras, uovwbúoecoba
rovs “Edyvas kai unkéri Svvýoeoðar gpovrioar Ths
éavrõv éňevlepías.

4 lpoekaàésaro 8è mpòs rùv àróoraciw roùòs “EÀ-
Ànvas kal ó mepi tiv Qpákyv vewrepiouòs karà

5 roùs Úrokeruévovs kaipoùs yevóuevos: Méuvwv yàp
ó kaĥeorapévos orparnyòs tis Opárns, čëywv ú-

1 Kóřivros RX ; Kévvoşs F.

1 Curtius, 4. 16. 32; Arrian, 3. 15. 2. The meaning of
this designation of Hephaestion is obscure. He did not com-
mand the footguards, the úraomorai, for Nicanor, Parmenion’s
son, was still their commander in 330 (Arrian, 3. 21. 8) and
only died later in that year (Arrian, 3. 25. 4). The small
group of bodyguards proper had no commander, and it is
294

BOOK XVII. 61. 3—62. 5

group of commanders, Hephaestion was wounded with
a spear thrust in the arm ; he had commanded the
bodyguards.! Perdiccas and Coenus, of the general’s
group, were also wounded, so also Menidas and others
of the higher commanders.?

That was the outcome of the battle near Arbela.

62. When Aristophon was archon at Athens, the
consular office at Rome was assumed by Gaius Domi-
tius and Aulus Cornelius.? In this year word was
brought to Greece about the battle near Arbela, and
many of the cities became alarmed at the growth of
Macedonian power and decided that they should
strike for their freedom while the Persian cause was
still alive. They expected that Dareius would help
them and send them much money so that they could
gather great armies of mercenaries, while Alexander
would not be able to divide his forces. If, on the other
hand, they watched idly while the Persians were ut-
terly defeated, the Greeks would be isolated and never
again be able to think of recovering their freedom.

There was also an upheaval in Thrace at just this
time which seemed to offer the Greeks an opportunity
for freeing themselves. Memnon, who had been de-
signated governor-general there, had a military force

quite uncertain when Hephaestion became a member. He
is first so called in 325 (Arrian, 6. 28. 4) and is conspicuously
not so called in 328 (Arrian, 4. 12. 6; but Arrian’s usage is
not consistent, cp. 4. 24. 10). He was presumably not a
bodyguard in 330 when he and Cleitus divided Philotas’s
command of the Companion Cavalry. This seems to exclude
the translation : “‘ fighting first among the bodyguards.”

2 Curtius, 4. 16. 32. Menidas had commanded a cavalry
unit on the extreme right (Arrian, 3. 12. 3).

3 Aristophon was archon at Athens from July 330 to June
329 s.c. The consuls of 332 s.c. were Cn. Domitius Calvinus
and A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina (Broughton, 1. 141).

295

331/0 B.C.

330/29 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

s A
vapuv kal PPOvýLaTOS ©V MÀANPNS, AVÉCELOE ÈV TOÙS
2 > lA ðe l AÀ lA Ò

Bapßápovs, &moorárns Š yevópevos eédvòpov
kal trayù peydàns vvduews kvupieúoas havepðs

> À 2 A A sÀ ò Lg >A ld
6 dmekaàúńaro mpos Tov móňepov. Õıórep `Avri-
marpos nâcav &vadaßwv tv Šúvapuv mpoñAle Šid
Maxeðovias eis Opdryv kal ðremoéuet mpòs Tv
Mepvove ` ` 2 y e !

Toúrov ðè mepi rar övros ot Aakeðaruóviot
kapòv éyew únoaßóvres roô mapackeváoachat Tà
mpòs Tòv móÀepov mapekdàovv tToùs “EdàÀnvas ovu-

~ h3 m“ À 8 l 3 a 4 Ko
7 povoar mepi tis eàevhepias. °AÎnvaîori èv oĝv,
mapa ndvras Toùs dÀdovs “Edànvas úr °’ Adefdvõpov
npor evor, TY haovyiav yov: Ieorovvyoiwv
Ò’ oi nmàciovs kal rÕv dA\wv Tiwès ovudpovýoavres
dreypdavro mpòs Tòv TõÀcpov kal karà Sývayv
TÕv nócwv karaypápovres rv véwv Tos àpi-
orovs katéàcéav ortparuoras meķoùs uèv oùk È-
Àdrrovs trv Šıopvpiwv, inreîs Sè mepi cioyiiovs.
8 rv © hyepoviav ëyovres Aakeðaruóvior mavnuet
mpos ròv rèp TÕv wv kivõðvvov ðpuyoav, Ayı-
os roô Pacıiàéws tùv mávræwv čyovros hyepoviav.
> 1 m~
63. °` Avrimarpos è mvhópevos thv rTÔv “Edńvæv
` h] ` 5: Da ld lå e

ovvôpopv TOV pev év Th „Opárn móňcpov ws ToT
iv ðuvaròv karéàvoev, eis òè ryv Iledoróvvnoov
K ` 2 m
hke perà nmdons ris Švváuews. mpoocňaßóuevos

4 hj a
òè kal mapà TrÕv ovupayovvrwv ‘Edàńývæv orpa-
TuoTas HOporoe roùs dmavras oùk àdrtTovs TÔVv

2 reTpakiopupiwv. yevopévns è mapardéews pe-

1 He had been appointed by Alexander before the start of
the Asian campaign (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 499).
Antipater was Alexander’s viceroy in Macedonia. The cam-

296

BOOK XVII. 62. 5—63. 2

and was a man of spirit. He stirred up the tribes- 330/29 s.c.

men, revolted against Alexander, quickly possessed a
large army, and was openly bent on war. Antipater
was forced to mobilize his entire army and to advance
through Macedonia into Thrace to settle with him.?

While Antipater was occupied with this,? the Lace-
daemonians thought that the time had come to under-
take a war and issued an appeal to the Greeks to unite
in defence of their freedom. The Athenians had been
favoured beyond all the other Greeks by Alexander
and did not move. Most of the Peloponnesians,
however, and some of the northern Greeks reached
an agreement and signed an undertaking to go to war.
According to the capacity of the individual cities they
enlisted the best of their youth and enrolled as
soldiers not less than twenty thousand infantry and
about two thousand cavalry. The Lacedaemonians
had the command and led out their entire levy for the
decisive battle, their king Agis having the position of
commander in chief.

63. When Antipater learned of this Greek mobiliza-
tion, he ended the Thracian campaign on what terms
he could and marched down into the Peloponnesus
with his entire army. He added soldiers from those of
the Greeks who were still loyal and built up his force
until it numbered not less than forty thousand.* When
it came to a general engagement, Agis was struck

paign ended with an agreement leaving Memnon in his
governorship. Some years later he conducted reinforcements
to Alexander and took part in his later operations in the East
(Curtius, 9. 3. 21). His revolt is not otherwise mentioned.

2 The narrative is continued from chap. 48. 1 and con-
cluded, chap. 73. 5-6. Cp. Curtius, 6. 1 ; Justin, 12. 1. 8-11.

3 Alexander sent him 3000 talents for the campaign (Arrian,
3. 16. 10).

297

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ydàņs ó èv ”Ayıs payópevos ëmeoev, ot è Aare-
Saruóvior moàùv uèv èkbúpws xpóvov &ywvıőpevor
Seekaprépovv, rÕv è ovupdywv Biaobévrwv kat
aùrol rhv dvayópnow eis rhv Erdpryv èrorýoavrTo.
m~ m~ `

3 åvnpéðnoav © év TÌ LEXN Tõv pev Aareðaruo-
viwv kal TV OULÁXWV TMÀELOVS TV TMEVTAKLO-
yiíwv kal tpakociwv, rv è per ’Avrimárpov
TpoyiNot Kal TmevTaKÓOLOL. a ,

IStov é ri ovvéßn kai nepi tùv Tob ”Ayiðos
reàcurhv yevéobav aywviodpuevos yàp Àaurtpôs kal
moààoîs rpaúuacw évavriois nmepimeowv ÚnÒ TÕV
oTparrwTÕv eis Thv Lrdpryv dmekopiero™ mepi-
karaàņrros è yevóuevos kat Tà kab’ éavròv
dmoyvoùs Tos èv AÀdots oTpaTLOTaLS Tmpocéračev
amiévat T)V TaxioTyv kal raowb ew aÛÚTOÙS EiS TYV
ts marpiðos ypelav, aùròs è kahorňMobeis kat
eis yóvu Õıavaoràs Ñuúvaro Toùs moàcuiovs kal
twas karaĥfaàwv kai ovvakovrioleis karéorpepe
ròv Biovf dpéas ëy êvvéa.”

‘Hues dè SeAnàvhóres rà mpayhévra rkarà Tv
Eùpõunv êv pépet Trà karà rv °`Aoclav ovvrede-
obévra ðiééiuev. -

64. Aapetos èv yàp ýrryðeis v rý mepi Ap-
Bnàa maparádéei rhv pvyùv ènmi ras àvw oarpareias
erorýoarto, oneóðwv T ÕLaoTÁATL TÖV TÖTWV
Àaßeîv dvaorpopiv kai ypóvov ikavòv eis mapa-
ckevùv ðvváuews. Tò uèv ov mpôrov eis Ex-
Bárava rs Mnðecias ciavýoas vraa Siérpıßev
kal roùs èv èx tis vys davacw%ouévovs åveðé-

1 dnekopiġero only in a late hand in R; drekopioðy codd.

298

BOOK XVII. 63. 2—64. 1

down fighting, but the Lacedaemonians fought furi- 830/29 s.o.

ously and maintained their position for a long time ;
when their Greek allies were forced out of position
they themselves fell back on Sparta. More than five
thousand three hundred of the Lacedaemonians and
their allies were killed in the battle, and three thou-
sand five hundred of Antipater’s troops.

An interesting event occurred in connection with
Agis’s death. He had fought gloriously and fell with
many frontal wounds. As he was being carried by his
soldiers back to Sparta, he found himself surrounded
by the enemy. Despairing of his own life, he ordered
the rest to make their escape with all speed and to
save themselves for the service of their country, but
he himself armed and rising to his knees defended
himself, killed some of the enemy and was himself
slain by a javelin cast ; he had reigned nine years.!
(This is the end of the first half of the seventeenth
book.) ?

Now that we have run through the events in Europe,
we may in turn pass on to what occurred in Asia.

64. After his defeat in the battle near Arbela,
Dareius directed his course to the upper satrapies,
seeking by putting distance between himself and
Alexander to gain a respite and time enough to
organize an army. He made his way first to Ecbatana
in Media and paused there, picking up the stragglers

1 The battle took place near Megalopolis, probably rather
before than after Gaugamela (Curtius, 6. 1. 21).

2 See the division of the book into two parts in the Table
of Contents (p. 106) and note 2 below.

2 At this point the following notations appear in the manu-
scripts : réàos roô a’ BißBàlov rs g RX; rûs éntrakaðekárys
rÂv Aroĝópov BiBàwv eis úo Sinpnuévns rò réàos tĝs a’ F.

299

DIODORUS OF SICILY

2 yero, Toùs è avõmrdovs kaĵwnrÀbev. peETETÉLTETO
è kal orparuwras èk TÔv nmÀàņnoroywpwv bvôv kal
mpòs roùs êv Bákrpois kai taîs dvw oatpareiats
catpánras kal orparņyoùs ÕeréutTerTo, napakañ®ðv
cradvàdrreiw Tùv mpòs aùròv eùvorav.

3 Aàétavôðpos ðè perà tTùv viknv Odypas Toùs Tere-
Àcurykóras èréßade roîs ° Apphàois kat moààùv pèv
ebpev åploviav tis Tpopis, oùk oAiyov è kóopov

` > ’ L
kal ydav Bapßpapırýv, ápyvpíov è trdàavra tpo-
! lA y ` LA s
xia. ovàdoyioduevos è rùv pédovoav éceolhar
phopav roô mepiéyovros dépos ða rò nÀAÑÂos rv
vekpôv eùlùs dvétevée kal KATÚVTNOE META TMAONS
~ 2 ? M ~ > 3 +

4 ris Õuvduews ceis Baßvàðva. rôv ð’ èyxywpiwv rpo-
Oúuws úroðefauévwv aùTòv kal KATA TAS mLOTA-
uias \aurtpôs éorwvrwv troùs Mareðóvas avédaße
Ttv Õúvapuv èk tis mpoyeyevnuévns raàaımwpias.
nÀciovs è rÕv rtpiákovra huepõv èvõrérpuje t
móet Öd re rùův Õapidcrav rv èmirnåciwv kat
Tv hiàočeviav rv èyywpiwv.

5 M ` Òe m b 4 y lA C

erà ðè rara Trùův pev dkpav mapéðwke TNpeîv
Aydblwvi rÊ Ilvðvaiw, ovorhoas aùr Mareðóvas

LA e , 3 $ 4 hi

oTtpatuótTas émrtrakociovs’ `Amodàóðwpov ðè Tòv
Audiroàiryv kal Mévyra ròv Iledaîov dréðeée
orparnyoùs tris re Bafvàðvos kat rv ocarpanreiðv
péxpe Kiùirias, oùs Sè aùroîs apyvpiov rádňavra
xia mpoocérače Éevodoyeîv orparwras œs mÀel-

6 orovs. Môpin è TÔ mapaðóvrı rův êv Zdápõeow

1 Arrian, 3. 16. 1. Dareius reached Ecbatana from the
north. That city is at the Persian end of the best route from

300

BOOK XVII. 64. 1-6

from the battle and rearming those who had lost their 339/29 s.c.

weapons.: He sent around to the neighbouring tribes

demanding soldiers, and he posted couriers to the

satraps and generals in Bactria and the upper satra-

P calling upon them to preserve their loyalty to
im.

After the battle, Alexander buried his dead and
entered Arbela, finding there abundant stores of
food, no little barbaric dress and treasure, and three
thousand talents of silver.? Judging that the air of
the region would be polluted by the multitude of un-
buried corpses,* he continued his advance immedi-
ately and arrived with his whole army at Babylon.
Here the people received him gladly, and furnishing
them billets feasted the Macedonians lavishly.5 Al-
exander refreshed his army from its previous labours
and remained more than thirty days in the city be-
cause food was plentiful and the population friendly.

At this time he designated Agathon of Pydna è to
guard the citadel, assigning to him seven hundred
Macedonian soldiers. He appointed Apollodorus of
Amphipolis and Menes of Pella as military governors of
Babylon and the other satrapies as far as Cilicia, giving
them one thousand talents of silver with instructions
to enlist as many soldiers as possible.” He assigned

Mesopotamia up to the Iranian plateau, however, and so was
on the straggler line taken by many of the survivors of the
battle.

2 Curtius, 5. 1. 10; Arrian, 3. 15. 5.

3 Curtius, 5. 1. 10, reports 4000 talents.

4 Curtius, 5. 1. 11.

5 Curtius (5. 1. 36-39) gives a lurid description of this
entertainment, which he regarded as debauching the army.

6 Curtius, 5. 1. 43.

7? Arrian, 3. 16. 4. Some of these administrative arrange-
ments may have been made at Susa (Arrian, 3. 16. 6-11).

301

DIODORUS OF SICILY

äkpav `Apueviav éðwrev. èk è rv àqphévrwv
xpnudtræwv trÂÕv èv inrnéwv ékdorw EÈ pvâs eðwph-
oaro, trv è ovuudywv névre, rv È èk TÎS
ġáňayyos Makxeðóvwv úo, roùs ðè Éévovs Õıuývov
pobodopaîs èriuņoe mávras.

65. Tof è Bacıàéws dvatevćavros ék trs Baßv-
Avos kat karà TYV mopelav õvros kov Tpòs aùÙTov
mapà pèv `Avrirárpov nmeuphévres imnes pev
Makreðóves mevrakóoioti, mebol Sè ééakıoyiňot, €K
è Opárys irmnmeîs uèv ééaróoior, Tpañàeîs) Õè
tpioyi\ot kal mevrakóctot, ek è [leàorovvýoov
meot èv Terpakıoyiot, inneîs è Ppayù Acinovrtes
TÕV YıÀiwVv, Èk ðe TÕS Makxeðovias rv piwv roô
Baciàéws viol mevrýkovra mpòs tův cwparopv-
2 Àakiav nò TrÕv matépwv dnmeoraàpévoi. ó è Pa-
ciÀcùs Toúrovs mapadaßov nmpoñye kal karývroev
ékrtaîos eis T)v lurrakiviv? ênapyiav.

Tis ôè ea Taúrys mov aġloviav èyovons
TtÕv êmrqõciwv návrwv èv raúrņ màciovs Ñuépas
éuewev, dua pèv oreóðwv ék Tis katà Tùv óĝor-
mopiav TaÀuirtwpias àvañaßeîv rhv Súvav, dua &è
Ts ortpariwtikijs rdčews Čıavooðpevos èmiueàn-

1 Tpadeeîs RX ; Tpadeeîs F.

_ ? Xirakrwiy RXF, but cp. Book 18. 6. 3. The usual spelling
is Berraryviv.

1? Curtius, 5. 1. 44; Arrian, 3. 16. 5. Armenia had not
been and was not to be conquered at this time, and Mithrines
did not enter upon his governorship (Berve, Alexanderreich,
2, no. 524).

2 Curtius, 5, 1. 45. A mina contained one hundred drach-
302

BOOK XVII. 64. 6—65. 2

Armenia as a province to Mithrines, who had surren- 330/29 s.c.

dered to him the citadel of Sardes. From the money
which was captured he distributed to each of the
cavalrymen six minas, to each of the allied cavalry-
men five, and to the Macedonians of the phalanx two,
and he gave to all the mercenaries two months’ pay.?

65. After the king had marched out of Babylon and
while he was still on the road, there came to him, sent
by Antipater, five hundred Macedonian cavalry and
six thousand infantry, six hundred Thracian cavalry
and three thousand five hundred Trallians, and from
the Peloponnese four thousand infantry and little
less than a thousand cavalry.? From Macedonia also
came fifty * sons of the king’s Friends sent by their
fathers to serve as bodyguards. The king welcomed
all of these, continued his march, and on the sixth day
crossed over into the province of Sittacenê.?

This was a rich country abounding in provisions of
all sorts, and he lingered here for a number of days,
at once anxious to rest his army from the fatigue of
their long marches and concerned to review the or-
ganization of his army. He wanted to advance some

mae, and was one-sixtieth of a talent. The pay of Alex-
ander’s army is unknown, but that of a cavalryman must
have been at least two drachmae a day. IG, ìi?. 329 shows
that an Athenian hypaspist serving in the League troops
with Alexander received a drachma a day from the city. Cp.
W. Rüstow, H. Köchly, Geschichte der griechischen Kriegs-
kunst (1852), 262 f. ; Berve, Alexanderreich, 1. 193-196.

3 Curtius (5. 1. 39-42) gives the same figures, with the
exception of specifying 380 cavalry. These troops must have
been sent by Antipater before trouble was anticipated in
Greece. They had been recruited by Amyntas (chap. 49.
1: Curtius, 5. 1. 40). The Trallians were a Thracian people.

4 The same figure is given by Curtius, 5. 1. 42.

5 Curtius, 5. 2. 1. This district lay parallel to Babylonia
on the left bank of the Tigris,

303

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Ovar kat Tàs yepovias avaßıßdoar ral Tùv Õúva-
uw ioyvpororjoat T® Te nÀANÂe kal taîs dperaîs

3 TÔv ýyeuóvwv. ovvreàćoas òè tà ðeðoyuéva kal
pETà moñs émiueàcias mepi TÕv dpioreiwv kpiow
momodpevos kal moààoùs anò Tts peyádàns ye-
povias èmi ueydàas étovoias dvaßıßdoas mdvras
roùs hyeuðvas ecis diwa ueîov kal oropyùv io-

4 xupàv mpòs avrov mpońyayev. emeei ðè kat
ts iwrkis trv orparıwrÕv iardéews kal
ToAÀA mpos rÅv eùypnoriav èmwonodpevos èrm Tò
kpeîrrov Ñewphwocato. karackeváoas è mâoav TV
oTpatiàv eùvoiq Te mpos TÒv yoúpevov ıadépov-
cav kal mpòs Tà nmapayyedàóueva neibapyoôoav,
ér. è raîs davôpayalbiaıs Úneppdàňovoav, mt roùs
Únoàermopévovs dyðvas wpunoev.

5 Eis è rr Zovoraviv karavrýoas dkivðúvws map-
éàaße rà mepipónrta év Xoúcois Pacidcia, ékovoiws
ABovàeúrov? roô garpárov mapaðóvros aùr
TV mOÀAw, œs èv čvor yeypápacı, npooráfavros
Aapeiov roîs memiortevpévois ÚT avro. Torto Õè
npâar tòv Bacıiàéa rv Ilepoôv, nws ó pèv
’ Aàéavõpos eis mepronacpoùs déroàóyovs kal mapa-
Àńpes êmipaveordrar? móàcwv kal Oyoavpôv eyd-
Àwv éunmeocav èv dcyoàiais ómápxn, ó è Aapeîos
TÅ puyi Aaußdvy xpóvov eis TůV ToÔ moàéuov
Tmapasrkevýv.

66. “O Sè `Adéfavðpos mapañaßav rv mów Kal
roùs év rtoîŭs Pacıdeioris Onoavpoùs eôpev åońuov
xpvooð kai dpyúpov màciw tÕv TeTpakıopvpiwv

1 åpioreiwv F ; àpiorwav RX. 2 *ABovàýrov F.

3 empaveorárwv Reiske; èmgaveordras codd., which may
well be right.

304

BOOK XVII. 65. 2—66. ı

officers and to strengthen the forces by the number 330/29 s.c.

and the ability of the commanders. This he effected.
He scrutinized closely the reports of good conduct
and promoted many from a high military command to
an even higher responsibility, so that by giving all
the commanders greater prestige he bound them to
himself by strong ties of affection. He also examined
the situation of the individual soldiers and introduced
many improvements by considering what was useful.
He brought the whole force up to an outstanding
devotion to its commander and obedience to his com-
mands, and to a high degree of effectiveness, looking
toward the battles to come.!

From there he entered Susianê without opposition
and took over the fabulous palace of the kings. The
satrap Abuleutes ? surrendered the city to him volun-
tarily, and some have written that he did this in com-
pliance with orders given by Dareius to his trusted
officials. The king of Persia hoped by this policy, it
is suggested, that Alexander would be kept busy with
dazzling distractions and the acquisition of brilliant
cities and huge treasures, while he, Dareius, won time
by his flight to prepare for a renewed warfare.?

66. Alexander entered the city and found the trea-
sure in the palace to include more than forty thou-
sand talents of gold and silver bullion, which the

1 Curtius (5. 2. 2-7) describes these measures in more detail,
but without satisfying our desire for specifie military informa-
tion. It may be that Alexander was re-organizing his dis-
positions in view of the impending mountain and steppe war-
fare, requiring increased fire-power and mobility (Rüstow-
Köchly, op. cit. 252).

2 Curtius (5. 2. 8) and Arrian (3. 16. 9) give his name as
Abulites, and say that Alexander left him in Susa as governor.

3 This rumour is not mentioned by the other Alexander
historians, and its source is unknown.

305

DIODORUS OF SICILY

2 raìdvræwv. rara È èk Toðv xpõvwv ot Baodeîs
Okra Šerýpnoav, mpòs Tà mapáňoya THS TÝXNS
ånoùróvres aŭroîs karaġvyds. xwpis è TovTwv
ónñpxev èvvakıoyiMa ráavra xpvooĵð yapakthpa
Saperkòv éyovra. , ; j o
3 "Ibiov é ri ovvéßn yevéoðar T® Paoi? kara Thv
nmapáňņjw tv xpnpárwv. kaĵicavros yap aùTo
enl ròv Baoiùkòv Opóvov kai Toúrov pei%ovos õvTos
Ñ karà Tv ovuperpiav TOÔ CWpaATOS, TÕV TaD
ris àv roùs nóðas drodeinmovras ToÀÙ TOÔ KkaTA
ròv Opóvov úroßáðpov Řaoráoas Trův Aapeíov Tpá-
4 nečav ýnéðnke roîs nociv atwpovpévois. Appooris
Sè yevouévns ó èv Baoieùs dmeðégaro Tùv ToÔ
mpáćavros eùoroyiav, TÕV Š TAPEOTØTWV TIS TË
Opóvæw eùvoðyos kwnheis rv puxi T perapoàf
5 rs rúyņns ðdkpvoev. ôv iðòv ð ’AAéEavõpos
pero, Ti rakòv iov yeyovòs rkàaiets; ko Òé
cùvoôyos ëpnoe, Nôv uèv cós eip Sodos, mpóTepov
Sè Aapelov, kal púoet hiňoðéomoros æv Ayka
òv rò map èkeivw páMoTa Tipp evov vVÕV ATOV
yeyovòs oKeĵos.

‘O Sè Paoideùs Sià rs dmorpioews Aapòv év-

1 Justin (11. 14. 9) and Plutarch (Alexander, 36. 1: coined
money) give the same figure as Diodorus ; Curtius (5. 2. 11)
and Arrian (3. 16. 7) give 50,000 talents. The daric was the
standard Persian gold coin with an image of the king on one
side depicted as an archer. The name was popularly derived
from that of Dareius I, who first minted them (cp. E. S. G.
Robinson, Numismatic Chronicle, 18, 1958, 187-193.)

2 The story is told also by Curtius, 5. 2. 13-15, but without
the moral tone that is striking here. It is well known that
the throne was a symbol of divinity in the Orient, and that
a king’s clothing, bed, and throne were affected with royal
and divine mana. Cp. S. Eitrem, Symbolae Osloenses, 10

306

BOOK XVII. 66. 1-6

kings had accumulated unused over a long period of 330/29 r.c.

time as a protection against the vicissitudes of For-
tune. In addition there were nine thousand talents
of minted gold in the form of darics.!

A curious thing happened to the king when he was
shown the precious objects. He seated himself upon
the royal throne, which was larger than the propor-
tions of his body.? When one of the pages saw that
his feet were a long way from reaching the footstool
which belonged to the throne, he picked up Dareius’s
table and placed it under the dangling legs. This
fitted, and the king was pleased by the aptness of the
boy, but a eunuch standing by was troubled in his
heart at this reminder of the changes of Fortune and
wept. Alexander noticed him and asked, “ What
wrong have you seen that you are crying?” The
eunuch replied, “ Now I am your slave as formerly I
was the slave of Dareius. I am by nature devoted to
my masters and I was grieved at seeing what was
most held in honour by your predecessor now become
an ignoble piece of furniture.”

This answer reminded the king how great a change

(1932), 35; R. Labat, Le Caractère religieux de la royauté
assyro-babylonienne (1939) ; P. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen
und Staatssymbolik, 1 (1954), 316-369; G. Germain, Revue
des Études Grecques, 69 (1956), 303-313; S. Weinstock,
Journal of Roman Studies, 4'17 (1957), 146-154. This may
explain why it was hybris for Alexander to put his feet on
the royal table, but not why the throne was so high. A.
Alföldi (La Nouvelle Clio, 1950, 537), however, points out
that Persian thrones were normally elevated seven steps up,
and this one may have lacked its steps. Probably Diodorus’s
source did not rationalize the anecdote. Curtius (8. 4. 15-17)
reports that Alexander mentioned this sanctity of the throne,
saying that he did not believe in it. Cp. also the second
throne incident, chap. 116. 2-4. See Addenda.

307

DIODORUS OF SICILY

vorav Tijs Ġàns kara thv Iepoiciv Paoideiav pera-
Boàñs ónéňaßev éavrov únepýýavóv Ti menromkévar
kal Ts mpòs tàs aiypaàwriðas émweikelas QAÀo-
7 rpubrartov. Šiórep npookaàeocápevos TÒV Îévra TÙV
tpánečav èréračev ĉpar náv. ėvraĵĝa mapeor®s
Divras, 'AAX oùy ÙBpis orv, erev, trò ph)
úno oo mpoorayhév, dAd aipovós Tiwos ayalo
+ 4 ld e ` ~ ? 2
mpovoig kal Povàýoei. ó ðè Baoıideùs otrwvioduevos
Tò pnÂèv mpocéraćev év kemévyv nò T Opóvæ
Tv Tpáreģav.

67. Merà ĝe rara Tův èv Aapeiov uyrépa kat
tàs Îvyarépas kai ròv viov anréùrev èv Loúoois
kal napakaréornoe Toùs iðdéovras TÅv ‘Eàànvieiv
Sidàekrov, aùròs è perà ris vváuews dvačevćas
2 rerapraîos èri ròv Tiypwv morapòv dpikero. ôs
péwv àanrò ris Oùiwv òpewñs Tò pèv mpõôTov
héperar Õià xópas Tpayeias kal yapdðpais peyádais
Srerànuuévys émi oraðiovs yiÀlovs, émeirra Ôrappe?
xyøpav meðLdða, mpaüvópevos alel pâàdov, kal ğı-
eàÀlwv oraðiovs ééakooiovs étiņow eis tv karà
3 Ilépoas Odàaccav. ciafas Sè rov Tiypw mpoñyev

emi rv” Oùćiwv yæpav, osav mauhopov rat
ðafıàéow Úðacı Sıappeouévyv kal moàdoùs kal
navroðaroùs ékhépovoav kaprovs': tÒ kat TÎS
©pipov Énpawouévns ómræpas mavroðarà mÀdoparta
xpýoima nmpòs dnóñavow ot ròv Tiypiv màéovres
éuTopot kardyovow eis Thv Bafßvàwviav.

Karañaß&v ðè ràs mapóðovs pvarrouévas úrò
Maôérov, ovyyevoðs uèv övros Aapeiov, Õúóvapıv
è éyovros déiðdoyov, kareokébaro Tv Ô%VpóTNTa

1 Maĝérov Cospi ; Maðéov roô F ; Mérov RX. The manu-
scripts of Curtius (5. 3. 4) give Medates and Madates.

308

BOOK XVII. 66. 6—67. 4

had come over the Persian kingdom. He saw that he 330/29 s.c.

had committed an act of arrogance quite the reverse
of his gentleness to the captives, and calling the page
who had placed the table ordered him to remove it.
Then Philotas, who was present, said, “ But this was
not insolence, for the action was not commanded by
you ; it occurred through the providence and design
of a good spirit.” So the king took this remark for an
omen, and ordered the table to be left standing at the
foot of the throne.

67. After this Alexander left Dareius’s mother, his
daughters, and his son in Susa,! providing them with
persons to teach them the Greek language, and
marching on with his army on the fourth day reached
the Tigris River.? This flows down from the moun-
tains of the Uxii and passes at first for a thousand fur-
longs through rough country broken by great gorges,
but then traverses a level plain and becomes ever
quieter, and after six hundred furlongs empties into
the Persian sea. This he crossed, and entered the
country of the Uxii, which was rich, watered by
numerous streams, and productive of many fruits of
all kinds. At the season when the ripe fruit is dried,
the merchants who sail on the Tigris are able to bring
down to Babylonia all sorts of confections good for
the pleasures of the table.?

Alexander found the passages guarded by Madetes,
a cousin of Dareius, with a substantial force, and he
saw at once the difficulty of the place. The sheer

1 Curtius, 5. 2. 17.

2 That is, the Pasitigris (Curtius, 5. 3. 1 : “ fourth day ” ;
Arrian, 3. 17. 1).

3 For the character of the country cp. Strabo, 15. 3. 6. 729.
No one else so emphasizes its fertility.

309

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Tô TóTWV. dnapoðeýTwv Ò vrav kpnuvõv TÔv
Eyxwpiwv TiS åvýp, Oùŭéios èv rò yévos, čuTepos
ë TÕV TÓTWV, eEmyyyeidaTo TÕ Pacıde? id Tiwos
otevijs åtpamoô kaè mapaßódov ğéew roùs oTpatiw-
5 Tas, WOTE úmepõečíovs yevéoðar TÕv moàeuiwv. ó
ô i Aàé£avðpos mpooðeğdáuevos TOÙS ÀĞYOVS TOVTW
pev gvvaréoreide TOÙS ÍKAVOÙS OTPATLØTAS, AÙTÒS
ðe Tv Òioðov karaokevdoas è$ v’ ĝv evõeyóuevov
êr ôraðoxs mpocépaàe roîs èm trv mapóðwv
epeornkóow. evepyðs è ToÔ kivðývov ovveoTÕTOS
kai TÕV Pappápàv Teporwpévwv nepi Tov ayôva
Tapaĝóws oi meuphévres èpdvnoav úrepåéćior Toîs
TÙ mápoðov puàdrrovoi. karanàayévrwv 8è rÔv
Bapßápwv kat mpòs dvyùv òpunodvraw èykparùs
eyévero Tis Òeédõov rai Tayéws macÂv TÕV karŭTà
Tv Oùéravv módcwv.

68. 'Evreðlev ©’ avagevćas mpoñjyev èml rùv Ilep-
oiða Kal meunTtaîos kev émi tràs Xovoidðas ka-
Àovuévas TÉTpAS. raúras ðè mpokarerànoas v ð
AproPaptdvns PETA otpariwrÕv metÂv uèv Šio-
pupiwv kal mevrakioyiàiwv, inméw è Tpiakociwv.
2 ó è Paoideds óéas rü Biq kparoew rûs móns

npoĝĵye ià tónwv orevðv kral tpayéwv oùðevòs
mapevoyàoðvrTos. oi Õè Pápßapot uéypi év twos
elwv abròv Siaropeveolar TàS nmapóðovs, rel ĝè
eis péoas tàs ðvoywpias kov, døvw rùv èribeow
emoroÎvro kai moddoùs uèv apačialovs Àlĝovs ère-
rúov, ot mpoorinrtovres àdvw roîs Maresóow
dbpóors* moods ciéphepov, obr gàiyor © àro
TÕv kpnuvõðv arovtritovres eis memvkvwuévovs ovk

1 èp A codd. 3 dp &v Wesseling ; e$’ oov Fischer.
Si aĝpóors Fischer ; dðpóot F ; omitted by RX.

BOOK XVII. 67. 4—68. 2

cliffs offered no passage, but an Uxian native who 330/29 s.o.

knew the country offered to lead soldiers by a narrow
and hazardous path to a position above the enemy.
Alexander accepted the proposal and sent off with
him a body of troops, while he himself expedited the
move as far as possible and attacked the defenders in
waves. The assault was pressed vigorously and the
Persians were preoccupied with the struggle when to
their astonishment above their heads appeared the
flying column of Macedonians. The Persians were
frightened and took to their heels. Thus Alexander
won the pass and soon after took all the cities in
Uxianê.! ,

68. Thereafter Alexander marched on in the direc-
tion of Persis and on the fifth day ? came to the so-
called Susian Rocks.? Here the passage was held by
Ariobarzanes with a force of twenty-five thousand
infantry and three hundred cavalry. The king first
thought to force his way through and advanced to the
pass through narrow defiles in rough country, but
without opposition. The Persians allowed him to pro-
ceed along the pass for some distance, but when he
was about half-way through the hard part, they
suddenly attacked him and rolled down from above
huge boulders, which falling suddenly upon the massed
ranks of the Macedonians killed many of them.
Many of the enemy threw javelins down from the
cliffs into the crowd, and did not miss their mark.

1 Curtius, 5. 3. 4-15; Arrian, 3. 17.

2 Curtius, 5. 3. 17.
3 Arrian’s account (3. 18) explains that Alexander had

sent on his main body of troops toward Persis along the royal
road, and only undertook this pass with a flying column.
a Curtius, $. 3. 17 (25,000 infantry); Arrian, 3. 18. 2
(40,000 infantry and 700 cavalry).
311

DIODORUS OF SICILY

anerýyyavov TÕV okonrðv'’ AA\ot Ò’ èk yeipòs Toîs

Aibois Pdàdovres Toùòs fiatouévovs rôv Makreðóvwv

avéoreàdov. modda © aùroîs ris ĝvoywpias cvvep-

yoúons êrmàcovékrovv kal ovyvoùs èv dnékTevvov,
oùk OÀiyovs è kaTeTiTpwWoKOV.

3 “O & 'Adéfavðpos ri Sewórnre roô máðovs
aðvvarðv ponher kai Bewpôv unåéva rôv mode-
piwv pýre treðvnkóra uýre ws TeTpwuévov, TÕV
ðe liwv daroàwàóras pèv ToàdoŬs, KATATETpW-
pévovs òè oyeðov dravras roùs mpooßdàovras
dvekadéoaTo TÍ) COÀATLYYL TOÙS OTPATLÓTAS TÒ TÍS

4 páxs. dvaywpýoas è årò rv mapóðwv oraĝlovs

Tpiakociovs* kateorparoréðevoe kat mapà TÔv èy-

xwpiwv ênvvlávero uý tis érépa ori ŝierßodń.

návrwv & ånopawouévæv Šioðov pèv unõculav
dÀànv Úndpyew, mepioðov è elvai moÂv ýuepôv
aioxpòv eivat vouicas àtápovs åmoùretv ToÙS Te-

TeÀcurykóras kal rùv airņnow rÔv vekpôv oĝoav

ópðv åoxýpova kal mepiéyovoav ÝTTNS óuoóyqow

mpocéračev avayayeîv dmavras ToùS aiyuaNórTovs.
5év è Tovro kev Ýrayópevos? àvůp Šlyàwrros,
eidos rhv Iepoichv idàerrov.

Oúros òè éavròv dmepaivero Aúkiov uèv eîvar Tò
yévos, aixudÀwrTov è yevópevov TOLUALVEW KATO
THV Ùmokeévyy öpewùv éTN màciw' e Ñv alriav
Eunepov yevéobar ris yópas kal Šúvacðaı Tùv
Ôúvapuv dyayeîv ĝıà ris karaðévðpov kal karómwv

1 qpiakxociovs RX ; rerpaxoclovs F.

2? dnayópevos RX; úmrayóuevos F (with åm added by a
second hand); dvayóuevos Dindorf.

c n OO
1 Curtius, 5. 3. 17-23, more reasonably, says thirty fur-
longs.

312

BOOK XVII. 68. 2-5

Still others coming to close quarters flung stones at 830/29 s.c.

the Macedonians who pressed on. The Persians had
a tremendous advantage because of the difficulty of
the country, killed many and injured not a few.

Alexander was quite helpless to avert the suffer-
ings of his men and seeing that no one of the enemy
was killed or even wounded, while of his own force
many were slain and practically all the attacking
force were disabled, he recalled the soldiers from the
battle with a trumpet signal. Withdrawing from the
pass for a distance of three hundred furlongs, he
pitched camp and from the natives sought to learn
whether there was any other route through the hills.
All insisted that there was no other way through,
although it was possible to go around them at the
cost of several days’ travel. It seemed to Alexander,
however, discreditable to abandon his dead and un-
seemly to ask for them, since this carried with it the
acknowledgement of defeat, so he ordered all his
captives to be brought up. Among these came hope-
fully a man who was bilingual,? and knew the Persian
language.

He said that he was a Lycian, had been brought
there as a captive, and had pastured goats in these
mountains for a number of years. He had come to
know the country well and could lead a force of men
over a path concealed by bushes ? and bring them to

2 Strictly speaking, that is, he knew Persian and Lycian
(Plutarch, Alexander, 37. 1), but Curtius (5. 4. 4) adds more
relevantly that he also knew Greek.

3 This is a somewhat unexpected term which editors have
viewed with suspicion, but a path which follows folds in the
mountains is often marked by vegetation. Curtius (5. 4. 24)
locates these bushes in a great ravine.

313

DIODORUS OF SICILY

6 moroa rÕv Typoúvrwv tràs mapõðovs. ó è ßa-
oi\eds peyáàais Õwpeaîs tıuýoew èrayyeidduevos
Tov ävõpa torov kabnyovuévov ŠiñAbev èmiróvws
Tv òpewùv vukròs mov èv rarhoas yıóva,
nÊcav è kpyuvróðņn yøópav mepádcas, xapáðpars

7 Baleiais xai modais ddpayéı Srerànupévyv. èm-
þaveis õè raîs mpopvàaraîs rõv moàepiwv roòs uèv
mpõrtovs karékońe, troùs È èri ris Scvrépas

vàakis rerayuévovs èķóypnoe, roùs Sè rpirovs
Tpepdpevos êkpárnoe rÕv mapóðwv ral roðs mÀel-
oTovs Tv mepi TÒv °’ Apioßaptdvyv àmékrewe. `

69. Merà è raðra émi rýv Iepoéroàw npodywv
KaTà TYV óðov TOTOÀNV kouisaro mapa TOÔ kv-
preúovros tis móews Tipðdrov. èv traúry & ñv
yeypauuévov öt àv mapayevóuevos ldon roòùs
émpadouévovs iarnpioar Aapeiw TV Iepoé-
TOÀWV, KÚpLos ËoTaL TAÚTNS ÓT’ aùrob mapaðoleions.

2 tómep ó ’Aàéavðpos karà orovõùv fye Tv úva-
pw kal Tòv ’Apáfnv morauòv eúćas Šreßißace roùs
OTPATLÓTAS.

Hpoáyóvros ðe roô Paciàéws Oéaua mapáðoćov
Ka sevov wpIN, proorovnpiav uèv repiéyov rarà
rôv Tpačávrov, éÀcov Ôe kal ovurdberav emipépov

3 mpos Toùs avkeota menovhlóras. änývryoav yàp
aùr peb’ ikernpiâv “EM yves rò rôv TpÖTEpOV

Paciàéwv dvdorarot yeyovóres, rraróoot uèv

oyeððv ròv àpıiðuòv čövres, raîs §’ ýàkiats o

t örı supplied by Fischer.

i 7 7
aa 5. 7. 12, states that he did actually receive thirty

314

BOOK XVII. 68. 5—69. 3

the rear of the Persians guarding the pass. The king 330/29 s.c.

promised that he would load him with gifts, and
under his direction Alexander did make his way over
the mountain at night struggling through deep snow.?
The route crossed a very broken country, seamed by
deep ravines and many gorges. Coming into sight
of the enemy outposts, he cut down their first line
and captured those who were stationed in the second
position, then routed the third line and won the pass,
and killed most of the troops of Ariobarzanes.?

69. Now he set out on the road to Persepolis, and
while he was on the road received a letter from the
governor of the city, whose name was Tiridates.* It

stated that if he arrived ahead of those who planned

to defend the city for Dareius, he would become
master of it, for Tiridates would betray it to him.
Accordingly Alexander led his army on by forced
marches; he bridged the Araxes River and so
brought his men to the other bank.’

At this point in his advance the king was confronted
by a strange and dreadful sight, one to provoke in-
dignation against the perpetrators and sympathetic
pity for the unfortunate victims.? He was met by
Greeks bearing branches of supplication. They had
been carried away from their homes by previous
kings of Persia and were about eight hundred in

2 Curtius, 5. 4. 18. Arrian (3. 18. 5) states that this force
included five squadrons of heavy cavalry and 4500 Mace-
donian hoplites.

3 For the whole story, Curtius, 5. 4; Plutarch, Alewander,
37; Arrian, 3. 18. 1-9.

4 “ Custos pecuniae regiae,” Curtius, 5. 5. 2.

5 Curtius, 5. 5. 4.

€ This story is told at somewhat greater length by Curtius
(5. 5. 5-24), as well as by Justin (11. 14. 11-12). Itis not given
by Plutarch or Arrian.

315

DIODORUS OF SICILY

mÀcîoTot uev yeynpakóres, Ņkpwrnpiacuévoi è
návrtes, ot pèv yeîpas, ot è móðas, ol ðè Ta kat

4 pvas: rÕv © émorýuas ) réyvas eiðórwv kal èv
nmaÑðelg mpokekopórwv Tà èv dÀààa TÕv åkpw-
TNpiwv dmekékornTo," aÙTà Õe uóva Tà ovvepyoðvra
mpòs tàs moras ameÀéÀàeirro? oTe mávTAS
ópðvras Tà TS ÀAÙkias dÉrwuara kal TàS mepi-
exoúoas Tà owuara ovupopàs édeeîv ràs rúyas?
TÕv åkàņpoúvrwv, udora òè aùròv rov ° AÀéÉav-
pov ovurabi yevéoðar rois ùrvynkóoi kal uù
õúvaohaı karaoyeîv rà drpva.

5 "Avafoņnodvrov è dpa arávrwv ral ròv AÀ-

avõpov déroðvrwv duðvar raîs ius ovuhopaîs ó

èv Paoideùs mpookaàeodpevos Toùs mpoeorykóras
kal Ts aùroĝ peyañopvylas dčiws teuńoas èrmny-
yeidaTo Toààùv mpóvorav morýoaoðat ris èm oîkov
6 avakopuðĝs.? oi è ovveàlóvres ral Bovàevoduevor
mpoékpiwav Tùv aùtóbı ovv ris eis ofîkov varo-
pòs. dvaowhévras uèv yàp aŭroùðs Šıaormapńoe-
obat kar oàiyovs ral mepióvras èv raîs módcow
enovelðorov čéew Tiv èk Ths TÓXNs èmýpeav: per
AAANAwv è Froðvras, Tùv óuoiav ovuġopàv ëyovras,
mapauóbiov ééew rs ias àrànpias rhv rôv Aw
7 Ts akàņpias óuoiðtnrTa. ið kal máÀw evrvyóvres
TÔ Pace? kai riv iav kpiow Snàóoavres eSéovro
mpòs traúryv tTův únróoraow oikelav mapéyeoðar
8 Rońlerav. ó è ’Adéfavðpos ovykarabéuevos roîs
Seõoyuévois tpioyıàlas pèv ékáoTw Ôpayuàs wph-
1 dnerékonro Dindorf; åmékorrov RX ; danékonrev F
2 duyàs RX. l
Ar The order of words is that of Dindorf. The manuscripts

BOOK XVII. 69. 3-8

number, most of them elderly. Al had been muti- 330/29 s.v.

lated, some lacking hands, some feet, and some ears
and noses. They were persons who had acquired
skills or crafts and had made good progress in their
instruction ; then their other extremities had been
amputated and they were left only those which were
vital to their profession. All the soldiers, seeing their
venerable years and the losses which their bodies
had suffered, pitied the lot of the wretches. Alex-
ander most of all was affected by them and unable to
restrain his tears.

They all cried with one voice and besought Alex-
ander to help them in their misfortunes. The king
called their leaders to come forward and, greeting
them with a respect in keeping with his own great-
ness of spirit, promised to make it a matter of utmost
concern that they should be restored to their homes.
They gathered to debate the matter, and decided
that it would be better for them to remain where
they were rather than to return home. If they were
brought back safely, they would be scattered in small
groups, and would find their abuse at the hands of
Fortune an object of reproach as they lived on in their
cities. If, however, they continued living together, as
companions in misfortune, they would find a solace
for their mutilation in the similar mutilation of the
others. So they again appeared before the king, told
him of their decision, and asked him to give them
help appropriate to this proposal. Alexander ap-
plauded their decision and gave each of them three

read mpookaàecápevos Toùs npoeorykóras èmnyyeiaro ToMAÑ
npóvorav morýoaohai (morýoeoðai F) kat tis aùToÔ peyadokvyias
åtíws riuoas ġpovriða moroachar (norjoew RX) ris ér’ otkov
dvaropðhs.

317

DIODORUS OF SICILY

gaTo kal oToùàs dvõpeias mévre kal yvvaikelas
ioaS, Geúyn è Boïkà úo kal mpõßara TEVTÝKOVTA
kat mvpõv ueðiuvovs mevrýkovra' roiņnoev è ral
áredeîs aùroùs mavròs BaoiMkoð fópov kal rois

EmoTÁTAS Tpocéraće ppovriġeiw mws unë’ úg

évòs dðıkÕvTaL.

9 'Aàééavôpos pèv oĝv droàovbðws T kar aùròv
êmeikeig ToraŬrTais eùepyeolais TÀS TÔV ÜTVXNKŐ-
Twv ovuhopàs čwphócaro.

70. Tv ðè Iepoéroàw, untrpóroàw oĝcav TÕS
Hepoðv Bacideias, aréðerge roîs Mareðéot mode-
pwrádryv trÕv karà rùv °Aolav nóàcwv kai toîs
oTpatuðTais Ewkev eis Õaprayiv ywpis Tv Ba-

2 oieiwv. mÀovorwrárys &’ ovans TÕv Tò Tòv ÑArov
kal rv bwrikÂv olrwv merìnpwuévov èk Toàâv
xpóvov mavtoias eùðarpovias ot Makeĝóves ênpecav
Toùs uev dvòpas mdvras hoveðovres, ràs §è KTÝOELS
Ôraprdbovres, Todds uèv rToîs mÀàýlcow úrapyov-
cas, katackevis Õè kat kóopov mavrolov yepoŭvoas.

3 vba ù mods èv äpyupos rehopeîro, oùK oÀiyos

ôè xpvoòs Sınprátero, moal è kal moduredeîs

eoUhTes, at uev Oadacoiais moppúpais, ai è

xpvooîs evvódouaoı meroiiÀuévat, Toîs kpatoĝov

emalda kaðioravro. rà è peydàa kal karå nmêcav

Tùv olkovpévnv mepipónra Baciàeia mpòs ÙBpw ral

mavreàñ phopàv åmeðéðerro.

Oi òè Maxeðóves evņuepeúoavres rais åprayaîs
Thv ăràņorov roô mÀelovos èmbvuuiav odr eSúvavro
5 TÀNpÂcaL. TocavTy yàp v ris mÀeovećlas úrep-

Podi KAT TàS ToÝTwv prays Qore kal mpos
dAAńAovs ciaudyeoðar kal moods avapev rTôv
- Toà ris åprayñs eébiororovuévwv" rivès Sè

BOOK XVII. 69. 8—70. 5

thousand drachmae, five men’s robes and the same 330/2 s.c.

number for women,! two yoke of oxen, fifty sheep,
and fifty bushels of wheat. He made them also
exempt from all royal taxes and charged his adminis-
trative officials to see that they were harmed by no
one.

Thus Alexander mitigated the lot of these unfor-
tunate persons by such benefactions in keeping with
his natural kindness.

70. Persepolis was the capital of the Persian king-
dom. Alexander described it to the Macedonians
as the most hateful of the cities of Asia, and gave it
over to his soldiers to plunder, all but the palaces.
It was the richest city under the sun and the private
houses had been furnished with every sort of wealth
over the years. The Macedonians raced into it
slaughtering all the men whom they met and plun-
dering the residences ; many of the houses belonged
to the common people and were abundantly supplied
with furniture and wearing apparel of every kind.
Here much silver was carried off and no little gold,
and many rich dresses gay with sea purple or with
gold embroidery became the prize of the victors. The
enormous palaces, famed throughout the whole civi-
lized world, fell victim to insult and utter destruction.

The Macedonians gave themselves up to this orgy
of plunder for a whole day and still could not satisfy
their boundless greed for more. Such was their ex-
ceeding lust for loot withal that they fought with each

other and killed many of their fellows who had ap-
propriated a greater portion of it. The richest of the

1 The same figures are given by Curtius, 5. 5. 24.
2 Curtius, 5. 6. 1 (not in Arrian).

319

DIODORUS OF SICILY

m ’ m 7

Tà moàvreàéorara’ tTÕv eúpiokouévwv Ttoîs Éihect
Ld 4 pA

Seakórnrovres tràs iðias dmekópi%ov pepiðas, éviot

` ` a , ? An b , 2
Sè ras rv émpadàóvrwv roîs dupiofnrovpévois

a l4 m a
yeîpas anékonrtov, ovvekhepópevot Toîs Ovuoîs'

a a Ca ld ` P.
6 ràs è yuvaîkas ov aùroîs roîs kóopois mpòs iav
arñyov, Tv aiyuaàwoiav ovàaywyotvres.*

‘H uèv ov Ilepoéroùs dow rv dwy mócewv
únepeîyev eùðaruovig, roocoTov ÚnepepdàerTo TAS dÀ-

a > 2
àas roîs atTuyýpaow.

71. “O Sè 'Adéfavðpos mapeàbðwv eis rùv drpav
mapéaße roùs év aùr Onoavpoús. oroi é, dmo
Kúpov roô mpærov Ilepoôv Pacideúsavros péypi*
TÕv Únokeruévwv kup®v ŅNIporouévwv Tv Tpooó-

l `
wv, éyepov àpyvpiov? te kal ypvoíov: eúpéðnņocav
yap èv aùroîs weka uvpidðes Taàdvrwv, eis dp-
* l4 ~
2 yupíov Àðyov ayopévov to ypvoíov. Bovàðuevos
` "~ lA a h. kd ~
òè TÕV ypnudrwv å èv ueb’ éavroô kopibeiw mpòs
TAS eis TOV TÓÀcuov ypeias, & ` eis Boûoa kara-
, ` , > 1 6 a , ,
Oéohaı kat pvàdrrew èv raúrn? ri móe perenéu-
(z t
3 B ÀA® hi M + y ò 3
paro èk Baßvàðvos katı Mecororapias, ért © êk
lA “m Pa ~
Zovowv ýuóvwv nlos, rv èv aylodópwv, rv

` ~ ` A
Òe evyirÂðv, mpòs Õè rovrois kauhàovs áayboßópovs

1 movreàéorepa RX.

2 áupioßnroôor RX.

? The text is that of RX; rùv alyuáàwrov rýóxņv Šova-
ywyoûvres F.

4 péyps F.

5 àpyúpov codd. ; corrected by Fischer.
€ aùrî codd. ; corrected by Dindorf.

1 Curtius, 5. 6. 1-8. In any captured town, it was custo-
mary to kill the men and enslave the women. Here, because
of the prevailing level of luxury, the rich stuffs were the object

320

BOOK XVII. 70. 5—71. 2

finds some cut through with their swords so that each 330/29 s.c.

might have his own part. Some cut off the hands
of those who were grasping at disputed property,
being driven mad by their passions. They dragged
off women, clothes and all, converting their captivity
into slavery.!

As Persepolis had exceeded all other cities in pros-
perity, so in the same measure it now exceeded all
others in misery.?

71. Alexander ascended to the citadel terrace and
took possession of the treasure there. This had
been accumulated from the state revenues, beginning
with Cyrus, the first king of the Persians, down to
that time, and the vaults were packed full of silver
and gold. The total was found to be one hundred and
twenty thousand talents, when the gold was esti-
mated in terms of silver.? Alexander wanted to take
some money with him to meet the costs of the war,
and to deposit the rest in Susa and keep it under
guard in that city. Accordingly he sent for a vast
number of mules from Babylon and Mesopotamia, as
well as from Susa itself, both pack and harness ani-
mals as well as three thousand pack camels. By these

of first attention, and women were abducted because of the
clothing which they wore.

2 Diodorus does not say whether Alexander accepted the
offer of Tiridates to surrender Persepolis to him (chap. 69. 1).
The city was treated as if it had been taken by storm. Curtius
(5. 6. 11) reports that Tiridates was rewarded for turning over
the royal treasures.

3 Curtius (5. 6. 9) gives the same figures. The total is
expressed as weight of silver and value of gold, the latter
being equated to silver according to a proportion which is not
stated. The usual ratio of gold to silver in antiquity was
12 or 15 to 1. Strabo (15. 3. 9. 731) reports that the treasure
was ultimately assembled at Ecbatana.

VOL. VIII M 321

DIODORUS OF SICILY

> 2 bd
TPIOXIÀLAS KaL ÕIÀ TOÚTWV NMÁVTA ATNEKÖMLOEV EiS
A 2 £
3 roùs npokpilévras tTórovs’ oßóðpa yàp dňotrpiws
lá a
éxywv mpos tToùs yywpilovs Ņrioret Te aùroÎs Kal
Ttv Ilepoéroùw ecis réàos éonevõe karadheîpa.
Oùk dvoirerov È evar voulopev mepi TÔv èv
lA m~ l ld y A 1 m
raúrņ T móde Bacideiwv ðA tÅv modurécerav TÂs
4 katrackevis þPpayéa Alev. oùŭons yàp äkpas
déroàðyov mepieiànpev aùrùv Tpinàoðv reîyos, oô
TÒ èv mpôTtov dvaàńuuatı moàvðarmávw KATE-
oKkeģacro kal TÒ vpos eye myyðv ékkaiðeka endà-
1 1 ` ` A ` ` y
5 eot kekoounpévov, TÒ è Öeúrepov TÅV pèv AÀÀnv
katagkeviv óuolav yet TÖ mpoepnuévw, trò &
er P’ e bY [g + t A ld
üpos ðırÀdorov. ó ðè rpiros mepipoàos TÔ oxh-
lA $ m
patı pév oTt TeTpármÀecupos, TÒ Õè Toúrov reîyos
e s m~ tE , m 4 `
úpos exet mnyðv ééýkovra, ÀAíbðw okànpå kal mpòs
Ôrauoviv aiwviav eÔ mepvukóri Kkareokevacuévov.
A ~ ~ Ea
6 ékdorn è rÕv mÀevpõv éyet múňas yaàkâs kai
3 ` ~ m
map’ aùràs oravpoùs yaàkoðs eikoormýyeis, ovs
` ` ` ? A
pev mpos Thv éx tis Îéas kardnàņéw, ås Sè mpòs
dopdáàcirav Nppocpévas.
E De A ` 3 Àd 2 “~ EA ld
7 v ÒE T@ Tmpòs dvaroààs pépet TS äkpas rér-
’ x 7
Tapa nÀéĝpa Õeornkòs öpos sriv rò kadoúuevov
Ess ? K la ~
Paciùıkóv, êv ® rôv Baoidéwv ómipyov oi ráo.
f ` ka E
nérpa yap v karečauuévy kal katTà uésov otkovs
y + ? 4 m
éxovoa mÀeiovas, év oÎs oņkol TÔv Tereàeurnkórwv
e m P: 4
únñpxov, mpõoßaow uèv oùðepiav ëyovres yepo-

1 elyev éékalðeka mópywv Taîs endeo keroounuévwv F (with
mnxðv added in the margin by a second hand).
S

1 By the term “ natives ” here Diodorus means the people
of Persepolis and the vicinity. Alexander was more and more
to employ other Persians in his service.

322

BOOK XVII. 71. 2-7

means Alexander transported everything to the 330/29 s.c.

desired places. He felt bitter enmity to the inhabi-
tants.! He did not trust them, and he meant to destroy
Persepolis utterly.

I think that it is not inappropriate to speak briefly
about the palace area of the city because of the rich-
ness of its buildings.? The citadel is a noteworthy
one, and is surrounded by a triple wall. The first
part of this is built over an elaborate foundation. It
is sixteen cubits in height and is topped by battle-
ments. The second wall is in all other respects like
the first but of twice the height. The third circuit is
rectangular in plan, and is sixty cubits in height,
built of a stone hard and naturally durable. Each
of the sides contains a gate with bronze doors, beside
each of which stand bronze poles twenty cubits high + ;
these were intended to catch the eye of the beholder,
but the gates were for security.

At the eastern side of the terrace at a distance of
four plethra * is the so-called royal hill in which were
the graves of the kings. This was a smooth rock
hollowed out into many chambers in which were the
sepulchres of the dead kings. These have no other

2 This description of Persepolis is not given elsewhere. It
is to be compared with the remains of the city as excavated
by the University of Chicago.

3 Ninety feet. The highest foundations of walls preserved
at Persepolis are eighteen metres or about sixty feet. No
stone walls remain in the city.

4 The purpose of these is unknown, but they suggest the
flagstaffs which stood by the pylons of the Egyptian temples.

5 Fischer asked relevantly, ‘“‘ Distance from where? ”
This space of four hundred feet is rather less than the west-east
width of the terrace from the appadana to the steep mountain
side. This last is full of caves suitable for burials, many of
them very old.

323

DIODORUS OF SICILY

noinrtov,! rò ópyávæv Šé rwv yeipororýTwv éga-
8 pouévwv trÔv vekpôv Õeyópevot TAS TaS. kaTà
Sè ryv drpav raórņyv oav karañúocis Paoiùikai
kal orparņyıkal mÀciovs modvreàeîs raîs kara-
okevaîs kat Îyoavpol npòs Thv Ttv ypnuáTwv
mapapvàakhv eùhérws kareokevacpévot.

72. ‘O & ’Aàétavspos êmwikia rÔv karophĝwpd-
Twv êmreiðv lvoias re peyadonrpereîs toîs Îeoîs
ovveréàecev kal rÕv hiàwv Àaunpàs éotidocs é-
nooaTto. kat Ò more TÖV ÉTAÍpWV EÙWXOVLÉVWV
kal toô pèv nórov mpoßaivovros, rs ðè péðNs
npoïoúons karéoxe Àŭúooa émi moù tràs puyàs TÕv
2 oivwpévæwv. re Ò) kal pia TrÕv mapovoðv yv-
vukôv, voua èv Qais, Arrık) è rò yévos,
eînev kdàdorov ° Aàeédvõpw TrÕv rara tTùv °` Aciav
nenpaypévæwv éceolai, av kwudoas per aùr®v
èunphoņ trà Bacidcia kai rà Iepoðv mepipónrTa yv-
vakÂv yeîpes èv Bpaye? karp morjowow dpavra.
3 roúrwv òè pnÂévræv eis dvõpas véovs kal tà TÙV
uéðnv dàðyws perewpiouévovs, WS EKÓS, AYEW TLS
dveßónoe kai fdas drrew kai rùv eis rà rôv “Eà-
Ańvwv iepà mapavouiav apúvacĵar mapekedeúero.
4 guvenevonuoúvrwv è kat dÀÀwv kal ÀeyóvTrwv uó-
vw tův mpâčiv traúrņv npoońkew °`A\cédvõpw ral
roô Bacıiàéws ovvećaplévros roîs Àóyois mávres
dvenýðnoav k TOÔ TÖTOV kal TÒV TWIKIOV KÕHOV
dyew Aiovóow maphyyerdav.

Tayù dè ràýhovs Aaurdðwv dbpoirohévros kal yv-

1 Post would delete as tautological, and I have omitted it
in the translation.

1 Or, literally, generals.
324

BOOK XVII. 71. 8—72. 5

access but receive the sarcophagi of the dead which 8330/29 e.c.

are lifted by certain mechanical hoists. Scattered
about the royal terrace were residences of the kings
and members of the royal family as well as quarters
for the great nobles,! all luxuriously furnished, and
buildings suitably made for guarding the royal
treasure.

72. Alexander held games in honour of his victories.
He performed costly sacrifices to the gods and enter-
tained his friends bountifully. While they were
feasting and the drinking was far advanced, as they
began to be drunken a madness took possession of
the minds of the intoxicated guests.? At this point
one of the women present, Thaïs by name and Attic
by origin, said that for Alexander it would be the
finest of all his feats in Asia if he joined them in a
triumphal procession, set fire to the palaces, and per-
mitted women’s hands in a minute to extinguish the
famed accomplishments of the Persians. This was
said to men who were still young and giddy with
wine, and so, as would be expected, someone shouted
out to form the comus and to light torches, and urged
all to take vengeance for the destruction of the Greek
temples. Others took up the cry and said that this
was a deed worthy of Alexander alone. When the
king had caught fire at their words, all leaped up
from their couches and passed the word along to form
a victory procession in honour of Dionysus.

Promptly many torches were gathered. Female

2 Arrian (3. 18. 11) barely mentions the burning of Perse-
polis, but the story of Thaïs was a popular one. Itis told in
substantially this form by Curtius (5. T) and Plutarch (Alex-
ander, 38). See Addenda.

3 That is, in the invasions of Greece by Dareius and Xerxes.
Cp. Book 16. 89. 2.

325

DIODORUS OF SICILY

VUKÕV OVOOVpYÂÔV €S TÒV NÖTOV TAPENNUÉVWV
uer Sis kal aùàðv kal ovpiyywv mpoñyev ô Raci-
Àcùs èri ròv kôpov, kaĝbyyovuévns tis mpáčews

6 Qalos rís éraípas. arn è perà ròv Pacıdéa
mporn rův ĝa karouévyv Ņkóvrioev els Tà Paci-
àcia: kal rÕv Aàwv raùrà rpačdvrwv rayù mâs
ó mepi trà Baciàeia róros karepàéxôn ðià Tò pé-
yelĝos rs pàoyðs kal rò mávrwv mapaðogórarTov,
Tò Héptov roô Ilepoðv Paoiéws yevópevov doé-
Bua nepi rv àrpóroùv trv `Abnvaiwv pia yuv)
moàîris Êv ååikyÂévrwv èv mað ToàoTs Vorepov
ereot uerhÀbe roîs aùroîs mdheow.

73. `AÀééavðpos è arð roúrwv yevópevos TàS
karà tùv Iepoiða móàceis ênrhAlev kat ras pèv
Big xepwodpuevos, tàs Sè dià rv iDiav émeikerav

2 npocayópevos dvéķevćev ri ròv Aapeîov. oĝros ®©
ereßdàero pèv dlpoibeiw tàs êk trs Barrtpiavĝs kai
TÕv wv oatpanrerðv ÒVVÁHELS, KATATAXYOŬUEVOS
Sè kal uefa rpiopvpiwv Ilepoðv re kal pmobodópwv
‘EdMývæwv rv dvyùv eis Bákrpa moroúpevos úrò
Býooov roô Bakrpwv carpárov karà tTùv dvayw-

3 ppnow aovààngleis dododovýðn. dpri © avroð re-
Teàeurykóros ` AÀéćavðpos merà rv innéwv èm-
dwkwv kal rv Aapeîov rereÀceurnkóra karañaßwv

4 rs Baci\kis rapis )éiwoev. ws © évo yeypd-
pac, éurvovv črt karañaßav Tois pèv àarvyýuaow
aùrToð ovvýàynoe, mapakànleis è úrò roô Aapeiov
uereàbeiv rov hõvov rat kabouooyýoas éðiwée Tov
Biocov. èkeivov è moù mpoeiànpóros kal cvp-

326

BOOK XVII. 72. 5—73. 4

musicians were present at the banquet, so the king 8330/29 s.c.

led them all out for the comus to the sound of voices
and flutes and pipes, Thaïs the courtesan leading the
whole performance. She was the first, after the king,
to hurl her blazing torch into the palace. As the others
all did the same, immediately the entire palace area
was consumed, so great was the conflagration. It
was most remarkable that the impious act of Xerxes,
king of the Persians, against the acropolis at Athens
should have been repaid in kind after many years by
one woman, a citizen of the land which had suffered
it, and in sport.

73. When all this was over, Alexander visited the
cities of Persis, capturing some by storm and winning
over others by his own fair dealing. Then he set out
after Dareius. The Persian king had planned to
bring together the armed forces of Bactria and the
other satrapies, but Alexander was too quick for
him. Dareius directed his flight toward the city of
Bactra with thirty thousand Persians? and Greek mer-
cenaries, but in the course of this retirement he was
seized and murdered by Bessus, the satrap of Bactria.
Just after his death, Alexander rode up in hot pur-
suit with his cavalry, and, finding him dead, gave him
a royal funeral. Some, however, have written that
Alexander found him still breathing and commiser-
ated with him on his disasters. Dareius urged him
to avenge his death, and Alexander, agreeing, set
out after Bessus, but the satrap had a long start and

1 Curtius, 5. 6. 11-19, reports what must have been a sub-
stantial campaign. Itis ignored by Arrian.
2 The same figure in Curtius, 5. 8, 3.

OOOO O l amama
1 Awr codd. ; vw Dindorf. Bactria itself was one of the

Upper Satrapies.
327

(æn)

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ld bd A k 3 m~ > 4
pvuyðvros cis Tův Baktpiaviv nraviàðev dtroyvoùs
TÒV TÔv Toàeuiwv Õwypóv.

Kai rà èv kara rùv `Aciav èv roúrois ĝv.

~ N N k4 LA A ` 3

Kara è ryv Evpórnv Aakeðaruóvior èv ènTtatr-
kótes peydàņ mapardéei ià Tův ovuhopàv ùvay-
kádoðņoav ðianrpecoßeveoðat mpos ’Avrimarpov'
3 lA ¥ k4 4 b ` ~ e 2? P
ekeivov ĝe emi Tò rowòv rÕv ‘Edývæv ovvéðpiov
Tv árnókpiow dřroorTeiÀavrtos ol èv oúveðpot ovv-
2 a} 3 K ld 8 4 AÀ ~ e 8 fa À l
ýxnoav eis Kópivðov kai modðv pyhévræv àðywv
mpos ékárepov uépos čðoćev aùroîs dkréparov Tùv

[g E S ` ? z 2 T e ` fo a
kpioiv érni ròv ` Aàétavõpov dvaméppar. ò èv oĝv
'Avrimarpos óuýpovs čňaße roùs èmipaveorárovs
trÕv LrapriarÕv nevrýkovra, ot è Aakeðaruóviot

lA JEt 3 ` > ld > ~ 3
mpéoßeis éčénreupav ecis rv °Aoiav, àéroðvres aù-
Toîs ovar ovyyvøunv èni roîs ġyvonuévors.

74. To © érovs rovrov reànàvlóros ’Abńvyoi
èv Ñpxe Kyioogôv, ev ‘Põun è kareordðyoav
únarot [dios OùadÀépios! kat Mápros Kàdñıos.
êri è roúrwv Bocos èv perà tùv Aapelov reàev-

` N , 2 ` / ` ï
Thv pera Naßdápvov? kai Bapédevros ral moàĝôv
dààwv advyav tràs `Adeédvõpov yeîpas Sývvoe

` kd
pèv eis Thv Bartpiavýv, åmoðeðeryuévos è raúrys

l m
coatparys nò Aapeiov kal roîs mÀàýbeoi yeyovæs
yvópipos à Tùv àpxùv mapekáder Trà mÀýðn ris

i Dinos F;
2 Rhodoman corrected to Naßaplgáyvov.

1 Diodorus does scant justice to the dramatic story of
Dareius’s flight, overtaking, and death; cp. Curtius, 5. 8-13;
Justin, 11. 15; Plutarch, A lexander, 42. 3-43. 3; Arrian,
3. 19-22. The standard version in all is that Dareius was still
living when discovered, but died before Alexander saw him.
Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, on the other

328

BOOK XVII. 73. 4—74. 1

got away into Bactria, so Alexander suspended the 330/29 s.c.

chase and returned.:

That was the situation in Asia.

In Europe the Lacedaemonians were forced by
their defeat in a decisive battle to make overtures to
Antipater.? He referred his reply to the council of
the Hellenic League.? When the delegates came to-
gether in Corinth, there was a long discussion on both
sides, and they decided to pass the issue on without
a decision to Alexander. Antipater took as hostages
fifty of the most notable of the Spartiates, and the
Lacedaemonians sent envoys * to Asia asking forgive-
ness for their mistakes.

74. After this year was over, Cephisophon became
archon at Athens, and Gaius Valerius and Marcus
Clodius consuls in Rome.’ In this year, now that
Dareius was dead, Bessus with Nabarnes and Barxaës®
and many others of the Iranian nobles got to Bactria,
eluding the hands of Alexander. Bessus had been
appointed satrap of this region by Dareius and being
known to everyone because of his administration,
now called upon the population to defend their free-

hand, has Alexander covering Dareius with his own cloak
(1. 11. 332 F).

2 Continued from chaps. 48. 1 and 62. 6-63. 4.

3 Curtius (6. 1. 19) suggests that this was due to Antipater’s
fear of Alexander.

4 Curtius, 6. 1. 20. This delegation is to be distinguished
from the Spartan envoys to Dareius whom Alexander ar-
rested (Curtius, 6. 5. 7; Arrian, 3. 24. 4).

5 Cephisophon was archon at Athens from July of 329 to
June of 328 s.c. The Roman consuls of 331 s.c. were C.
Valerius Potitus and M. Claudius Marcellus (Broughton, 1.
143).

sThese names appear as Nabarzanes and Barsaëntes in
Curtius and Arrian.

329

329/8 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

eàcevlepias avréyecĝlar: dmeðeirvve Sè Tùv yópav
aùroîs moààà ovvepyýoew osav ðvocioßodov’ kal
nÀÑlos ikavòv ëyovoav dvðpôðv eis karárryow Ts
aùrovouias. êrmayyedóuevos è kahnyýoaolhai” toî
moàéuov kal rò mAflos meisas dvéðeikev éavrov
Bacıiàéa. oôros èv oĝv orpatıbras Te karéypage?
kal nàjlos ömàwv kareokevaģe kal TAa pidori-
uws mpos Tv katereiyovoav ypelav Tmapeokevá-
tero.

’AÀétavðpos ðe ópðv roùs Mareðóvas réàos rts
orpateias Tv Aapeiov teàceuriv TáTTOovTas kal
ueTewpovs vras mpos TÙvV eis Tv marpiða erdvo-
ðov ToúrTovs uèv alpoicas ecis èkkàņoilav kat Àdyois
oikeiois mapopuýoas eùrerbeis mpòs Tùv moderno-
uévyv otparteiav mapeokeúacev, Toùs È dnò tTÔv
‘EdMyrðwv róàcwv ovuuayxyhoavras ovvayayaàv kal
nepi TÕV nmenpaypévæwv emawéoas dnéàvoe uèv TÎS
orpareias, eÕwphoaro è tÕv èv inréwv ékádorTw
rdàavrov, TÕv ĝè metõv uvâs ĝéka, ywpis è Tov-
Twv ToÚs Te òQerdouévovs poboùs anréàvoe kal rovs
karà Tùv dvakopmðv uéypi Tis eis tràs marpiðas
kaĝóðov mpooéðyrev: rÕv © éopévæv pévew èv ti
oTparıĝ Ti perà rob Pacidéws EDwrev ékdorw Trpia
trádňavra. peyáàais Õè Õwpeaîs ériunoe roùs arpa-

1 ĝvoéußoàov F.

2 kaðyyjocoba: F.
3 karéypae codd. ; corrected by Dindorf.

1 Curtius, 6. 6. 13; Arrian, 3. 25. 3.

2? Curtius, 6. 2. 15-3. 18; Justin, 12. 3. 2-3; Plutarch,
Alexander, 47.

3 These were the troops furnished according to their de-
330

BOOK XVII. 74. 1—4

dom. He pointed out that the nature of their 329/8 s c.

country would assist them very much, since the region
was hard for an enemy to penetrate and furnished
enough men for them to establish their independence.
He proclaimed that he would take personal command
of the war and designated himself king, with the
approval of the people. Then he set to work enrolling
soldiers, manufacturing an adequate stock of wea-
pons, and busily making everything ready for the
approaching time of need.*
Alexander, for his part, was aware that the Mace-
donians regarded Dareius’s death as the end of the
campaign and were impatient to go home. He called
them all to a meeting and, addressing them with
effective arguments, made them willing to follow him
in the part of the war which remained,? but he as-
sembled the allied troops from the Greek cities è and
praising them for their services released them from
their military duty. He gave to each of the cavalry
a talent and to each of the infantry ten minas.* Be-
sides this he paid them their wages up to date and
added more to cover the period of their march back
until they should return to their homes. To those
who would remain with him in the royal army, he
gave a bonus of three talents each. He treated the
soldiers with such lavishness in part because of his

cision by the members of the Hellenic League (Books 16, 89.
3; 17.4.9) Curtius (6. 2. 17), also, reports their dismissal
at this time ; their mission was complete with the destruction
of Persepolis and the death of Dareius. Arrian (3. 19. 5)
places their dismissal earlier, at Ecbatana.

4 Curtius (6. 2. 17) gives the same figures. These sums are
much larger than those distributed at Babylon (chap. 64. 6).
One may wonder whether Alexander could have been so
generous to Greeks without taking care of the Macedonians
equally well.

331

DIODORUS OF SICILY

TuóTtas dua èv púoei peyaàdvyos v, dpa è TÌ
Sbéet roô Aapeiov mov ypnuádrwv kekvpiev-
5 kós’ map èv yàp TÕv yatopvàakovvrwv mapéňaßev
òrrtakıoyiàlwv Taàdvrwv apiðuóv, ywpis è roúrwv
Tà veuņnlévra rois orparwrTais oùv T kóouw kal
roîs êknøpaow únipye pópa kal TpioyiNa Táàav-
Ta, Tà Sè ciakàarévra kot dprayhévra màceiw rõv
c 5

eipnuévwv úrevoeîro.

75. ‘O Sè ’Aàéfavôpos avatčevćas mi rův “Ypra-
viav tpiraîos kateorparoréðevoe mÀnolov TóÀcwS
ts ovopagouévns “Ekarovrarúàov. eùðaipovos
© aùrjs oŭons kal nmávrwv trÕv mpòs dróavow
avnkóvræwv nmoàñs aßphovias úrapyoúonņs évraðha
2rův úvauv dvéňaßev èri twas huépas. ŠreAbwv
Ò oraðlovs ÉKATÒV KAL MEVTÝKOVTA KATEOTpATO-
néðevoe nAnoiov mérpas peydàns' úno ðè Tùv pigav
aùrĝs dvrpov únpye Beormperés, É oô uéyas mo-
Tapos éééminrev Ò kadoúevos XLrißoirns. oôros
ðe Adpow TÖ pepati hepópevos mi tpeîs ora-
Dious oyierar ÒrrÀoÛsS mepi TWA TETpAV LAOTOELÒÑ,
éxovoav' $ arv ydoua ys maupéyeles: eis ĝè
TOÛTO KATAPÁTTWV ETA TOAD Póhov kal ywé-
pevos appõðns tà Ts mpòs Thv nérpav nànyhs pé-
perat úno yīv OTAÕLOVS TPLAKOGLOUS, ENELTA TAA
avoiyet tas ékfpoàds.

3 z9 è 'AAéEavðpos erà ts vvdauews eupaàiòv
eis Thv TÔv Ypravðv yæpav másas ràs èv aùrĝ
móňeis èyepóocaro uéypi ts Kaorias raħovuévns
adrrns, ñv ‘Ypraviav rwès ovoudtovow. èv
raúrņ é haot modàoùs uèv rat peydàovs deis
1 qvi nérpo paoroeiĝe? eyovon F.

332

BOOK XVII. 74. 4—75. 3

native generosity and in part because he had come 329/8 v.o.

into possession of very much money in the course of
his pursuit of Dareius. He had received from the
royal treasurers the sum of eight thousand talents.
Apart from this, what was distributed to the soldiers,
including clothing and goblets, came to thirteen
thousand talents, while what was stolen or taken as
plunder was thought to be even more still.

75. Alexander started out for Hyrcania and on the
third day encamped near a city ċalled Hecatontapylus.?
This was a wealthy city with a profusion of everything
contributing to pleasure, so he rested his army there
for some days. Then, advancing one hundred and
fifty furlongs, he encamped near a huge rock ° ; under
its base there was a marvellous cave from which
flowed a great river known as the Stiboeites.t This
tumbles out with a rapid current for a distance of
three furlongs, and then divides into two courses on
either side of a breast-shaped “‘ rock,” beneath which
there is a vast cavern. Into this the river plunges with
a great roar, foaming from its clash against the rock.
After flowing underground a distance of three hun-
dred furlongs, it again breaks its way to the surface.’

Alexander entered Hyrcania with his army and
took possession of all the cities there as far as the so-
called Caspian Sea, which some name the Hyrcanian.
In this they say are spawned many large serpents and

Curtius (6. 2. 10) gives 12,000 talents.

Usually called Hecatompylus ; Curtius, 6. 2. 15.

Cp. on chap. 28, above, p. 195, note 5.

Curtius, 6. 4. 3-7. The spring is identified as the modern
Chesmeh-i-Ali about fifteen miles north-west of Hecatompy-
lus; cp. P. Pédech, Revue des Études Anciennes, 60 (1958),

67-81.
5 Curtius (6. 4. 4-5) gives the same figures.

eom e

333

DIODORUS OF SICILY

m~ 3 ~ ` ~ a
yevvâoĝat, ixbs òè mavroðaroðs Tod T Xpo
m~ m" 2 $
4 rv map huv ĝadàdrrovras. Suérwv Sè Tv
e l l h
Ypkaviíav karývryoe mpòs tràs kadovuévas Eùôðat-
` ` 2 d 3
povas kal mpòs dÀýÂerav oŭoas køpas’ Toàù yàp
Toîs kaproîs ù) yopa tTroúrwv únmepdyei TÕV Tapa
m 3 ~ ` ` >
5 Toîs dors. , TÔv pèv yàp aunréàwv pacity ékdorTny
» A~
peETpTŮV pépew oivov, trÕv Sè ovkivwav Sévõpwv
a bd Z ~ la A
éva kapropopeîy ioydðwv Enpôv peôiuvovs ðéka.
TÒV Ò êv T@ Qepiou® mapañeiphévra oirov mi Tùv
a #.
yiv mecóvra Pàaordvew domopov övra kal mpos
kg ~
6 rò réàos dyew ða kapróv. čori è kal Sévõpov
AJ a 3 lá
mapa roîs éyywpiois maparàýorov put karà TÙV
> A ` m a
empáverav, aro òè rõv póňwv arodcîpov uér
m~m 2 $ A v
kat ToôTó Twes ovváyovres Sap Tv amóavow
Cal A
7 abro moroĝvrar. čari õe kal Cov karà Tùv
a `
xöpav émTepwpévov, ô kaàeîrat uèv avôpnèwv,
` l
ÀeTópevov Sè peyéber peàirrys ueyiornv ëyet tùv
1, ? :
wpéderav Emweuopevov yàp TYV òpewhv vôn mav-
a A m
Toîa Òpérerai kal raîs koràdot mérpais kai Toîs
rå “~ 2 ? a
Kkepavvoßódors TÕV Sévõpwv evðiarpipov knporàa-
ore? kat karaokevdet úpa Šıáßhopov T yÀàvrúý-
~ 3? © a L4 ‘
TNTL, TOÔ map’ uiv uéÀTos où ToÀÙ Àeiróuevov.
76 AÀ É ò ô ` b “Y f ` `
76. éčavðpos ðè Tv ‘“Ypraviav kal tà ouv-
m~ ~ 2 ~ LA
opiĝovra TÕv élvõv Taùt TÑ xópa mpoonydyero’
Kal Todo rÕv ouunepevyórwv hyeuóvov T® Aa-
Li e ld D > ~ s
peiw mapéðwkav aðroús’ ols èmekÂs nmpooevey-

1 òhéiceiav Dindorf; èmpáverav codd.

t Curtius, 6. 4. 18.

2 Strabo, 11. 7. 2 (cp. 2. 1. 14), who says sixt dimni
A metretes was about four and one-half zallons a
about one and one-half bushels. S 1E medbanuk
3 This item comes from Onesicritus, and concerns a fig tree

334

BOOK XVII. 75. 3—76. 1

fish of all sorts quite different in colour from ours. 29/8 s.c.

He passed through Hyrcania and came to the For-
tunate Villages, as they are called, and truly such
they are, for their land produces crops far more gener-
ously than elsewhere. They say that each vine pro-
duces a metretes of wine, while there are some fig
trees which produce ten medimni of dried figs. The
grain which is overlooked at the harvest and falls to
the ground germinates without being sown and brings
to maturity an abundant harvest. There is a tree
known to the natives like an oak in appearance, from
the leaves of which honey drips ; this some collect
and take their pleasure from it abundantly.? There
is a winged animal in this country which they call
anthredon, smaller than the bee but very useful. It
roams the mountains gathering nectar from every
kind of flower. Dwelling in hollow rocks and light-
ning-blasted trees it forms combs of wax and fashions
a liquor of surpassing sweetness, not far inferior to
our honey.*

76. Thus Alexander acquired Hyrcania and the
tribes which were its neighbours, and many of the
Iranian commanders who had fled with Dareius came
to him and gave themselves up. He received them

called “ occhus.” Cp. Curtius, 6. 4. 22; Theophrastus, Histo-
ria Plantarum, 4. 4. 12; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, 12. 18. 33.
4 With some exaggeration, Cleitarchus said of this insect
(Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 137, F
i4): “It lays waste the hill-country and dashes into the
hollow oaks.” Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2. 90) may be
right in preferring the manuscript reading which would make
it“ smaller than the bee but with a vast appearance,” although
I do not see precisely what this would mean. Cp. Strabo, 2.
1. 14.
5 Individuals are named in Curtius, 6. 4. 8-14 ; 4. 23-5. 5;
5. 22-23; Arrian, 3. 23. 7-9.
335

DIODORUS OF SICILY

2 Âeis peydàņnv Sófav meixelas åarnnvéykaro’ eùbòù
yàp ot Aapeiw ovveorparevuévoi TÖV ‘EMývæov
Övres mepi yıÀlovs kal mevrakociouvs dvôpeiq Te
Sradépovres, mapéðocav éavroùs `Adeédvðpw Kal
ovyyvóuns dčrwlévres kareráyðņoav eis tràs td-
es emi traîs aùraîs pmobopopaîs.

3 “O © ’Adééavõpos èreàbàav riv nmapabaàdociov
Tis “Ypravias êvéßadev eis ùv xópav rv ovouaģo-
pévwv Mápõwv. `oĝror yàp dàxf Sradépovres úrep-
eppóvņnoav rův aŭņow roô Baciàéws kal oùðepâs

4 êvreúéews ) tuis Ņélwoav aùróv, mpokarañaßó-
evor è ras eiopoààs orpatrwórais òkTakıoyıÀlois
telappnkórws tůīv rv Marxeðóvwv éġoðov vré-
uevov. ò Òè Pacıideùs émmeowv aùroîs kal ovv-
dijas páynv Toùs mÀclovs èv karérope, roùs 8è

oros eis TAS voywplas kareðiwée.

5 Iuproàoðvros È aùroô Tùv yópav kal tôv Tods
Pacidixoùs inmovs dyóvraw maiðwv PBpayòù roô Ba-
oéws ywpiobévrwv èmpaňóvres twès tõv Bap-

6 Bápwv dġýpracav ròv porov tv inmwv. oĝros
®© eòóbn SSpov èv rò Anpapárov roô Kopivbiov,
avvqyávioro è TÔ Paoide? mdávras toùs karà Tùv
’Aciav ayôvas. yvpvòs È æv ër tròv mwÀoĵa-
paotùv póvov npooeðéyero, Tuy&v Šè ris Baoidñs
okevis oùðė roôrov črt mpoolero, póvw è ’AÀe-
1

emineoaw Dindorf; èmpévaow RX; ónropdivo F ; enbépe-
vos Fischer.

Da E a e a a a
1 The same figure is given in Curtius, 6. 5. 6-10, and Arrian,
3. 23. 8-9 ; 24. 5.
2 Curtius, 6. 5. 11-17 ; Arrian, 3. 24. 1-3.
? The famous Bucephalus.

336

BOOK XVII. 76. 1-6

kindly and gained wide repute for fair dealing ; for 329/8 s.c.

instance, the Greeks who had served with Dareius,
one thousand five hundred in number, and accom-
plished soldiers, also promptly turned themselves over
to Alexander, and receiving a full pardon for their
previous hostility were assigned to units of his army
on the same pay scale as the rest.!

Alexander followed the coastline to the west and
entered the country of the people known as Mar-
dians.? They prided themselves on their fighting
ability and thinking little of Alexander’s growth in
power sent him no petition or mark of honour, but
held the passes with eight thousand soldiers and con-
fidently awaited the Macedonian approach. The
king attacked them and joining battle killed most of
them and drove the rest into the fastnesses of the
mountains.

As he was wasting the countryside with fire and
the pages who led the royal horses were at a little
distance from the king, some of the natives made a
sudden rush and carried off the best one of them.?
This animal had come to Alexander as a gift from
Demaratus of Corinth ¢ and had carried the king in all
of his battles in Asia. So long as he was not capari-
soned, he would permit only the groom to mount
him, but when he had received the royal trappings, he
would no longer allow even him, but for Alexander

4 Not otherwise mentioned by Diodorus, Demaratus was
of some fame. He had served in Sicily with Timoleon, and
although no longer young, accompanied Alexander to Asia,
fought at the Granicus, and died shortly before Alexander’s
Indian campaign (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 253). Plut-
arch, Alexander, 9. 6, mentions Demaratus as one of Philip’s
advisers, but says (6. 1) that Bucephalus was given to Alex-
ander by Philoneicus the Thessalian.

337

DIODORUS OF SICILY

` a `y A
Edvõpw mapioraro kal ovykalĝiei rò oôpa mpòs Tiv
7 dváßaoıv. ó ðè Bacıàcùs td TÅv dper)v roô Cov
Svopopýoas Tùv uèv yøwpav ðevõporopeiv mpocérače,
m a ?
Ôd e rÕv uopóvwv roîs èyywpiois kNpýTTEV sS
àv p) Tov inrov drooc, Týv Te yæpav eis TÉÀos
õpovrar karephappévnyv Toús T? évorkoûvras mrav-
4 la m~ ? k m ? L
8 nuet kareopayuévovs. rv & amedðv oééws
emireàovpévwv karariayévres ol Bdáppapor rTòv
innov dnmokatréornoav kal uer avro mourTeàd-
orara pa mpocekóuioav, mpos è Toúrois kal
mevTýkovT dvðpas dnéorterav, Õeóuevot Tuyeîv ovy-
lA Ç 3 9 + AJ ` ? [A

yvøuns. ó © `Adéfavðpos Toùs uev agrodoywrd-
tovs rÔv àvðpôv čaßev ðuńpovs.

77. Emaveàbóvros & avroð máùw eis rùv ‘Yp-

+ D hi ? ` e + ~ 3 £
kaviav kev mpòs aùròv ý Paci\oca trôv ’Apató-
p3 ` , 2 z ` a

vwv, òvopa pèv Odàànorpis, Paciedovoa Sè ris
peraù roô Dáoiðos kai Qepuwðovros xópas. Åv

` m z ` la la A
Ôe T@ TE kdàdet kal ti ToÔ oóuaros poun ŝa-

+ ` A a
pépovoa kal mapà Toîs ópochvéoi Bavpatopévn
kar’ avõpeiav, ral Tò pèv mÀfbos tis otparıâs èri
rv ôpwv tis ‘Ypravias drodeàormvîa, perà õè

1 euù... ånroðdoce F. 2 Odàyorpis F.

1 Curtius, 6. 5. 18-21 ; Plutarch, Alexander, 44; Arrian,
5. 19. 4-6 (told as an anecdote at the time of the animal's
death).

2 Plutarch, Alewander, 46. 1, has been generally taken to
mean that the queen of the Amazons visited Alexander north
of the Jaxartes, in spite of the considerations that this was an
odd place for Alexander to linger, and a very long way from
the traditional home of the Amazons. This is certainly
wrong. Insect. 44, Alexander was in Hyrcania, and lost and
recovered his horse. In sect. 45, Alexander advanced into

338

BOOK XVII. 76. 6—77. 1

alone stood quietly and even lowered his body to 329/8 s.o.

assist in the mounting. Because of the superior
qualities of this animal the king was infuriated at his
loss and ordered that every tree in the land be felled,
while he proclaimed to the natives through interpre-
ters that if the horse were not returned, they should
see the country laid waste to its furthest limit and its
inhabitants slaughtered to a man. As he began im-
mediately to carry out these threats, the natives
were terrified and returned the horse and sent with it
their costliest gifts. They sent also fifty men to beg
forgiveness. Alexander took the most important of
these as hostages.

77. When Alexander returned to Hyrcania,? there
came to him the queen of the Amazons named Thal-
lestris, who ruled all the country between the rivers
Phasis and Thermodon. She was remarkable for
beauty and for bodily strength, and was admired by
her countrywomen for bravery. She had left the bulk
of her army on the frontier of Hyrcania è and had

Parthia, and experimented with Median dress. In sect. 46,
the Amazons came. Sect. 47 deals again with his Medizing,
and sect. 48 with the conspiracy exposed at Prophthasia in
Drangianê. That is to say, Plutarch’s narrative follows the
actual route of Alexander, and the word “ here ” with which
sect. 46 begins must mean Parthia. The reference to Alex-
ander’s flying expedition across the Jaxartes at the end of
sect. 45, which has misled scholars, is a parenthesis, illustrat-
ing Alexander’s indifference to physical discomfort.

3 If we are to accept that Thallestris and her Amazons
existed and had heard of Alexander, there is no insuperable
diffculty in supposing that they proceeded from Thermodon
on the Black Sea through the valleys of the Phasis and Cyrus
Rivers and along the coast of the Caspian Sea. They would
have passed through the recently subdued country of the
Mardi and overtaken Alexander in Hyrcania (or Parthia, as
Plutarch). Cp. Strabo, 11. 5. 4.

339

DIODORUS OF SICILY

tpiakociwv ° Apatoviðwv kekoounuévwv moiepikoîs
2 órÀois mapayevopévn.! roô Sè Paciéws Îavud-
Čovros Tó Te mapdðočov ts mapovoíaşs Kral TÒ
déiwua TÕv yvvaikÂv kal Tv OdAANoTpw épopévov
riva ypeiav ëyovoa mápeotiw, ànmehaivero maÑo-
3 orias évekev Ņkew. èkeîvov èv yàp TÕV ATAVTWV
dvôpõv ıd TAS Tpdéeis ApPLoTov ÝÚTÁPXEW, QÙTŇV ĎE
TÕv yuvarkÂv dÀKf Te kal avõpeiq Õradépeiw' cikos
oĝv TÒ yevvnllèv èk veîv yovéwv mpwTevóvTwv ÙTEp-
ééew aperi rv dwyr avôpărwv. ral mépas
oleis ó Bacideùs kal mpooðeéduevos Tv évrevéw
aùris kai ovurepieveylcis huépas Tperorkalðeka
Tiuoas Te dÉroàóyois wpois éčaréoTerev eis TÙV

3 +
oikeiav.

Merà òè rara ðóéas jòn kekparnkévari rs êm-
Boàñs kai rův Bacıdciav aðńpirov éyew Ñpéaro
Enàobv riv Iepoichv tpupiv kai tùv moduréàceiav
tv `Acavôv Baciàéwv. ral npôTov èv nepi TÀv
aùàùv elyce; papõðoúyovs `Aciayeveîs, émerra Toùs
emihaveorarovs TÕv davèpôv opvopeîv čraćev, èv
oîs v kal ó Aapeiov aðeàdòs 'Oédhpns. eira ró
re Ilepoikòv idðnua mepiélero kal ròv idÀevkov
êveðúoaro yıirðva rai trv Ilepoichv Cævnv raè
TAa mÀ rv dvačvpíðwv kal roô rávvos.

1 nmapayeyevņnpén F.

1 This Amazon visit was a part of the Alexander tradition
which Diodorus followed; cp. Curtius, 6. 5. 24-32, and
Justin, 12. 3. 5-7, both of whom give also the length of the
queen’s stay as thirteen days. (Justin explains, “ ut est visa
uterum implesse.”) Arrian mentions Amazons only in other
contexts (4. 15. 4; 7. 13. 2-6) and expresses the doubt that
any still existed—especially since they were not mentioned

340

BOOK XVII. 77. 1—5

arrived with an escort of three hundred Amazons in 329/8 s.c.

full armour. The king marvelled at the unexpected
arrival and the dignity of the women. When he asked
Thallestris why she had come, she replied that it was
for the purpose of getting a child. He had shown
himself the greatest of all men in his achievements,
and she was superior to all women in strength and
courage, so that presumably the offspring of such
outstanding parents would surpass all other mortals
in excellence. At this the king was delighted and
granted her request and consorted with her for thir-
teen days, after which he honoured her with fine
gifts and sent her home.!

Ít seemed to Alexander that he had accomplished
his objective and now held his kingdom without con-
test, and he began to imitate the Persian luxury and
the extravagant display of the kings of Asia.? First
he installed ushers of Asiatic race in his court, and
then he ordered the most distinguished persons to act
as his guards ; among these was Dareius’s brother
Oxathres.? Then he put on the Persian diadem + and
dressed himself in the white robe and the Persian
sash and everything else except the trousers and the

by Aristobulus or Ptolemy. Plutarch, Alexander, 46. 1,
gives a full list of authorities in favour of or opposed to the
visit, but doubts the story (46. 2) because it is poorly attested,
not because Amazons did not exist. Disbelief in Amazons as
such is a modern phenomenon.

2 Curtius, 6. 6. 1-11 ; Justin, 12. 3. 8-12 ; Plutarch, Alex-
ander, 45. 4T.

3 He had distinguished himself at Issus (chap. 34. 2) and
gone over to Alexander after Dareius’s death (Curtius, 6. 2.
Il: Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 586).

4 The Great Kings wore an upright tiara with a fillet about
it; Alexander and the Hellenistic kings wore typically the
fillet alone.

341

DIODORUS OF SICILY

l4 pi ` a e s ld `
Sréðwre è kal rois éraipois mepiroppúpovs oToñds
6 kal roîs irrois [lepoikàs okevas mepiébnre. mpos
òè roúrois tàs maňaklðas öpoiws TÔ Aapeiw
meprýyero, Tv èv dpiðpòv oùoas oùk éàdTTOoVS

À 0 ~ ` ki ? K e m l4 À ô `

nÀAńIe Tv katà rov êviavròv uep®ðv, kdňňct ðè
Sarpeneîs ws àv éé dracðv rÕv karà Tùv ° Aciav
7 yvvaikÂv êmiAcàeyuévas. arat è ÉkKdOTNS vukTÒS
meprýecav TÅv kÀivyy To Bacidéws, iva ùv èkàoy)v
aùròs moronrar tis pedoúons aùr® ovveîvar.?

2 ` D a 3 m > LA ld
ToúrTots èv oĝv Toîs hiopoîs ` AAééavõpos oraviws
êxpirto, toîs è mpoümápyovot karà TÒ mÀeîorov
3 + + 4 ld m
evõiérpipe, poßoúuevos rò mpookórrew toîs Make-
Sóc.

78. "Ows è moðv aðrô peppiuorpoúvrwv
Toúrovs pèv raîs wpeaîs ébepármevev, aùròs Õè
8 ? ` A , ? 3 5 ,
nmvlöpevos rov 'Apeias oarpány? Larıßaptávnyv
dvņpnkévar pèv Toùs katadeàceiupévovs* rT aùroô
orpatróTas, ovpopoveîv ĝè Býoow kal kekpikévat
LET aŭro ĝiarodeueîv Makeðóow orpárevoev èr
aùróv. ó'ðè Zarıpaptdávys” rův pèv Súvapıv

1 neprñye codd. ; corrected by Hertlein.

2 ouviéva codd. ; corrected by Schaefer.

3 The text of Reiske; ròv pèv Aapelov oarpámyv RX ; ròv &wv
Aapeias catpanyy F.

t karadeàeyuévovs RX ; raredeyuévovs F; corrected by
Wesseling.

5 Zarpapodvys F.
a e a a l

1 Curtius, 6. 6. 4; Justin, 12. 3. 8; Plutarch, Alexander,
45. 1-2. Plutarch (De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1. 8.
329 r—330 a) praises Alexander for conciliating his subjects
in this way.

2 Curtius, 3. 3.24; 6.6.8; Justin, 12. 3. 10. This retinue
342

BOOK XVII. 77. 5—78. 1

long-sleeved upper garment.? He distributed to his 329/8 s.c.

companions cloaks with purple borders and dressed
the horses in Persian harness. In addition to all this,
he added concubines to his retinue in the manner of
Dareius, in number not less than the days of the year
and outstanding in beauty as selected from all the
women of Asia. Each night these paraded about the
couch of the king so that he might select the one with
whom he would lie that night.? Alexander, as a
matter of fact, employed these customs rather spar-
ingly and kept for the most part to his accustomed
routine, not wishing to offend the Macedonians.

78. Many, it is true, did reproach him for these
things, but he silenced them with gifts. At this
juncture he learned that the satrap of Areia, Sati-
barzanes, had put to death the soldiers who were
left with him, had made common cause with Bes-
sus and with him had decided to attack the Macedo-
nians, so Alexander set out against the man. This
Satibarzanes had brought his forces into Chortacana,*

of concubines was part of the traditional ceremonial of the
Persian court. Solomon had a similar establishment (1 Kings
4), including a harem (1 Kings 11. 3). There were three
hundred and sixty of them, according to Ctesias (Plutarch,
Artaverves, 2T), but three hundred od sixty-five in the Alex-
ander tradition (Curtius, l.c.). M«dern scholars are not in-
clined to accept this statement as true, but Alexander’s army
notoriously did not travel light, and if he had placed his court
under a Persian chamberlain, that official would doubtless
have attempted to equip it in the proper fashion. Cp. the
many anecdotes of Alexander’s luxury in Athenaeus, 12.
537-540 (and of Dareius, idem, 13. 557 b).

3 Satibarzanes had been one of the murderers of Dareius,
but, after defeating him, Alexander had confirmed him in his
satrapy, leaving a small force of Macedonians with him to
ensure his good behaviour (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 697).

4 The city is usually called Artacoana.

343

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 3 lA SÀ 3 r A
HOpoicev eis Xoprdrava, mów émipaveordryv Tv
èv rovrois roîs TómTois kat uoi) Õradépovoav
kd ’ "~ A l 3 s lA
2 ÒXUPŐTNTL, TOÔ è Baciéws yyicavtos KaTETÀdYN
TÒ Te uéyelos Tis Svvdauews kal ras dieaßeßonuévas
m~ ld 3 1 ld ? ` bJ
rv Mareðóvæav dvõpayalĝias. Sıðrep aùròs pèv
` 1 e LA IE’ ` la
erà ioxiÀiwv innéwv ééinmevoe mpòs Bhoocov,
tá A 4 s a bd z
napakañéocwv ponbev kara rdyos, roîs & dAdors
napýyyere karaġvyety eis pos kañovuevov” ...,
y N , ` a2 307
čxov moas voywpias kait karaġvyàs? eùbérTovs
3 roîs uù) ToàuÔci katà orópa ğiakıvðuvevew. Öv
lA ` ` e 4 “~ Z
nmpačdvrwv trò mapayyeàlėv ð Bacideùs ti ovvýðe
diàotiuia ypnoduevos kal Troùs karaduyóvras ets
Twa nérpav òyupàv kal peydànv moMopkýoas èv-
4 epyðs váykacev éavroùs mapaðoðvar.? perà ĝè
TAÛTA NÁOAS TÀS KATÀ TYV CATPATELAV TAÚTNV TT-
Acis Èv Trpidkovb’ uépais karartnoduevos mpoñyev
3 ~ e [g ` lA kd ` là m~
ek Tis ‘“Ypravias kai õiavóoas eis rà Baociàcia ris
Apayyıvis vraha Siérpipe ral rhv Õúvapv àveàdu-
Bave.
79. Karà ðè roúrovs roùs kapoùs mepiéneoe
mpdéet poxônp ral ris iias ypnorórnros dà-
1 There is clearly a lacuna here, but Fischer’s restoration
Bayõov, from Ptolemy, vi. 17, does not fit the geographical

situation (cp. note 6 on the opposite page), and is otherwise
entirely conjectural.

2 karaġvyàs Cobet; ġvyàs codd., which is possible but
unlikely. 3 npoĝoôvar RX.

1 Curtius, 6. 6. 22.
844

BOOK XVII. 78. 1—79. 1

a notable city of that region and one of great natu- 329/8 ».c.

ral strength, but as the king approached, he became
alarmed at the size of the latter’s forces and at the
fighting reputation of the Macedonians. He himself
with two thousand horsemen + rode off to the protec-
tion of Bessus, asking him to send help with all speed,
but told his other followers to take refuge in a moun-
tain called . . .,2 which afforded difficult terrain and
a secure refuge for those who did not dare to meet
their enemies face to face. After they had done so,
and had secured themselves upon a steep and high
“ rock,” 3 the king with his accustomed spirit in-
vested the place, attacked them vigorously, and com-
pelled them to surrender. In the course of thirty
days thereafter, he brought into submission all the
cities of the satrapy.t Then he left Hyrcania and
marched to the capital of Drangin,’ where he paused
and rested his army.'

79. At this same time, Alexander stumbled into a
base action which was quite foreign to his goodness

2 It is futile to guess what name is missing in the manu-
scripts.

3 The same term occurs in Curtius, 6. 6. 23-26. Cp. on
chap. 28, p. 195, note 5.

4 Curtius, 6. 6. 13-36 ; Arrian, 3. 25. 1-7.

5 Arrian (3. 25. 8) calls these people “ Zarangaioi.” The
usual term is Drangianê.

€ Diodorus has compressed the movements involved in this
operation. Alexander had left Hyrcania and passed through
Parthia and Aria, where he left Satibarzanes as satrap. He
advanced east toward Bactria. At the revolt of Satibar-
zanes, he returned to Aria ; the satrap in his flight must have
passed Alexander going in the opposite direction. He can
have encountered Satibarzanes’s foot troops in the mountains
east of Artacoana and not have proceeded to that city.
Finally, after thirty days, he turned south into Drangianê,
abandoning his original route.

345

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Àorpig. rv yàp piàwv tis To0 Paciàéws voua
Aíuvos, peppiuorphoas T® Basie? mepi Ttwwv Kal
TÔ hvu nporecwv, êmPovàhv ovveorýoarto kart
2 aùroð. éywv © èpõpevov Nixóuayov roôrov ëmece
kowwoar ts èmfpovàfjs. oros ðè véos æv mav-
TeÀÔs dvekowwocaro tTův mpâéiw TÔ dòcà$ Ke-
Badivw. ò ðè poßnybeis p) pldon tis rÕv ovverðó-
Twv kal ônàwon rhv empovàiv TÔ Bacideî, aùròs
ékpiwve uyvôoat.

IHapeàhðàov ov emi tv aùàùv kal ovvrvyòv
Divra kai Sradeyheis maperedeúero TV TAXLOTNV
anrayyeîar TÔ Paoide? rv mpâéw. ó è Pivras
eire kal ðA TO kowwveîv tris êmpBovàijs eire kal
òrd palvuiav ròv pnÂévra Àódyov dpyôs éðéfaro kal
mapeàbwav mpòs rov `Adééavðpov kal moñs kal
nmavroĝanis kowoàoyias peraocyæv oùðèv TÕv Úno
4 Keßadivov pnÂłévrwv amýyyeiev. ééeàbav Sè mpòs
ròv Keßadfvov elnev ört karpòv èmirýðciov oùk éoye
Sacadhoar, ênnyyéàdero Sè rÅ úorepaig ovvreŭv-
écoĝat uóvw T® Paoiàe? kal ndvra nÀwoew rà
pnévra. rò è aùrò mpáćavros roð Ďiðrov kal
Ti úorepaig ó Keßadîvos, eùdaßnheis u) òt? érépov
pnvýoews yevopévņns aùròs kivõvveúon, Tòv pèv
Piórav napéreupe, TÔv Te BaoidikÂv Tvi malðwv
mpoceÀbùv kal Tà katà uépos amayyeiñas ŅElwoe
Tv Tayioryv drayyeîàar TÔ Bacideî.

346

BOOK XVII. 79. 1-4

of nature.? One of the king’s Friends named Dimnus ? 829/8 s.o.

found fault with him for some reason, and in a rash fit
of anger formed a plot against him. He had a beloved
named Nicomachus and persuaded him to take part
in it. Being very young, the boy disclosed the plan
to his brother Cebalinus,: who, however, was terrified
lest one of the conspirators should get ahead of the
rest in revealing the plot to the king, and decided
himself to be the informer.

He went to the court, met Philotas and talked
with him, and urged him to tell the whole story to
the king as “quickly as he could. It may be that
Philotas was actually a party to the plott; he may
merely have been slow to act. At all events, he heard
Cebalinus with indifference, and although he visited
Alexander and took part in a long conversation on a
variety of subjects, said no word about what had just
been told him. When he returned to Cebalinus, he
said that he had not found a suitable occasion to men-
tionit, but would surely see the king alone the next day
and tell him everything. Philotas did the same thing
on the next day also, and Cebalinus, to insure himself
against someone else betraying the plot and putting
him in danger, dropped Philotas and accosted one of
the royal pages, telling him all that had happened
and begging him to report it to the king immediately.

1 For the story of the conspiracy and its consequences cp.
Curtius, 6. 7—7. 2. 34; Justin, 12. 5. 1-3; Plutarch, Alex-
ander, 48—49. T; Arrian, 3. 26.

2 The name is given by Curtius as Dymnus, by Plutarch
as Limnus.

3 In Curtius and Plutarch, Nicomachus did not approve
of the plot and assisted in exposing it. Here also, both
Cebalinus and Nicomachus seem not to have been punished.

4 Plutarch also ; cp. also De Fortuna aut Virtute Alex-
andri, 2. 7. 339 E-r.

34T

DIODORUS OF SICILY

‘O ĝè ròv èv Keßadîvov eis ùv òmàolýrny eic-

` > 2 kJ ` De A À a `

ayayov dmékpvjev, aùròs è T Paocıiec? merači

Àovopévw npooeàbaov danýyyeie rà pnÂévra kal
t

Sóti ròv Keßadvov map éavr® duàdrret. ó ðè

Bacıiàeùs karandayeis eùbùs Tróv Tre Aiuvov ovvéñaße

b ` K [4 a A
kal paĵav dravra uerenémharo tóv re Keßavov

` ` 2 * + >’ e 7 4
6 kai ròv DiAwrav. dvakpiwopévwv © anrdvrwv kat
m lA ? À e ` ld e `
ts mpáčews éćeračopévņs ó mèėv Aivos éavròv
l a ` F. e ld ` e "~
karéohaće, roô ðè Diwrov palvuiav èv éavroĝ
£ ií ”. 3 A kd
nmpocopooyýoavros, Tiv ò empovàñjv drapvov-
uévov tův kpiow úrèp Torov roîs Makeðóow
èrérpepev.

80. Iov è pyhévrwv Àóywv oi Mareððves
karéyvwcav toô Diàwrov kat rÕv katrarriabévrwv
Odvarov: èv oîs únrñpye Ilapueviwv ó mpôros evar
õokðv rÕv ’Adeédvõðpov hidwv, róre è où mapæv,
dAd Sógas cra ro idiov vio Piàwrov merorjobar
2 rv êmpovàýv. ó pèv ov ióras, Basaviobeis

2 H A e 2 bi 3? 2 ~ 4
mpórepov kai ópooyýoas Tův èmßBovàńv, karà Tò
rv Makeðóvwv élos perà rv ovyrkarayvwolév-
Twv ehavarwðn.

‘Opoiws è roúrw kat ò Avyriorhs `Aàééavòpos,

r r} 3 3 lA A A ~
airiav éywv èmpeßovievkévar TÔ Baoi, rpreri

` ld ? A lA ld $
Lèv ypóvov v vak Tnpoúnevos Õieréňeoe, Šid

X m~
TV Tpòs ` Avriyovov olkerðtyrTa Terevyws avaßoàñs,
róre © eis riv tv Makreðóvæv krpiow mapayheis
348

BOOK XVII. 79. 5—80. 2

The page brought Cebalinus into the armoury and 329/8 s.c.

hid him there,! went on in to the king as he was
bathing and told him the story, adding that he had
Cebalinus concealed in the vicinity. The king’s re-
action was sharp. He arrested Dimnus at once and
learned everything from him; then he sent for
Cebalinus and Philotas. The whole story was investi-
gated and the fact established. Dimnus stabbed
himself on the spot,? but Philotas, while acknowledg-
ing his carelessness, nevertheless denied that he had
had any part in the plot and agreed to leave judgement
concerning him to the Macedonians.

80. After many arguments had been heard, the
Macedonians condemned Philotas and the other ac-
cused persons to death. Among these was Parme-
nion, he who seemed to be the first of Alexander’s
Friends; he was not with the army, but it was
thought that he had contrived the conspiracy by
means of his son Philotas. Philotas, then, was first
tortured and confessed to the plot, and then was
killed in the Macedonian manner with the other con-
demned persons.’

This was the occasion for bringing up the case of
Alexander the Lyncestian. He was charged with the
crime of plotting against the king and had been kept
for three years under guard. He had been delayed
a hearing because of his relationship to Antigonus,
but now he was brought before the court of the

1 The page, whose name is given by Curtius as Metron,
happened to be in charge of Alexander’s weapons,

2 Others report that Dimnus killed himself (Curtius, 6. 7.
29-30) or was killed resisting capture (Plutarch, Alewander,
49. 4).

R Vither by being stoned (Curtius, 6. 11. 10, 38) or by being
pierced with javelins (Arrian, 3. 26. 3).

349

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kal katrà Tùv droàoyiav åmopnbeis Àóywv bava-
ToN.

‘O ©’ ’Aééavõpos èknéupas twas èri ŝpoudõwv
kauýàwv kai pháoas tův oúunv tůs mepi rtòv
Dórav Tıuwpias ròv marépa roô Diàúrov Tap-
peviwva ¿oopóvyoe, rerayuévov èv rijs Mnõeias
àPXovTa, memioTevuévov è Tods Bacidxoùs Onoav-
poùs év `Ekrßarávois, ëyovras traàdvræwv krwral-
4 eka uupidðas. ó &’ °`Adétavðpos émıÀeéáuevos èk
rõôv Mareðóvwv roùs ddorpias kar’ aùroô mpoïe-
pévovs pwvàs kal Troùs Ņyavarrnkóras èni TÔ ToÔ
Iappeviwvos Bavárw, mpòs è Toúrois tovs èv raîs
dnootadeioais eis Makxeõovlav èmiorodats &ÀÀórtpióv
TL yeypapõras Toîs oikelois mepi Tv TÔ Bacıde?
ovppepóvrwv eis êv karédeće oúorņua kal Tpoon-
yópevoev drákrwv tráyua, čnws uù tà ràs Toúrwv
daxaipovs pwvàs kal mappnolas tò Àorròv TÀAÑOos
rv Mareðóvwv ovvõiradheipnrar.

81. Aró Ôè roúrwv yevóuevos kal Tà karà TV
Apayyw)y kataotýoas dvéčevýe perà Tis ĝvvá-
EWS ETL TOUS mpöõTepov èv `Apiıpaorovs, võv &’
Eùepyéras óvopačouévovs ià Toravras tivàs ačrtas.
Kôpos Ò TÙV Mýõwv apxùv peraorýoas eis Iépoas
Ev TL oTpateig mepiànpleis èv èpýuw xøpa kail
maon oravet rv dvaykaiwv ÑAÂe uèv èri roòs
eoydárovs kwõúvovs,! Sià rv ëvõerav Tis Tpopis

1 FABE èv ral roùs éoyárovs rwõúvovs únéory F.

1 The arrest of Alexander was mentioned above (chap. 32.
1). Ifthe throne were vacant, he would have been the logical
person to become king, so that his continued existence in-

volved King Alexander in a certain risk. His wife was one of
350

BOOK XVII. 80. 2—81. ı

Macedonians and was put to death, lacking words to 329/8 s c.

defend himself.?

Alexander dispatched riders on racing camels, who
travelled faster than the report of Philotas’s punish-
ment and murdered his father Parmenion.? He had
been appointed governor of Media and was in charge
of the royal treasures in Ecbatana, amounting to one
hundred and eighty thousand talents. Alexander
selected from among the Macedonians those who
made remarks hostile to him and those who were
distressed at the death of Parmenion, as well as those
who wrote in letters sent home to Macedonia to their
relatives anything contrary to the king’s interests.
These he assembled into one unit which he called
the Disciplinary Company, so that the rest of the
Macedonians might not be corrupted by their im-
proper remarks and criticism.’

81. After his hands were free of this affair and he
had settled things in Dranginê, Alexander marched
with his army against a people who used to be called
Arimaspians but are now known as Benefactors for
the following reason. That Cyrus who had transferred
the rule from the Medes to the Persians was once en-
gaged in a campaign in the desert and running out of
provisions was brought into extreme danger, so that

the many daughters of Antipater (Curtius, 7. 1. 7), but his
relationship to Antigonus is unknown. The latter was King
Alexander’s representative in Phrygia, but it is likely that
his name is a mistake for Antipater’s, since Alexander
Lyncestes was his son-in-law (Curtius, 7. 1. 7; Justin, 11.7. 1).

2 Polydamas and two Arab guides (Curtius, T. 2. 17-18).
They made the thirty-days’ trip in eleven days (Strabo,
15. 2. 10).

3 N 7. 2. 35-38 ; Justin, 12. 5. 4-8. This name, the
“ Company of the Undisciplined,” is not otherwise reported.
The term could be translated also ‘ Unassigned.”

351

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 la “~ ~ LAA AÀ

dvaykağouévwv TÕv oTpatTrwTÕV dÀAÀAÑAOVS Capko-
daye, rv © `Apıpaor®ðv tpiouvpias dudéas oi-
Tov yepovoas Tmapakopmodvrwv owheis mapaðóćws
> l ` 3 m Xf ` z
darteàciais re kal &Àdais Ôwpeais ériunoe tò ébvos
kat Tv npoïntápyovoav mpooņyopiav dpeàðpevos
2 npooņnyðpevoev Eùepyéras. róre ð `AAéÉavðpos
eis Thv ToÝtTwv ywpav otpareúcas kal rÕv yyw-

7 a r SAD | LA r AE `
piwv hioppõóővws aùròv mpooðečauévwv èriunoe Tò
élvos taîs åppo%ovoairs ðwpeaîs.

Tò © aùrò kal rÕv óuópwv rv ðvopağouévwv
Keðpwoiwv momodvrwv kal Tovrovs taîs mperov-
cas ydápiow NueQjaro. auporépwv òè rôv eipnué-
vwv ebvôv tv orparņnyiav Tipiðáry mapéðwkev.
3 mepi rara è avroð Siarpipovros kóv twves år-

f g lA S A A
ayyédovres ótt Darıßaptávns èk tis Barrpiavñs
perà Õvváuews nods immis mapayevóuevos

, ` a o’ 2 gy > 7 Oo ,
ers TO TÕV Apiw? ébvos dréornoe roùs èyywpiovs
am’ ’Aàeédvõpov. ó è BacıdeÙs dkoúcsas tò yeyo-
vòs drnéoreiÀev èT’ aùròv uépos Ts Õuvápews, otpa-
Tynyoùs êmorýoas `Epiyviov kal Xracdvopa, aùròs
Sè rv `Apaywoiav karaorpepduevos àiyais ué-
pais Únýkoov ėnoioev.

82. To © eviavoiov ypóvov Šieànņàvðóros ”Aðń-
voi pèv Ñpxev Eùbúrpiros, ev ‘Poun Sè rv óra-
Tikův ápxùv ŝieðéfavro Aecúkios TÀdrios kal Aeú-

, d ` 3 s s ` m
kios Ilaripios, ôÀvumas © NxOn rpirn npòs raîs

1 orparoneðevoas X.

352

BOOK XVII. 81. 1—82. 1

for lack of food the soldiers were constrained to eat
each other, when the Arimaspians appeared bringing
thirty thousand wagons laden with provisions. Saved
from utter despair, then, Cyrus gave them ex-
emption from taxation and other marks of honour,
and abolishing their former appellation, named them
Benefactors. So now, when Alexander led his army
into their country, they received him kindly and he
honoured the tribe with suitable gifts.!

Their neighbours, the so-called Cedrosians,? did the
same, and them too he rewarded with appropriate
favours. He gave the administration of these two
peoples to Tiridates.” While he was thus occupied
reports were brought to him that Satibarzanes had
returned from Bactria with a large force of cavalry to
Areia, and had caused the population to revolt from
Alexander. At this news, the king dispatched against
him a portion of his army under the command of
Erigyius and Stasanor, while he himself conquered
Arachosia and in a few days made it subject to him.*

82. When this year was over, Euthycritus became
archon at Athens and at Rome Lucius Platius and
Lucius Papirius became consuls. The one hundred

1 Curtius, 7. 3. 3; Arrian, 3. 27. 4-5.

2 These are usually called Gedrosians.

3 Arrian (3. 27. 5) reports that these tribes were left in-
dependent ; it may be that this Tiridates was a native of the
country (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 155). Menon be-
came satrap of Gedrosia and Arachosia (Arrian, 3. 28. 1) or
of Arachosia alone (Curtius, 7. 3. 5).

4 Curtius, 7. 3. 2; Arrian, 3. 28. 2-3. They both report
that the Macedonian troops were commanded by Erigyius
and Caranus, but that Stasanor took over the satrapy in place
of the revolted satrap Arsames,

2 The district is spelled °’Apeía in chap. 78. 1.
VOL. VIII N 353

329/8 B.O.

328/7 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ékarov ðéka. émi Sè roúrwv ’Adéćavðpos otpd-
2 revoev éni roùs òvouaouévovs Iaporaviodõas. Ĥ
Õè roúrwv yæpa keîrat èv ÚT’ AÙTAS TAS ÄPKTOUVS,
ylovoßoñeîrat ð mâca kal roîs dAdois Ebveci vo-
emiBarós ori ià rův úneppoàńv roô ypúyovs.
nÀclorn è medias odoa kal dévàos moÀaîs køuas
3 ĉieiànrrai. abrar Õè rås TrÕv oikiðv oréyas ëyov-
ow èk tmàivhłwv eis où ovvnypévwv èyoúoas ka-
udápar": rkarà òè uéonv Tv podiv dmoàeàceip-
pévns Siavyelas’ Sà raúrys óð kanvòs èkpéperar
kal nmavrayólev trs oikoðouias mepieyovons ot
4 kaToikoðvres nofs okénns trvyydvovow. oi ð
eêyxópror eà TÒ MAÑOos ris xıóvos TÒ mÀéov uépos
toô éêviavrob raîs oikiatis évõiarpipovot, TApEsKEVAC-
pévas éyovres tàs iias rpoás' tràs © duréňovs
kal Tà kapropópa rv Šévõpwv mepiyóoavres kal
TV roÔ yepðvos ğpav doavres ndùw àvaoréd-
5 Àovor Tùv yiv katà ròv roô Bàaoroð karpóv. raca
© ý ris xópas púois oŭre yAwpàv oğ? Ñuepov
exe npódoļw, AAAA Àcukiv kai dvravyñ ià? rùv
xtóva kai ròv èv aùr) myyvúuevov kpúoraňdov.
Ôrómep oùrT’ òpvéov mposkalitovros oŭre npiov

1 This is the reading of the manuscripts, except that F gives
exovoðv. The éxoúsas seems superfluous, and ovvnypévwv
may well be corrected into ocvvnypévyv, as Hertlein.

2 ĝa supplied by Fischer.

1? Euthycritus was archon at Athens from July of 328 to
354

BOOK XVII. 82. 1-5

and thirteenth Olympic Games were held.! In this 823/7 Bc.

year Alexander marched against the so-called Paro-
panisadae, whose country lies in the extreme north ;
it is snow-covered and not easily approached by
other tribes because of the extreme cold. The most
of it is a plain and woodless, and divided up among
many villages.? These contain houses with roofs of
tile drawn up at the top into a peaked vault.? In
the middle of each roof an aperture is left through
which smoke escapes, and since the building is en-
closed all around the people find ample protection
against the weather. Because of the depth of the
snow, they spend the most of the year indoors, having
their own supplies at hand. They heap up soil about
vines and fruit trees, and leave it so for the winter
season, removing the earth again at the time of bud-
ding. The landscape nowhere shows any verdure
or cultivation; all is white and dazzling because
of the snow and the ice which form in it. No bird,
therefore, alights there nor does any animal pass,

June of 327 s.c. The Roman consuls of 330 s.c. were L.
Papirius Crassus and L. Plautius Venno (Broughton, 1.
143). The Olympic Games were those of July 328. Dio-
dorus neglected to name the winner of the foot race, who was
Cliton of Macedonia, according to Eusebius, Chronikon. By
now, Diodorus’s chronology is seriously off ; it can have been
no later than the autumn of 330 s.c., “ at the setting of the
Pleiades ” (Strabo, 15. 2. 10).

2 Curtius, 7. 3. 5-18; Justin, 12. 5.9; Arrian, 3. 28. 4-7.
This country is the highland of Afghanistan, cold in the
winter, but neither in the north nor a plain. According to
Aristobulus (Arrian, 3. 28. 6), nothing grew there except
terebinth and asafoetida.

3 Curtius’s description of these buildings (7. 3. 8-9) is
clearer. He compares the roofs to the keels of ships. The
houses were partly underground (Plutarch, De Fortuna aut
Virtute Alexandri, 2. 9. 340 £E).

355

DIODORUS OF SICILY

¥ lA ` [A
Seoðevovros déeva kal averipara mdávra ta pép
m~ e ~
Tis xöpas Únipxev.
4 >

AAN? uws ó Paoideùs roúrwv dnmdvrwv avti-

~ m m~ a 2 4

nparróvrwv t otpa t cvvýðei róuņy kat
Tan ld m~ le

kaprepig TÕv Makeðóvwv mepieyivero TiS TomKÌS
~ m `

7 vorparedelas. Sio Ò) ToAÀol TÕV oTpaTiwTÕV kat

Ca ~ 2 3
Tv kròs ris Tdéews ovvakoovloúvrwv ćaðvva-

m ` A bi A ?
Toûvres anmedeirovro’ čviot Õe ða TYV TS xlóvos

La > ’ bd
àvraúyceiav kal okÀņnpóryra ris dvaßaddopévns ava-
` 3 3 `
kàdoews èpheipovro tġv paoi. oahès È oùðèv
? z ç 3 A Es AS P A ~
èk ĝaorýparos v iðeîv, dààà uóvw TÔ kanvæ
á ~ m À 2 e M ò ld
Snàovuévwv rõv kwpðv éàdupavov ot Mareðóves

O m 2 ~ m~ d
oô karoikoĵow èpiorduevoi. TOÚTW Ö T TPÓTW
TÕV KWV AŇOKOÉVWV, KAL TÖV OTPATLWTÕV TŐ

ld ~ 3 d ld bi 2
nàńlbe ris wpedcias deophovuévwv tv rkakornd-
bcerav rayù ndavrwv rÕv èyywpiwv ô Baciàeds èkv-
pievoev.

83. Merà òè rara mapeàbwv mànoiov roô Kav-
kdoov kateorparornéðevoev, Ò Tiwves [laporáviosov
pos mpobayopeðovot. TÒ ` öpos TOTO kaTA

lA A > e LA E lá ld Da
mÀàdros SeAbwv év huépais ékkalðerka TÖÀAV ËKTLOE

A ~ ? b A 2 3 N 2
kata Tv eioßoàiv tv pépovoav eis thv Mnòicýv,
Ka ? f AÀ 2 ô 4 4 2 `
Ñv wvõuasev eédvõperav. kara Õè uéoov TÒvV
Kaúkacov čorı mérpa ðéka oraĝiwv ëyovoa TÙùv

epi ETTApwvV ÔÈ Òi ) ù y Å
TEpPILETPOV, TETTÁP € otaðiwv TÒ Üyos, év Å

4 ` lA ld 3 ’ 3 e ` m~
kal rò Ilpouņhéws orýàarov éðeikvuð ónò trÕv

1 ùv õpacıv added by Fischer. The sense seems to require
it,

356

BOOK XVII. 82. 5—83. 1

and all parts of the country are unvisited and inac- 328/1 s.c.

cessible.!

The king, nevertheless, in spite of all those ob-
stacles confronting the army, exercised the custo-
mary boldness and hardihood of the Macedonians and
surmounted the difficulties of the region. Many of
the soldiers and of the camp followers became ex-
hausted and were left behind. Some too because of
the glare of the snow and the hard brilliance of the
reflected light lost their sight. Nothing could be seen
clearly from a distance. It was only as the villages
were revealed by their smoke that the Macedonians
discovered where the dwellings were, evem when they
were standing right on top of them. By this method
the villages were taken and the soldiers recovered
from their hardships amidst a plenty of provisions.
Before long the king made himself master of all the
population.?

83. Now in his advance Alexander encamped near
the Caucasus, which some call Mt. Paropanisum.? In
sixteen days he marched across this range from side
to side, and founded a city in the pass which leads
down to Media, calling it Alexandria. In the midst
of the Caucasus there is a “ rock ” 5 ten furlongs in
perimeter and four furlongs in height, in which the
cave of Prometheus was pointed out by the natives,

1 Curtius, also (7. 3. 10-11), mentions burying the plants
to protect them and the absence of animals and birds.

2 Alexander wintered there in 330/29 (Strabo, 15. 2. 10).

3 Curtius, 7. 3. 19-23 ; Arrian, 3. 28. 4. The Hindu Kush,
which the ancients tended to confuse with the Caucasus
(Arrian, 5. 3. 1-4; Strabo, 11. 5. 5).

4 This is clearly a mistake, perhaps a scribal mistake, for
India, and editors since Reiske have tended to correct the

text accordingly. The city was known as Alexandria of the
Caucasus. 5 Cp. the note on chap. 28, p. 195, note 5.

357

DIODORUS OF SICILY

? , S m 0 À Oé 3 = z:
èyywpiwv kal ý roô pvÂooynlévros deroð roit
kal Tà TÕv ðeouðv onueîa.

2 ʻO & Aàééavðpos kal ddas módeis éKktToev,
huépas óðòv dreyoúoas* ris ’Adegavðpeías. kart-
Wke Ò eis Taúras TÕv uèv Pappápwv émrarıo-
yıàíouvs, rÔv Ò èkròs ráčews? ouvakoovhloúvrwv
tpioyiàiovs kal TÔv pmolbopópwv roùs Povàopévovs.

3 aùròs è avadaßav rv Òúvapıv mpofyev eis TÙV
Baxrpiavýv, akočwv? ròv Boscov ðidðnud re áve-

’ ` lA > 1
Aņngévai kal ðvvdueis alpoiġew.
Kai rà pèv repi ° Aàétavòpov év rovrois Ñv.

4 Oi Ò eis thv °`Apiart dneoraàuévoi orparnyol
karaàaßóvres roùs dheornkóras ðvvdueis déroàd-
yovs )Iporkóras Krat orparņyòv čyovras Larıßap-
tdvnv, åavôpa orparņyikòr* kal avðpeig ðiadépovra,
kateorparonéðevoav mÀnoiov TÖV Toàeuiwv. yiwo-
uévwv è moùàdkis årpoßpoùouðv uéypi uév Twos

5 páyar kar’ ôÀiyovs èyivovrto, perà Ò TaÛTa mapa-
tTdécws yevopévns ral rv Bapfápwv icóuayov
TOLOÝVTWV, TÒV KÍVÕVVOV Ó TÖV ATOCTATÔV OTpATN-
yòs Larıpaptdvns, apeà®v raîs gepot rò mepi Tùv
kepaàŭv kpávos kal eitas aúròv ós v, mpoekaàé-
garo Tòv PBovàčpevov rv orparnyðv uovopayhoat.

6 órakoúoavros è roô `Epıyvioð kait yevouévns

lA e la A
uáxns pws ovvéßn virĵoar ròv `Epiyvióv. ot

1 F gives the singular (dàànv mów, ánéyovoav) but immedi-
ately below we have the plural (raras).

2 tdéewv RX, but Diodorus ordinarily uses the singular.
There was an fyepàv rv čćw ráčewv in Ptolemaic Egypt.

3 Baxrpiav où Ñv akovwv F.

4 Spelled ’Apeía in chap. 78. 1.

5 orparņyig F.
358

BOOK XVII. 83. 1—6

as well as the nesting place of the eagle in the story 328/7 s.v.

and the marks of the chains.:

Alexander founded other cities also at the distance
of a day’s march from Alexandria. Here he settled
seven thousand natives, three thousand of the camp
followers, and volunteers from among the merce-
naries.? Then he marched his forces into Bactria, since
news came that Bessus had assumed the diadem and
was enrolling an army.

Such was the state of Alexander’s affairs.

The generals who had been sent back to Areia
found that the rebels had gathered substantial forces
under the command of Satibarzanes, who was dis-
tinguished both for generalship and for personal
bravery, and they encamped near them.” There was
constant skirmishing for a time, and numerous small
engagements ; then it came to a general battle. The
Iranians were holding their own when their general
Satibarzanes raised his hands and removed his helmet
so that all could see who he was, and challenged any
of the Macedonian generals who wished to fight with
him alone. Erigyius accepted and a contest of heroic
nature ensued, which resulted in Erigyius’s victory.

1 Curtius, 7. 3. 22. The story was rejected by Eratos-
thenes (Strabo, 11. 5. 5; Arrian, 5. 3. 1-4).

2 These cities are not otherwise mentioned. They may
have been outlying forts or fortified villages. Itis interesting
that they received no Macedonian settlers. Arrian’s de-
scriptions (e.g., 4. 4. 1) of similar settlements show the same
pattern of population. Curtius (7. 3. 23) assigns these seven
thousand to Alexandria of the Caucasus.

3 Continued from chap. 81. 3. Curtius, also, breaks his
narrative of the revolt, and describes its conclusion and the
duel between the leaders after discussing Bessus’s assumption
of power (7. 4.33-40). Arrian, on the other hand, tells the whole
story at once (3. 28. 3).

359

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ðe Pdáppapot Stà ròv roô orparnyo Odvarov kara-
nàayévres kal Àaßóvres Tùv doddàceiav mapéðwrav
éavroùs T® Paociàeî.

Bocos ò éavròv dvaðeðeryws Paciàéa roîs Oeoîs
ébvoe kal TOÙS hiñovs nmapañapov Eis TÜV ceùwyiav
karà ròv nórov ĝınvéxőn mpós trwa trÔv éraípwv,
ovoua Baywðdápav. rs è dıdorıuias mi mÀéov
npocàbovons ó èv Bocos mapoćvvleis” èneßdàero
rov Baywðdápav dveàeîv kal úro rv piàwv merobeis
8 perevóņoev. ó è Tov kivõvvov êkpvyæv vukròs ëpv-
ye mpòs rov 'Adétavpov. ri Sè rovrov owrypia
kal traîs onoouévars úr ’Aàeédvõpov wpeaîs
mpokàņnlévres oi uéyioroi Tv yeuóvwv ovveġpó-
vnoav kai ovàdapóvres rov Boocov amýyayov
9 mpòs ròv `Adééavðpov. ó Sè Pacıdeùs roúrovs uèv
êriunoev aéroàdyois Swpeaîs, röv è Biocov
mapéðwke TÖ AeA roô Aapeiov kal rtoîs À-
Àois ovyyevéow eis tuwpiav. oi Sè mâcav ČBpw
kal aikíav mpoceveykáuevot kal TÒ CÔ a karà
ÀerTov ovykóļavres tà péàn Sieopevðóvnoav.

x x x

84. Emi è rovrois yevouévæv rv õpkwv ý uèv
Bacioca rù ueyadopvyiav roô ’Aàeédvõpov bav-
pdocaoa Špa Te kpdriora eéénepmfe kal nâv rò
TmpooraTTópevov morýoew ènnyyeldaro.

1 mapopunðbeis F.

1 Curtius, 7. 4. 1-19.

2 Curtius names this man Gobares (as corrected from the
Cobares of the manuscripts).

3 Curtius, 7. 5. 19-26. This is the account of Aristobulus ;
Ptolemy’s version was that he himself had captured Bessus

360

BOOK XVII. 83. 6—84. 1

Disheartened at the death of their commander, the
Iranians sought their safety in surrender, and gave
themselves up to Alexander.

Bessus proclaimed himself king, sacrificed to the
gods, and invited his friends to a banquet.! In the
course of the drinking, he fell into an argument with
one of them, Bagodaras ? by name. As the quarrel
increased, Bessus lost his temper and proposed to put
Bagodaras to death, but was persuaded by his friends
to think better of it. Bagodaras, however, saved
from this danger, escaped by night to Alexander.
His safe reception and the gifts promised by Alex-
ander attracted Bessus’s leading generals. They
banded together, seized Bessus, and carried him off
to Alexander.: The king gave them substantial gifts,
and turned Bessus over to Dareius’s brother ¢ and his
other relatives for punishment. They inflicted upon
him every humiliation and abuse, and cutting his body
up into little pieces they scattered them abroad.

* * *

84. A truce was concluded on these terms, and
the queen, impressed by Alexander’s generosity, sent
him valuable gifts and promised to follow his orders
in everything.’

(Arrian, 3. 29. 8-30. 5). Bessus was executed later in Ecbatana
(Curtius, 7. 10. 10; Arrian, 4. 7. 3; cp. Plutarch, Alex-
ander, 43. 3).

4 Presumably the Oxathres named in chap. 77. 4.

5 The end of Diodorus’s year 328/7 and the beginning of
327/6 s.c. have been lost in a long break in the manuscript
from which our text derives ; it is now the autumn of 327.
The Scythian, Bactrian, and Sogdian campaigns are over,
with such familiar incidents as the quarrel with Cleitus, the
arrest of Callisthenes in connection with the introduction
of proscynesis and the Pages’ Conspiracy, and the marriage
with Roxanê (cp. the subject headings in the Table of Con-

361

328/7 B.C.

327/6 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Oi Sè puobodópoi mapaxphpa karà tàs ópodoyias
èr rûs móňcws ånmedbóvres kal oraðiovs ðyðoýkovra
mpoeàbövres ÅVETIKWÀŬÝTWS KATEOTPATONÉDEVOAV,
2 oùðeuiav ëvvorav Àaupdvovres toô péňdovros. ó &
’AAàétavðpos åuerdðerov ëywv Tùv mpòs ToÙS pi-
ohopópovs å\otpiótnrta Šieokevacpévyy čyaw TÙV
Súvapıv èrnkodovlnoe roîs Bapßápois kal mpoo-
mec&v aùroîs vw moùv éroiei ġóvov. ol ð
pobopópor Tò uèv npõrov éßówv mapà roùs óprkovs
aùroùs noàeueîohar kal roùs doepovpévovs ór’
aùroð beoùs érekadoðvro' ó Ò `Adééavõpos peydàn
ti wv mpòs aùroùs dveßóņoev tı ovveywpnoev
aùroîs èk ris módcews anedbeîv, où pidovs eîvai ĝia
mavròs Mareðóvwv.

Oi è pohodópor rò péyelos rÕv rwðúvæv où
kararàayévres ovvebpdčavro kat Tův ÖÀņv Táw
TOÝOAVTES KUKÀOTEpT) TÁ TE TÉKvA kal TAS yvvaîkas
els péoov anréàaßov, wore mavrayólev roîs mpos-
payouévoirs aodañðs dvrirdrreoĝĥðar. anmovonĝév-
Twv È aùrÂÔv kal ĝa Tùv róàuav kal ñd Tùv èv
toîs ayâow aper)v ioyvpàav uáyņnv ovorņoapévwv
kal rv Makeðóvwv hidotipovuévwv uù Aceiphiva
rs rÕv Bapßfápwv ávðpayaðiías peyáàņv kardràn-
4 év eîyev ò kivðvvos. ék y%epòs yap TS HÁXNS
oùons kat ovunàekouévwv tv aywviopévwv dÀ-
Ańdors* moddat kal mavroîat cialéceis Bavdrwv kat

1 ev añàńàois F.

tents, pp. 111-113). Alexander is on his way down the Cabul
valley toward India. In the city of Mazagae (Curtius, 8. 10.
22) or Massaga (Arrian, 4. 26. 1) in the country of the As-

362

BOOK XVII. 84. 1-4

The mercenaries straightway under the terms of 827/6 s.c,

the truce left the city and encamped without inter-
ference at a distance of eighty furlongs, without an
inkling of what would happen.! Alexander, neverthe-
less, nursed an implacable hostility toward them ; he
held his forces in readiness, followed them, and falling
upon them suddenly wrought a great slaughter. At
first they kept shouting that this attack was in con-
travention of the treaty and they called to witness
the gods against whom he had transgressed. Alex-
ander shouted back that he had granted them the
right to leave the city but not that of being friends
of the Macedonians forever.

Not daunted at the greatness of their danger, the
mercenaries joined ranks and, forming a full circle,
placed their children and women in the centre so that
they might effectively face those who were attacking
from all directions. Filled with desperate courage
and fighting stoutly with native toughness and the
experience of previous contests, they were opposed by
Macedonians anxious not to show themselves inferior
to barbarians in fighting ability, so that the battle
was a scene of horror. They fought hand to hand,
and as the contestants engaged each other every

sacenians (modern Swat) he captured the beautiful queen
Cleophis and reinstated her in her kingdom. The more
romantic say that he had a son by her (Curtius, 8. 10. 22-36 ;
Justin, 12. 7. 9-11).

1 These mercenaries had been in the service of the As-
sacenians. Plutarch (Alexander, 59. 3-4) agrees with this
rather discreditable account of Alexander’s treatment of
them. Arrian, on the other hand (4. 27. 3-4), states that
Alexander killed them because they were intending to desert.
This presents historians with a nice dilemma: was Dio-
dorus’s source blackening Alexander’s reputation, or was
Arrian’s whitening it ?

363

DIODORUS OF SICILY

z $ la e ` + Eaj
tpavpárwv èyivovro’ oi yàp Makeðóves rais
~ 2 t
capiosais àdvapphocovres tràs TÕv Papßfápwv métras
A Aa z 3 7 e
TàS dkuàs roô oýpov toîs mveúuociv výperðov, ot
bi lå $ r > + 3 > 2
Sè molhogpópor tràs Àdyyas drovritovres eis abpõovs
lA LA
Toùs Toeulovs où% HpáprTavov, OCÚVEyyVS KELLÉVOV
TOÛ okoroÔ.
` 4 A ] lA ? SAL
Aiò Kat moMðv èv TpavuaTtıouévwv, oùk Ày
a ~ 7
Dè TEÀACUTØÓVTWV QÉ YUVAKES TA TÖV TEOÓVTWV ÖTÀA
: a z `
Aaußdvovoar ovvyywviģovro roîs avðpdow' Ñ yàp
očúrns roô kivðúvov kal TÒ ris èvepyeias Õerwòv
? A 3 ` y lA [g kJ 3 ’
yvdaykaģčev aùràs mapa púow tpéreolari mpòs dÀkýv.
ki m a
òro kai trivès èv aùrðv rkalonràoheToar ouvvýomiģov
a 207 > U ` ` y er 2 La
Toîs iÔiors dvòpáot, Tiwès ÕÈ dvev ÕTÀAWV ÈUTITTOV-
~ > lá » lA 4 hJ `
car Tv donmlðwv ereàaufpdvovro kal moàÀà ToÙsS
À + 3 2 [A bi LA k? ~
moàcuiovs everóðov. TÉÀAoS ÕÈ MAVTES META TÕV
A bd ~
YVvUKÕV AYWVNLOÁEVOL KAL KATAKONÉVTES ÚNÒ TOÜ
ld ` “~ m~
nÀýlovs rov évõðoćov dvarov rs ayevvoðs dıào-
7. 3 rA Pai
Cwias hAàdéavro. ó è Adééavõpos rőv re aypeîov
` ~ m~
kal avoràgv Öyàov kal TÕv yuvarkÕv Tas rodech-
ld 3 f ~
heicas arádywv roùs inneîs ovvenéornoev.
` y
85. Ilodààs òè kal ddas róàeis kmoMopkýoas
“` ` > m
kat ToÙùs avriraTTopévovs dveàwv npofjyev ènmi Tv
2 ` s
métpav TÅv ”Aopvov` kañovpévnv: eis yàp TaŬrTyv ot
LA ~
mepiàceiplévres rÕv èyywpiwv Õıà rův ómeppoàùv
~ 3 ld ld
TIS OxvpóTqTos katanepeúyersav. Àéyerat yap Tò
` e
maàarðv ‘Hpakàéa raúryv tùův mérpav èmfBaàó-
2 a ~
pevor? noMopkeîv dnoorivar id Tiwas èmiyevo-
7 ` / g
pévovs oeopoùs peydàovs ral ceoonueias. ó &’
364

BOOK XVII. 84. 4—85. 2

form of death and wounds was to be seen. The Mace- 327/6 x.c.

donians thrust with their long spears through the
light shields of the mercenaries and pressed the iron
points on into their lungs, while they in turn flung
their javelins into the close ranks of their enemies
and could not miss the mark, so near was the target.

As many were wounded and not a few killed, the
women caught up the weapons of the fallen and
fought beside their men, since the acuteness of the
danger and the fierceness of the action forced them
to be brave beyond their nature. Some of them,
clad in armour, sheltered behind the same shields as
their husbands, while others rushed in without ar-
mour, grasped the opposing shields,and hindered their
use by the enemy. Finally, fighting women and all,
they were overborne by numbers and cut down, win-
ning a glorious death in preference to basely saving
their lives at any cost. Alexander removed the feeble
-nd unarmed together with the surviving women to
another place, and put the cavalry in charge of them.

85. After he had taken a number of other cities !
by storm and had slaughtered their defenders, he
came to the “ rock ” called Aornus.? Here the sur-
viving natives had taken refuge because of its great
strength. It is said that Heracles of old thought to
lay siege to this “ rock ” but refrained because of the
occurrence of certain sharp earthquake shocks and

1 Curtius, 8. 11. 2.

2 For the term “rock ” see above on chap. 28, p. 195, note
5. For the whole story cp. Curtius, 8. 11; Justin, 12. 7. 12-13;
Plutarch, Alegander, 58. 3; Arrian, 4. 28. 7-30. 4. The
location has been identified by Sir A. Stein, On Alewander’s
Track to the Indus (1929), chaps. xvi-xxi.

1 *Aopvw F. 2 èmpadópevov F.

365

DIODORUS OF SICILY

AÀééavõpos mvðóuevos mepi tToúrwv ëri pâňàov
mapwéúvôņ moňoprkioat rò oyúpwpa kal ðrapuAàn-
Ovar T To beot Õóén.

“H è mérpa ròv pèv mepißodov eiye oraðiwv
ékaróv, TÒ © Üfpos ékkalðeka, rův © èmpáverav
pady kai mdvry mepihpepi' kal Tò pèv mpòs
peoņnuppiav pépos aùrñis mpocékàvčev ó ’`Ivðòs
moTapós, péyioros v trÕv rar tv `Ivõihv, Tà
Ò dààa pép mepiciyero pápayéı Pabelais kal
4 kpnpvoîŭs danmpocitois. roô Sè `Adeédvõpov kara-
akepapévov Tův voywpiav kal ùv èk Bias &dÀwow
anoyvővros kév tıs mpòs aùròv mpeoßúrns merà
5 Ôveîv viðv. oûros &’ æv mévys mavredðs kat moàùv
xpóvov vreðpaupévos Toîs TóTOoLS katýret pèv ëv
Tv omnàaiw rtpeîðs orpdõas! ëyovre karà Tùv
mérpav évreruņpévas, v aÎîs ó yépwv erà rv
viðv evavùčóuevos ėumepiav nmepiererolnto TÂÔv
Tómwv. oîros ov mpooeÀbàv T Pacıiàeî kal tà
mepi éavròy õnÀóoas emnyyeidaro kabyyńoeobar
cà ris õvoywpias kal morýoew aùròv únepõéćiov
yevéolar TÕv kareiànuuévwv thv nérpav Bapßápwv.

ʻO è 'Adétavõpos èrayyeiàdpevos peyádas
Swpeàs Õóoew kai T mpeoßóry xpnodpevos óðnyô
mpõTov èv TÅv mápoðov Tù eis TÀv mérpav pépov-
cav kaTeàdpero rai pnåepiâs oðons Ans eédðov
ovvékàeioe Toùs Bappdpovs eis áßońðnrTov moňiop-
kiav: énera TÌ moàuyepig yócas Tùv pápayya
karà Tùv pibav ris mérpas, mpooeÀbàv èvepyi
moàopkiav ovveorýoarto, ovveyôs è$’ ýuépas énrå
366

BOOK XVII. 85. 2-6

other divine signs, and this made Alexander even
more eager to capture the stronghold when he heard
it, and so to rival the god’s reputation.

The circumference of the “ rock ” was one hundred
furlongs, and its height sixteen. Its surface was even
and circular on all sides. Its southern side was washed
by the Indus River, the largest of those in India, and
on the other sides it was surrounded by deep gorges
and sheer cliffs. Alexander surveyed these difficulties
and decided that its forcible capture was impossible,
but then there came to him an old man with two sons.?
He lived in extreme poverty and had for a long time
supported himself in the region, occupying a cave in
which three beds had been cut out of the rock. Here
the old man camped with his sons, and had come to
know the country intimately. When he appeared
before the king, he told his story and offered to guide
the king through the hills and bring him to a point
where he would be above the people who occupied
the rock.

Alexander promised him rich gifts.? Using the old
man as a guide, he first occupied the path which led
up to the rock ; since there was no other egress, he
had thus enclosed the defenders in a hopeless siege.
Then he put many hands to work filling up the chasm
at the foot of the rock, drew near to it, and mounted
a vigorous attack, assaulting continuously for seven

1 Curtius, 8. 11. 2; Justin, 12. 7. 12. The tradition is
rationalized by Arrian, 4. 28. 1-2.

2 Curtius, 8. 11. 3. Arrian (4. 29. 1) says ‘“‘ some of the
neighbouring tribesmen.”

3 Curtius (8. 11. 4) says “ eighty talents.”

1 Suidas quotes this passage, substituting the word rpo-
orißdðas, which he glosses.
367

am
827

[6 Bo.

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kal tàs toas vúrras êk ðıaðoyis ras mpooßoààs
7 morovpevos. TÒ uèv ov mpõrov ot PBáppapoi Sià
TAS TÕV TÓTWV ÚTEpOXAS Tpoerépovv kal ToÀÀoùs
avýpovv Tv nporerôs Pratouévwv: roô è yæuaros
gouvreàeolévros kal rÕv òfvßeiðv karaneàr®v kal
TÔv ÄA\wv òpydvwv morahévrwv, mpòs Sè roúrois
TOÔ PaciÀéws pavepoô kaleorðros ws oùk amoorý-
cerat Tis moMopkias ot pev `Ivõol kareràdynoav,
ò © 'Adéavõpos éuppóvws mpoiðópevos rò uéňov
egéAmev riv èv TÑ mapóðw karañeàceiupévyv gv-
Àaxýv, oùs ééoðov roîs Povàouévois èk Tis né-
Tpas avaywpeîv. ot è Bappapor poßnlévres rás re
rv Makreóvwv dperàs kat tùv roô faciàéws
pidotiiav vukròs eÉéÀrov Tv nérpav.

86. “O © 'Adéfavðpos Toîs revoîs? toô moàéuov
karaotparnyoas roùs `Ivõoùòs ywpis rwõúvov
ekvpievoe Tis nérpas. kal TÔ èv óðnyýoavri tàs
opooynuévas Õwpeds aréðwrev, aùròs è åvélevée
erà trs Õuvduews.

Ka’ ôv kapòv `Agppirns? ris 'Ivõós, ëywv pèv
orparıwrTas Šiouvpiovs, eàépavras è mevrekal-
eka, rérpiße mept ròv rómov. roðrov Šé twes
dveàóvres kal Tùv kepaàiv aùToô mpòs `AàéÉavspov
evéykavres Ôià Taúrns Tis eùepyeoias meprerorý-
3 oavro tàs iias owTnpias. ó Sè BaocıdeÙðs roúrovs

1 Probably a slip for åmýyayev or the like.

? kawoîs given by a late hand in R ; the expression is pro-
verbial (Book 21. 2. 3), cp. Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 3. 8. 6.
1116 b7; Curtius, 4. 13. 5; 7. 11. 25.

* The name is perhaps to be corrected into Alpins, as

ERT suggested, to accord with the Erices of Curtius

368

BOOK XVII. 85. 6—86. 3

days and seven nights with relays of troops.! At 8327/6 s.c.

first the defenders had the advantage because of
holding the higher ground, and they killed many of
those who attacked rashly. As the embankment was
finished, however, and the dart-throwing catapults
and other engines were emplaced, and the king also
made it evident that he would not break off the siege,
the Indians were alarmed, and Alexander, craftily
anticipating what would happen, removed the guard
which had been left in the path, allowing those who
wished to withdraw from the rock. In fear of the
Macedonian fighting qualities and the king’s deter-
mination, the Indians left the rock under cover of
darkness.

86. So Alexander employed the false alarms of
war to outgeneral the Indians and to gain possession
of the “rock ” without further fighting. He gave the
promised reward to his guide and marched off with
his army.?

About this time, a certain Indian named Aphrices
with twenty thousand troops and fifteen elephants
was encamped in the vicinity.* Some of his followers
killed him and cut off his head and brought it to
Alexander, and saved their own lives by this favour.
The king took them into his service, and rounded up

1 Arrian, 4. 29. 7—30. 1.

2 According to Sir Aurel Stein’s discoveries (p. 365, note 2),
the ravine which Alexander filled up lay at the top of the
ridge, so that both features of Diodorus’s account, the secret
path and the regular siege operations, were actually present.
The third feature of the story, the deception to induce the
Indians to withdraw, is less easy to explain.

3 In Curtius (8. 12. 1) he is said to have blocked Alex-
ander’s advance.

S E E EE E S E A

4 énrakaiĝeka F.
369

DIODORUS OF SICILY

2 ` m À lA À t
TE nmpooņnyáyero kal tTÕv àepádvrwv nÀavwpévwv
KATA TÙV pav ekvplevoev.
` `
Aùròs è mapeàbàv émi rov `Ivõòv morapòv ral
2
karaàapwv Tds Te Tpiakovrópovs kateckevaouévas
e ld
kal TOv nópov éevyuévov Tpidkovra uèv uépas
avéňaße Tùův úvayuv Kral roîs beoîs peyadorpereîs
y A `
avvreàésas Ovoías ießißaoce riv oTtpatrıàv kal
1 ` m~
4 mepiéneoe mapaðóćw nmepinereig. Taéidov yàp To
Baciàéws mporereàeurnkóros víðs aùroî Môgıs
ld
craðeéduevos tv apxùv erépbaro uèv kal mpé-
m a !
tepov mpòs ’Aàéfavðpov èv t Zoyðiavi Srarpi-
m 4
Bovrta, êrayyeààduevos aùr® ovorpareðeiw émi rovs
avrirartropévovs rv Ivv ral rõre mpéoßes
3 l DA kA ~ ’ bi ld
anooteidas épnoev aùtT® mapaðiðóvai Tv Bacıàeiav.
5 anéyovros* è reooapdkovra oraĝiovs Toô Baciàéws
3 2 A z e kd ’ s: ` ? [A
ékrdgas Tùv Òúvauıv ©s eis TÖÀcuov kal ToÙs Àd-
pavras koouýoas dnývra merà tr®v piàwv. ó 8è
’AAé£avõpos ópðv mpoocioðosav peydànv Šývapuv
ektTerayuéevny moàepikÂs kal óéas rov `Ivåðv èr-
Boúňws merorĵobar tràs êrayyeàílas, mws arapa-
okevors* rots Mareðóow ériðnrar, roîs èv caìmıy-
ktaîs mapekeàcóoatTo oņuaivew Tò moàeuikóv, ToÙS
` , , , > ? a 3’ a e `
6 è orparwras êkráéas anývra roîs `Ivõoîs. ó 8è
Môgıis ópôv tùv trapayv rv Mareðóvæwv kal rò
hi l4 bS
yeyovòs ovààoyičóuevos tův pèv óva karéùirev,
l ..
aùròs ðe erà dÀiywv mpoïnmeóoas kal tùv äyvoiav
rõv Makeðóvæv ĉiopfwoduevos mapéðwrev éavrév
` A 2 mM a e ` A e
Tre kal tiv Òóvav T Pace. obeis Sè ó

1 ärooyóvros ; corr. Hultzsch.
2? dnapaokeúws; corr. Stephanus.

370

BOOK XVII. 86. 3-7

the elephants, which were wandering about the 327/6 so.

countryside.!

Alexander now advanced to the Indus River and
found his thirty-oared boats in readiness and fully
equipped, and the stream spanned by a floating
bridge.? He rested his army for thirty days and
offered splendid sacrifices to the gods, then moved
his army across and experienced a startling fright
and relief. Taxiles, the king, had died, and his son
Mophis è had succeeded to the throne. He had sent
word to Alexander earlier when he was in Sogdiana,
promising to join him in a campaign against his
enemies among the Indians, and now he stated
through his messengers that he turned his kingdom
over to him. When Alexander was still forty furlongs
off, Mophis deployed his force as if for war and
marched forward, his elephants gaily caparisoned,
surrounded by his Friends. Alexander saw a great
army in warlike array approaching and concluded at
once that the Indian’s promises were made in order
to deceive him, so that the Macedonians might be
attacked before they had time to prepare themselves.
He ordered the trumpeters to sound the call to arms,
and when the soldiers had found their battle stations,
marched against the Indians. Mophis saw the excited
activity of the Macedonians and guessed the reason.
He left his army and accompanied only by a few horse-'
men galloped forward, corrected the misapprehen-
sion of the Macedonians, and gave himself and his
army over to the king. Alexander, much relieved,

1 Arrian (4. 30. 7-9) tells of rounding up elephants left at
pasture, perhaps the same story.

2 The work was done by Hephaestion (Curtius, 8. 12. 4) or
by Hephaestion and Perdiccas (Arrian, 4. 30. 9).

3 Called Omphis in Curtius, 8. 12. 4.

371

DIODORUS OF SICILY

’Aàééavõpos Trýv re Baociàciav anréðwrev aùT® kal
TÒ Àormov Õrerédet Toútrw piw kal ovuuáyw xpo-
pevos kal perwvópacev avrov Taćiànv.

Tafra èv ov énpáyôn kard Torov tTòv éviavrõv.

87. Er dpxyovros © 'Abúvyoi Xpéunros ‘Pw-
paîoi karéornoav úndrovs Iónàov Kopvýiov kat
Añàov Ioorovpiov. èri è roúrwv ° AAééavðpos év
Ti Taéíàov yěpa rnpocavadaßpav tùv Õúvayw
éorpárevoev émi Ilôpov röv rv màņnoroyópwv
Ivòðv Bacia. oros ©’ eîye mečoùs èv mAeciovs
TÕv nevrakıouupiwv, immeis è mept TpLoyiÀlovs,
appara ğe mÀciw Tv yiAlwv, eÀépavras è ékaròv
kal Tpidkovra. eneroinro è kal ETepov TÔV TÀN-
cioyópwv Baciàéa cúupayov, ôs wvouáćero Ep-
Bicapos, eîye Sè Súvapuv où modd Àeirouévnv rtis
roô lopov.

‘O è 'Adékavõðpos åkoúoas roôrov rov Pacıàéa
TETpakociovs åméyeww oTaðlovs ékpivwe Tpò TS Tov-
4 rov mapovoias êmpadeîiv rô IHopw. èyyiscavros
Sè aùrof rots 'Ivðoîs ò Iôpos mvôóuevos mànoiov
elvai Toùs Todeuiovs cùbùs ééérače rův óva Kal
ToÙs èv inneis èml Tà képara Šiepépicev, Toùs Ò’
éàéġavras karanàņnkrikðs kekoounuévovs karà

1! The same story is told by Curtius, 8. 12. 4-18. The ad-
hesion of Taxiles is briefly noted in Arrian, 5. 3. 5-6, and told
in a different manner by Plutarch, Alexander, 59. 1-3.

2 Chremes was archon at Athens from July 326 to June
325 s.c. The consuls of 328 s.c. are not entirely certain
(Broughton 1. 145). One was C. Plautius Decianus or P.
Plautius Proculus, the other P. Cornelius Scapula or P.
Cornelius Scipio Barbatus. No Postumius is otherwise at-
tested at this time. According to the calculations of M. J.
Fontana, Kokalos, 2? (1956), 42 f., the battle with Porus took
place about July 326 s.c., as Diodorus dates it, while Arrian

372

BOOK XVII. 86. 7—87. 4

restored his kingdom to him and thereafter held him 327/6 s o.

as a friend and ally. He also changed his name to
Taxiles.!
That is what happened in that year.

87. In the archonship of Chremes at Athens, the 326/5 s.c.

Romans elected as consuls Publius Cornelius and
Aulus Postumius.? In this year Alexander repaired
his army in the land of Taxiles and then marched
against Porus, the king of the neighbouring Indians.’
He had more than fifty thousand infantry, about
three thousand cavalry, more than a thousand cha-
riots of war, and one hundred and thirty elephants.*
He had enlisted the support of a second king of the
neighbouring regions, whose name was Embisarus 5;
he had an army little smaller than that of Porus.
When Alexander received word that this king was
four hundred furlongs away, he decided to attack
Porus before the arrival of his ally. As he approached
the Indians, Porus learned of his advance and de-
ployed his forces promptly. He stationed his cavalry
upon both flanks, and arranged his elephants, arrayed
so as to strike terror in an opponent, in a single line

: (5. 19. 3) places the battle a little earlier, in the Attic month

Munichion of the year of Hegemon (April/May of 326 B.c.).
He states, however, that the time was after the summer
solstice (Arrian, 5. 9. 4).

3 For the whole story cp. Curtius, 8. 13-14; Justin, 12.
8. 1-7; Plutarch, Alexander, 60; Arrian, 5. 3. 5-19. 3.
Diodorus (like Justin) omits the exciting story of Alexander’s
crossing the Hydaspes River.

4 Curtius (8. 13. 6) gives Porus’s strength as 30,000 foot,
300 chariots, and 85 elephants ; Plutarch (Alevander, 62. 1)
as 20,000 foot and 2000 horse. Arrian (5. 15. 4) gives 4000
horse, 300 chariots, 200 elephants, and 30,000 foot.

ë He is otherwise known as Abisares (Arrian, 5. 22. 2;
Curtius, 8. 13. 1; 14. 1). Diodorus calls him by another
name in chap. 90. 4 (Berve, Alewanderreich, 2, no. 2).

373

DIODORUS OF SICILY

LéTwTov év isois Õaorýuaciv éoTnoev' dvà uéTov
ce rõv npiwv roùs Aorroùs ómÀiras éraéev, ols
ovvrerayuévov v mapaßoņðeîv roîs Onpiois ral
5 dakwàvew èk tÕv màayiwv eicakovribew. ù pèv
ov àq cúvračıs aùTrðv ÚTpPXE mÓÀcL mapaTÀńoosS
Tv npõcow: ģ pèv yap rv epdvrwv ordos
ToÎîs múpyots, oi Õè dva uéÉTov TOÚTWV OTPATLÖTAL
toîs pecomvpyiois öpoiwvro: ð è `Adéavõpos
katavońoas Tv TÕv moàeuiwv tTáčw mpòs Taúryv
Tùv Õakóounow oikeiws ékéraćče thv õúvapuw.
„88. Pevopévns òè uáyxns Trò uèv mpõrov rToîs
inneĝow anavra oyeðov tà dpuara trôv `Irõôv
Srephdápn: perà è rara rv éepádvrwv raîs re
TÕv cwpdtwv úrepoyaîs kal raîs dàkaîs ĝesvrws
XPøpévwv ot pèv nò rôv Îypiwv ovuraroúpevor
pera trÕv ônàwv pavouévwv rv dorôv armó-
ÀvuvTo, ot è raîs mpovopaîs mepiňaußavóuevoi Kal
mpòs pos ééaphévres mdv mpòs Tùv yiv êpárrovro
kat cewoîs Îavárois mepiéminrov, moddol Sè rToîs
ocodor ovykevroúuevot kal Òe SÀwv TÕv owuáTwv
TiTpwokóuevot nmapaypiua ro iv èorepiorovro.
2 rv ðè Makeðóvav eùpõorws únropevóvrwv rò
eiwòv xal roùs dvà pésov rôv Inpiwv raîs oapioais
3 dvarpoúvTæv ioópponros v ý páxN. perà è rara
TÕv Ünpiwv ovvakovtičopévwv Kai Sià Tò mAhbos
TÕv Tpavudrwv mepioðúvwv ywouévwv ot pèv mept-
PeBnkóres aùroîs `Ivðoi xkparewv rûs ópuñs rôv
Cõwv oùk ioyvov: èkveðovra yàp eis roùs lovs
TaîS óppaîs dkaracyérws ĥépero kal roùs ġiàovs
OUVETÁTEL.
4 Tapayîs dé modis ywouévns ó Hâpos ovvdàv
TÒ yiwópevov kai Terayuévos èri Toô kpariorov TÂv
374

BOOK XVII. 87. 4—88. 4

at equal intervals along his front. Between these 326/5 s.c.

beasts he placed the rest of his infantry, with the
mission of helping them and preventing their being
attacked with javelins from the sides. His whole
array looked very much like a city, for the elephants
resembled towers, and the soldiers between them
curtain walls.. Alexander viewed the enemy’s dis-
positions and arranged his own troops appropriately.

88. The fighting began, and practically all of the
Indians’ chariots were put out of action by Alexander’s
cavalry. Then the elephants came intoʻ‘play, trained
to make good use of their height and strength. Some
of the Macedonians were trodden under foot, armour
and all, by the beasts and died, their bones crushed.
Others were caught up by the elephants’ trunks and,
lifted on high, were dashed back down to the ground
again, dying a fearful death.? Many soldiers were
pierced through by the tusks and died instantly, run
through the whole body. Nevertheless the Mace-
donians faced the frightening experience manfully.
They used their long spears to good effect against
the Indians stationed beside the elephants, and kept
the battle even.’ Then, as javelins began to find their
marks in the sides of the great beasts and they felt
the pain of the wounds, the Indian riders were no
longer able to control their movements. The elephants
veered and, no longer manageable, turned upon their
own ranks and trampled friendly troops.*

As his formations grew more confused, Porus ob-
served what was happening. He was mounted on the

1 The same comparison in Curtius, 8. 14. 13. The other
writers do not place infantry between the elephants.
2 Curtius, 8. 14. 27.
3 Curtius, 8. 14. 16.
4 Arrian, 5. 17. 6.
375

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 2? y ` e ` U A
Eàceddvrwv ÑjOpoire mepi avrov Teocapárkovra TÔV
, A ~
Oypiwv Tà uýrmw Terapayuéva kal TÔ dpe rõv
À lA , À ` a À , À `N ? 7
eàcepdvrwv èmpadwv rois modeuiois mov érolet
ld “~ “A
póvov, dre kai TÅ puy To cópaTos ToÀÙ Tpoéywv
Trv ovorparevopévwv': Tò yap uijkos fv myyôðv
lA hi ð e a e ~ e LA ? m~ 2
névre, TÒ Ò eûpos Úmhpyev ó lwpaé aùroð ôıràdoos
a zy À m EJ + ? l4 `
5 rÕv dÀàwv rõv eùpworia iadepóvrwv. Šiórep TA
Pañàóueva cavvia roraúryv elge Õúvayıv ore uÙ
S ’ ~ m~ ~ ~ >
mod Àcineohar TÕv karaneàrikðv Beiðv. rôv ô
3
avrirerayuévwv Makeðóvav karamenrànypévæv TÀv
> ’ ~
avôpayaĝiav roô IHøpov ð `Aàéfavðpos erare-
l mM
pápevos Toùs Toéórtas kal Tà piùikà TvV TayudTwv
2 m
6 npocéraĝev dravras Bdàdew èni ròv Ilôpov. rayò
` ~ ~
òè rÂv orparrwrÂv mpakávræwv Tò mapayyeàbèv kal
A Kg Ea
Bev ápa moààðv éveyhévrwv èmi ròv 'Ivõòv ral
?
mdvræwv énirvyyavóvrwv ià Tò uéyelos toô okorno
e ` m~ € Ca
ò èv Ilôpos ńpwikðs dywvioduevos ral Sià rò
mAhbos TÕv Tpavuárwv yevőpevos ččaruos ¿ňiropúó-
4
xNoev kai mepikàaoheis mepi rò Oypiov npòs tv yiv
’ f `
7 katyvéxðņ. Šraðoheions è dýuns rı rereňeúrn-
e 2 a ~ m
kev ò Baoieús, rò Àorròv nÀÑhos rôv Ivðv rpòs
puyiv æppyoev.
3 ~ m~ ~ ~
89. Ev è t puy modot póvov yevouévov ó
hi 2? £ ? a
pev `Adéavõpos êmgpave? ydyn vikýoas åvera\d-
~ ld
oaTo T cdàmyyi ToÙs oTpatusras. Enecov è èv
~ 2 m > ~ ? m~
ti pax Tv 'Irððv rmàeiovs rÕv pvplwv kal ĵo-
? K “~ “~
XtAtwv, év ots ûnñpxov kal úo viol ro IHopov kal
1 Seven and one-half feet. The same figure is given by

Arrian, 5. 19. 1. Plutatch, Alewander, 60. 6, says four cubits
376

BOOK XVII. 88. 4—89. 1

largest of the elephants and gathered about him forty 326/5 s.c.

others which were not yet out of hand, then attacked
the enemy with their combined weight and inflicted
many losses. He was himself outstanding in bodily
strength beyond any of his followers, being five
cubits ! in height and with a breadth of chest double
that of his mightiest soldiers. His javelins were flung
with such force that they were little inferior to the
darts of the catapults. The Macedonians who op-
posed him were amazed at his fighting ability, but
Alexander called up the kowmen and other light
armed troops and ordered them to concentrate their
fire upon Porus. This was done promptly. Many
weapons flew toward the Indian at the same time
and none missed its mark because of his great size.
He continued to fight heroically until, fainting from
loss of blood from his many wounds, he collapsed upon
his elephant and fell to the ground.? The word went
about that the king was killed, and the rest of the
Indians fled.

89. Many were slain in their flight, but then Alex-
ander, satisfied with his brilliant victory, ordered the
trumpets to sound the recall. Of the Indians, there
fell in the battle more than twelve thousand, among
whom were the two sons of Porus and his best gen-

and a span; Curtius, 8. 14. 13: “ humanae magnitudinis
prope modum excesserat.” Tarn, however (Alexander the
Great, 2, p. 170), thinks that the source was using a short
cubit. We may prefer to find here a perhaps only slight
exaggeration of Porus’s evidently phenomenal height. Arrian
(5. 4. 4) says that most Indians are of this height, and Curtius
(T. 4. 6) reports that the Dahae were a head taller than the
Macedonians. Alexander built beds five cubits long in the
camp on the Hyphasis (chap. 95. 2).
2 Curtius, 8. 14. 32-38; Justin, 12. 8. 5; Plutarch,
Alexander, 60. T.
3T7

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ot orparnyol kal ot êmihavéorarot TÕv hyeuóvwv.
m~ Ny e7 e 4 ` 3 ld
2 CÊõvres Õe dvõpes édÀwoav úrèp Toùs évvakıoyıÀlovs,
À ’ ð X ? Ò ld k ` Ò ` e [I “~
eàéhavres è oyðońkovra. aùròs ğè ó Ilõpos
7 A a a
éunvovs œv mapeðóln rois `Ivõoîs mpòs rův Îepa-
A m~ 4 EA y ` e ~
3 meiav. TÕv è Mareðóvwv čénecov èv innmeîs ĝia-
ld $ m
kóotot kal oyðońýkovra, meot è mÀeclouvs rÕv
e l
énrakociwv. ó è Paoideùs roùs uèv Teredevry-
2 zo A ò 4 X ò 8 ld hS `
kóras élape, roùs Sè dvõpayaðýcavras katà Tùv
2E’ 2 ?
déiav èriunoev, aùròs è “Hàiw éhuoev ws edw-
2 ` `
KÖTL Tà Tpos Avarov uépņ karaorpépacbar.
~ hi d 3 ~
4 Ts ðè mànolov pews èyoðons mov uèv
À A EA 3 AČ ð ` lA ` z
EÀdTyv eŬrpopov, oùk oÀlynv ðè kéðpov kal meúkyv,
d ai “~ s e ~
Ert è rs AAAs ČANS vavmrnynoipov mÀñbos dlo-
? ~ m
5 vov kateokeðace vaðs ikavás' ðrevoeîro yàp èri Tò
, ~ Ed m
répa ris Ivõikis mapayevóuevos kal mávras Toùs
3 r 2 ~ ~
eyxwpiovs karaortpepapevos Sià TOÔ mTorapod kara-
m bd `
6 mÀeîv eis ròv 'Qkeavóv. Errioe è úo nóňeis, Tv
` ld ~ “a
év mépav Toĵ motapot kab’ ôv rónov aùròs tén,
Di ` x” ? Ka m~
Tiv òè dÀÀnv èv © rónw röv Iôpov èvikyoev.
`Y ` ~ A
traxù è rÕv ëpywv karaorevaohévrwv Sià TÙv
l 4 A A
noàvyerpiav ròv pèv Iâôpov beparevhévra Bacıàéa
Lg bi ` > ~ Ka
kaTéoTnoe ià TÀv åperùv s mpórepov pye xópas,
A b 2 E SEG 3
Tv òè Õóvaııv mi tpidkovra ýpépas dvéħaße,
A > A
moñs aphovias oŭğons rv èmiryõelwv.
s l
90. "Idiov Sé ri karà rhv òpewhv tiv nmànoiov
e a ` AJ m~ ` [A
UTNPXE. xwpis yap Tis mpos vavryyiav VÀAns eÎyev

1 Arrian also gives casualty figures (5. 18. 2): nearl
20,000 foot and 3000 horse. He mentions also Porus’s a
sons.

378

BOOK XVII. 89. 1—90. 1

erals and officers.! Above nine thousand men were 326/5 s.c.

taken alive, together with eighty elephants. Porus
himself was still breathing, and was turned over to
the Indians for medical attention. On the Macedo-
nian side, the losses were two hundred and eighty
cavalry and more than seven hundred infantry.? The
king buried the dead, rewarded those who had dis-
tinguished themselves in accordance with their de-
serts, and sacrificed to Helius who had given him the
eastern regions to conquer.

There were mountains not far away where grew
thriving firs in quantity, together with no little cedar
and pine and an ample supply of other woods suitable
for shipbuilding, and Alexander constructed a large
number of ships. He intended to reach the borders
of India and to subdue all of its inhabitants, and then
to sail downstream to the Ocean. He founded two
cities, one beyond the river where he had crossed and
the other on the spot where he had defeated Porus.
These were built quickly because there was a plentiful
supply of labour.” When Porus had recovered, Alex-
ander appointed him, in recognition of his valour,

king over the country where he formerly ruled. The

Macedonian army rested for thirty days in the midst
of a vast plenty of provisions.

90. Odd phenomena were observed in these moun-
tains. In addition to the wood for shipbuilding, the

2 Two hundred and thirty cavalry and eighty infantry
(Arrian, 5. 18. 3).

3 These were Nicaea and Bucephala, the latter named in
honour of Alexander’s noble horse, the death of which oc-
curred at this time (chap. 95. 5). Curtius also splits his
account of the founding (9. 1. 6; 3. 23), but the others deal
with it only in this connection (Justin, 12. 8. 8; Plutarch,
Alexander, 61; Arrian, 5. 19. 4-6).

379

DIODORUS OF SICILY

ý) xúpa Toňoùs kal mapnàdaypévovs roîs ueyébe-
ow Öpeis, övras ékkaekanýyeis, mÂýrwv Te yévn
Toà kal Toîs peyéheoi SiaňÀdrrovra,! v rùv
2 réxvnv rĝs Îúpas aùrò rò ov dnyeîro. pun-
Tıkòv yàp örápxov náonņs mpáčews ßíą uèv où
pgiws yepoðtar id Te Tùv čoyòv TÔv owuáTwV
kal ĉ&ià rùv ris puyhs åyyivorav: rÂôv è kvvnyôv
ot pèv péùri roùs ġhaàpoùs åàeidovrat, oi &è
Pàeróvrouv rôv Onpiwv úroðoðvrar, riwvès Sè rais
kepadaîs Kkdárorrpa mepiribéaow, kal roîs uèv
únoðýuacı mapalévres Šeouoðs årodeirovow, gvr
Ôe roô uéùros iéòv únroßdàdovoi, roîs Sè kar-
3 órrtpois èrioraorpa kabánrovoi. Sirep órav
Bovàwvrar rà Ca ràs mpáčeis rv ópaðévrwv
emiredeîv, dðvvare?, TÔv uèv Pàepápwv kekoàànué-
vwv, Tv è moðv eðeuévwv, rv è cwuárwv
kaTeyopévwv: hev eùyeipwra mpòs rùv Oýpav yive-

TAL A

4 ʻO Sè ’Adétavðpos röv úorTepnkóra rs roô
Høópov ovupayias Paciàéa voua Zacifıoápnv
katanàņnéduevos ùvádykace moieîv rò TpooTATTÕ-
Hevov, aùròs Õè perà ris Övváuews mepdoas TÒV
5 mota pòv mpoñye ià xópas åperĝ õradepovons: év-
pwav yàp eÎye yévn SiadÀdrrovra ral rò pèv pos

1 Seadarróvrowv RX.
2? This last sentence is omitted by RX.

2? Twenty-four feet, apparently no impossible length for a
python. Their mention is credited to Nearchus (Jacoby,
Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 133, F 10a) and
lo Cleitarchus (op. cit. no. 137, F 18). The former reference
380

BOOK XVII. 90. 1-5

region contained a large number of snakes remark- 526/5 s.c.

able for their size; they reached a length of sixteen
cubits.* There were also many varieties of monkey,
differing in size, which had themselves taught the
Indians the method of their capture. They imitate
every action that they see, but cannot well be taken
by force because of their strength and cleverness.
The hunters, however, in the sight of the beasts,
smear their eyes with honey, or fasten sandals about
their ankles, or hang mirrors about their necks.?
Then they go away, having attached fastenings to
the shoes, having substituted birdlime for honey,
and having fastened slip nooses to the mirrors. So
when the animals try to imitate what they had seen,
they are rendered helpless, their eyes stuck together,
their feet bound fast, and their bodies held immovable.
That is the way in which they become easy to catch.?

Sasibisares,* the king who had not moved in time
to help Porus in the battle, was frightened, and Alex-
ander forced him to accept his orders. Then Alex-
ander resumed his march to the east, crossed the
river, and continued on through a region of remark-
able fertility. It possessed strange kinds of trees

comes from Arrian (Indica, 15. 10), the latter from Aelian
(De Natura Animalium, 17. 2). Many of these and later
anecdotes about India appear in Strabo, 15. 1. 20-45. 694-
706, from the same sources.

2 The handles of ancient mirrors are often pierced for cords
to carry them by. Such loops could be slipped over one’s
head.

3 This story is from Cleitarchus (Jacoby, op. cit. 137, F 19)
and is repeated at greater length in Aelian, De Natura
Animalium, 17. 25. i

+ He has previously been called Embisarus (chap, 87. 2).
For his surrender cp. Curtius, 9. 1. 7-8 (his submission is only
implied): Arrian, 5. 20. 5.

381

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Exovra myxâõv EPõouýkovra, rò è máyos uóyıs rò
TeEooapwv dvòpõv mepiàaußavópeva, Tprðv è rÀé-
Opwv okiàv nmoiovra.'

Eîye è kai ) xøpa öpewv mAÑlos, mrpôv uv

Toîs Leyébeo:, Taîs ðe ToikiÀiais eénàdayuévwv:
6ot pev yap yaàkoeðeis páfðovs érépawov, oi Šè

TÙ àópnv ðaoeîav elyov Tpiydðn, ià Sè rôv ôny-

pártwv òteîŭs Îavárovs ånmeipyáčovro. rv è TÀN-

yévra móvor Šewol ovveîyov kai púois ipôTos ai-
7 parociðoôs kareîye. Sıórep of Makesóves Sewâs ýrå
TÕV ônyudrwv” aradÀdrrovres? tàs rÀivas ånò rôv
Sévõpwv eéýprwv kal rò mÀeîorov Ts vukròs ĝu-
nypýnvovv. perà è rara mapà tv êyywpiwv
palóvres tův ávriġdpuarov píčav areàólnoav rv
ewâv.

91. Ilpoïóvros õè aùroô uerà rûs õvvápews Ñkóv
Twes ámayyéňdovres rı Iôpos ó Paoidcús, åvepròs
av ToÎ KaTamerodeunpévov Hópov, rhv Baciàeiav
aTmomov mépevyev ceis TO TÕv lavõapiððv ébvos.
2ő òè Aàétavðpos mapoćvvðeis ‘Hgaioriwva uèv

egéneppev eis TùvV Toúrov yøópav perà ðuvduews
kat mpooérage Tův Baoideiav mapaðovar TÂ peb’
aŭro llopw. l
; Aùròs © eis rò rôv ’Aspeorôv’ kañovuévwv
éhvos orpareúoas kal rôv nóňcewv s èv Biq
Xepwoduevos, ås Sè merlo? Tmpocayayóuevos eis TÀV
STk 1 mowovvrov RX. p

prepositional phrase is omitted by RX.

? máoyovres F, which is a simpler reading.
4 '°Avõpeorâv RX.

1 Perhaps three-quarters of an acre. The tree i
: e is -
mably the banyan. Cp. Strabo, 15. 1. 21, who dantes One
382

BOOK XVII. 90. 5—91. 2

which reached a height of seventy cubits, were so 8326/5 e.c.

thick that they could scarcely be embraced by four
men, and cast a shadow of three plethra.!

This country possessed a multitude of snakes,
small and variously coloured.? Some of them looked
like bronze rods, others had thick, shaggy crests, and
their bites brought sudden death. The person bitten
suffered fearful pains and was covered with a bloody
sweat. The Macedonians, who were much affected
by the bites, slung their hammocks from trees ? and
remained awake most of the night. Later, however,
they learned from the natives the use of a medicinal
root and were freed from these fears.*

91. As he continued his march, word came to
Alexander that King Porus (a cousin of the Porus who
had been defeated) had left his kingdom and fled to
the people of Gandara. This annoyed Alexander,
and he sent Hephaestion with an army into his
country and ordered that the kingdom should be
transferred to the friendly Porus.’

He campaigned against the people known as the
Adrestians, and got possession of their cities, partly
by force and partly by agreement. Then he came

sicritus (Jacoby, op. cit. no. 134, F 22) to the effect that they
could scarcely be embraced by five men, and could give shade
to four hundred horsemen, but adds that Aristobulus (Jacoby,
op. cit. no. 139, F 36) says that they could shade fifty horse-
men.

2 Mentioned also by Nearchus (Jacoby, op. cit. no. 133,
F 10; Arrian, Indica, 15. 10) and Cleitarchus (Jacoby, op.
cit. no. 137, F 18; Aelian, De Natura Animalium, 18. 2).

3 According to Nearchus (loe. cit.), this is what the natives
did.

4 Curtius, 9. 1. 12.

5 Arrian, 5, 20. 6; 21. 2-6.

6 Arrian, 5. 22. 3.

383

DIODORUS OF SICILY

3 rÕv Kahaiwr' yæpav mapeyévero. mapà ðè roúrois
vópiuov v tràs yvvaîkas roîs avðpdoi ovykarta-
kaiecoĵar: roro © ekvpóðn rò óyua mapà roîs
Pappápois ià uiav yuvaîka hapudrois åveħoðcav

4 òv ävôpa. ó © ov Bacıàeds rův peyioryv kaè
ÖXVPWTÁTNY TOÀ perà modÀðv kiwvôúvwv êkToop-
kNoas évémpnoev. GÀùnv ©’ dgidàoyov moMoproôv-
TOS aÙTOÔ kal peb’ ikernpiðv Senbévrwv rôv `Iv-
ðv drédvoe rõv kivôúvwv aùTovs.

Merà è rar’ orpárevoev èml tràs nò Dwrel-
Onv Terayuévas móes, eùvopovuévas kaf’ únep-
Poàńv. Tá re yàp dààa mpòs Sóćav modırevovrai
kat TÒ káos map’ aùroîs TipuóTaTov vevóuorat.

5 Srónep êk vnriov map’ aùroîs rà Bpépn Siarpiverai
kal Tà uèv pria kat rùv púow éyovra mpòs
evnpéneiav kat ioyòùv eùblerov Tpéherat, Tà è kara-
eñ Toîs oúpacw avdéra tpoġñs hyoúuevot Sraphei-

6 povow. droàoðlws è roúrois kal rtoùs yáuovs
Torovrat mpoikòs uèv kal tis ZÀÀns moduredeias
dppovrioroôvres, kdàovs Õè kal TS TOÔ oóparos

7 ùmepoxs uóvov ppovritovres. Sıórep oi mÀeîoror
TOV év Tautas Taîs móÀcoL karoikoúvrwv ĝiahé-
povor TÕv ÀA\wv dérópacw.

Hapà Se mdávras ó Paoideùs Dwreilðns mepißàe-
TTOS wv émi TÕ kdÀÀet kal TÔ uhket ToÙs Tér-
Tapas mýxes repáywv mpoÑAle pev èk Tis méàcws
TÜs exovons rà Paociàca, mapaðoùs È’ aúròv kal
Tv Pacideiav 'Adeédvõpw mdìw raúrņv anméàaße

1 Kaĝapôv codd. ; corrected by W i i
ie a y Wesseling on the basis of

1 Strabo (15. 1. 30) credits this story to Onesicritus
(Jacoby, op. cit. no. 134, F 21). ry to Onesicritus

384

BOOK XVII. 91. 2-7

into the country of the Cathaeans, among whom it 326/5 s.c

was the custom for wives to be cremated together
with their husbands. This law had been put into effect
there because of a woman who had killed her husband
with poison.t Here he captured their greatest and
strongest city after much fighting and burned it.
He was in process of besieging another notable city
when the Jndians came to him with suppliant
branches and he spared them further attack.?

Next he undertook a campaign against the cities
under the rule.of Sopeithes. These are exceedingly
well-governed. All the functions of this state are
directed toward the acquiring of good repute, and
beauty is valued there more than anything. From
birth, their children are subjected to a process of
selection. Those who are well formed and designed
by nature to have a fine appearance and bodily
strength are reared, while those who are bodily defi-
cient are destroyed as not worth bringing up. So they
plan their marriages without regard to dower or any
other financial consideration, but consider only beauty
and physical excellence. In consequence, most of
the inhabitants of these cities enjoy a higher reputa-
tion than those elsewhere."

Their king Sopeithes was strikingly handsome and
tall beyond the rest, being over four cubits in height.4
He came out of his capital city and gave over himself
and his kingdom to Alexander, but received it back

2 Curtius (9. 1. 23) is as vague as Diodorus. The city was
Sangala (Arrian, 5. 22—24. 5).

3 Curtius, 9. 1. 24-26 ; Strabo, 15. 1. 30 (where the story
is credited to Onesicritus : Jacoby, op. cit. no. 134, F 21).

4 Curtius, 9. 1. 28-30. Tarn supposes that he and Porus
would have been about the same height, but that the cubit
used in measuring them was different (p. 376, note 1).

VOL. VIII o 385

DIODORUS OF SICILY

8 ôtà TÅv TOÔ kparoðvros èmeikerav. ó è Lwreiðns
petà noààñs nmpobvuias thv èv Šúóvayıv rasav
eni twas huépas \aunpôs eioriace.

92. T ©’ `Adcédvõpw modà kai peydaàa pa
mapaorýoas kývaş čÕwkev ÉKATÖV kal TEVTÝKOVTA
Toîs peyéleoi kal Tais dàxaîs kal roîs &Àdois mpo-
Tepýuaci Îavuačouévovs, oðs čġacav raîs riypeow
2 émıpepîyha. Povàóuevos è ròv ’AAéfavôpov ĝia
TÕv épyæv aßeîv meîpav tis tTÔv kuvðv àperĝs
ceioýyayev eis mi mepippaypa Àéovra rédceiov kat
rÕv ğolévrwv kuvðv úo rods eùrecordrovs mpo-
éBaàe T@ Àéovre Toúrwv è karıoyvouévæwv rò
3 roô Înpiov úo érépovs aġĥkev. rÕv è rerrápwv
meprywopévwv To Àéovros nmeupheis mis úr’ aùroô
perà payaipas aġńpet rò Seéiðv orédos évòs rôv
kvvðv. Tto è Pacıidéws dvaßońoavros kal tÔv
owpatopvàdkwv npooðpauóvræwv kal tijs roô ’Ivõoð
xepòs emàapopévwv ó pèv Zwreiðnys rpeîs vri
TovTov Õóoew ernyyeiňaro, ó Sè kuvvnyòs émÀaßd-
pevos Toĝ okéàovs ëreuvev ovy kar Àlyov. ó
ðè kúwv oŬre kàayy)v oùre pvypòv nmpoéuevos,
dÀàà roùs oðóvras eurmenpikds čuevev ws Šrov
yevõuevos ččaruos évarébave TÔ Onpiw.

93. “Apa è Tovrois mparropévois Ñrev ‘Hga-
OTiwV pEeTà Tis ovvaneoraàuévys uváuews mod-
Anv ris Ivõchs kararemoàeunkøós. roôrov uèv
ov ià råàs dvõpayabðías ènyveoev: aùróòs §è els
Tv Önyéws vvaoreiav èußaàdv kal tÂv yxw-
piwv àopévws tùy rôv Mareðóvwv mapovolav mpos-
ÒcSapévwv kai roô Pyyéws perà Sdpwv moô
386

BOOK XVII. 91. 7—93. 1

through the kindness of the conqueror. Sopeithes 326/5 s.c.

with great goodwill feasted the whole army bounti-
fully for several days.

92. To Alexander he presented many impressive
gifts, among them one hundred and fifty dogs re-
markable for their size and courage and other good
qualities.! People said that they had a strain of tiger
blood. He wanted Alexander to test their mettle in
action, and he brought into a ring a full grown lion
and two of the poorest of the dogs. He set these on
the lion, and when they were having a hard time of it
he released two others to assist them. The four
were getting the upper hand over the lion when
Sopeithes sent in a man with a scimitar who hacked
at the right leg of one of the dogs. At this Alex-
ander shouted out indignantly and the guards rushed
up and seized the arm of the Indian, but Sopeithes
said that he would give him three other dogs for that
one, and the handler, taking a firm grip on the leg,
severed it slowly. The dog, in the meanwhile, ut-
tered neither yelp nor whimper, but continued with
his teeth clamped shut until, fainting with loss of
blood, he died on top of the lion.

93. While all this was going on, Hephaestion re-
turned with his army from his mission, having con-
quered a big piece of India.? Alexander commended
him for his successes, then invaded the kingdom of
Phegeus where the inhabitants cheerfully accepted
the appearance of the Macedonians.? Phegeus him-
self met the king with many gifts and Alexander con-

1 Curtius, 9. 1. 381-33 ; Strabo, 15. 1. 31. 700. These In-
dian dogs were famous (Herodotus, 1. 192 ; 7. 187; cp. Real-
Encyclopädie, 8 (1913), 2545).

2 Continued from chap. 91. 2; Curtius, 9. 1. 35.

3 Curtius, 9. 1. 36.

387

DIODORUS OF SICILY

dnavrýoavros Týv Te Pacıeiav čyew ovveyopnoe
kal Eevioleis perà tis Õvvduews èri úo ýuépas
Àaunpõs emi rov "Yaou norapov mpofyev, o rò
pèv nàdros v oraðiwv énrtd, TÒ è Bdálos éé òp-
yuvrðv, rÒ è peua opoðpòv kal Õvočıdßarov.

’Akovoas ðè roô Onyéws mepi rs mépav roô
Ivo norauoð yópas őri Súðeka èv huepôv ye
Sloðov épnuov, perà Sè raúryv eîvar motTauòv Tòv
õvouačóuevov láyynv, rò uèv mÀàdros rtpidkovra
kai vetv oraĝiwv, rò è dlos uéyiorov tÂv karà
tùy Ivõiýv, mépav è roúrov karoikeîiv Tó Te rÔv
Tappaioiwv kai Tavõapidðv čbvos, roúrwv è Bacı-
Àcúew Havõpáunv, čxovra Šouvpiovs uèv inreîs,
meõv è eikoot uvpidõas, dppara è Sıoyiňa,
eÀépavras Sè modeukÂs kekoounuévovs TETpaKLO-
xtÀiovs, amoTýoas è toîs Àeyopévois mposekadé-
carto tov Ilõpov kal mepi rÔv mposayyeňouévwv
3 råkpipès ÕienrvvÂdvero. ó è TAa pèv úrdpyew
åmavra aùànli Seeßeßaroðro, ròv Šè Baciàéa rôv
Tarvðapiððv ëpnoev evrei? mavreàĝðs ebar kral
dðofov ös äv kovpéws viðv voučóuevov evar. eù-
mpeni yap Övra ròv rovrov marépa peydìws Óró
Ts Paoidioons dyannlivaı kal roô Bacıiàéws Sià
Ts yuvaikòs oňopovnhévros els roôrov TEPLOT-
va Tv Bacidciav.

“O © ’Adéfavõpos, kairmep ópôv Švoerirevrerov

2 Yravow F.
2 mavevreàĵ F. 3 ekrperi F.

388

BOOK XVII. 93. 1—4

firmed him in his rule. Alexander and the army were 326/5 s.c.

feasted bountifully for two days, and then advanced
to the Hyphasis River, the width of which was seven
furlongs, the depth six fathoms, and the current
violent. This was difficult to cross.

He questioned Phegeus about the country beyond
the Indus River,! and learned that there was a desert
to traverse for twelve days, and then the river called
Ganges, which was thirty-two furlongs in width ? and
the deepest of all the Indian rivers. Beyond this in
turn dwelt the peoples of the Tabraesians and the
Gandaridae, whose king was Xandrames. He had
twenty thousand cavalry, two hundred thousand in-
fantry, two thousand chariots, and four thousand
elephants equipped for war.? Alexander doubted
this information and sent for Porus, and asked him
what was the truth of these reports. Porus assured
the king that all the rest of the acount was quite
correct, but that the king of the Gandaridae was an
utterly common and undistinguished character, and
was supposed to be the son of a barber. His father
had been handsome and was greatly loved by the
queen; when she had murdered her husband, the

- kingdom fell to him.*

Alexander saw that the campaign against the Gan-

1 The river (the Beas) has just been called the Hyphasis,
and editors have tended to remove the term *“‘ Indus ” here.

2 The same figure is given by Plutarch, Alexander, 62. 1.
In Book 2. 37. 2, in a description based probably on Megas-
thenes, Diodorus gives the width of the river as thirty furlongs.

3 Plutarch, Alexander, 62. 2, gives the reported figures as
follows : 80,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 8000 chariots, and 6000
elephants. In Book 2. 37. 3 also Diodorus gives the number
of elephants as 4000. ,

4 Curtius, 9. 2. 2-7. The narrative of these events in
Arrian is entirely different.

389

DIODORUS OF SICILY

pS E S S ` lá f ç t

Tùv mi roùs [lavõðapiðas orpareiav osav, pws
~ lA a
oùk ahioraro ts hiàotipias, AÀA moreúwv’ rais

A lg ? a 4 a m 3 7
rv Mareðóvwv aperaîs kal roîs ypnopoîs éàriĝðas

F Z A lA hi ` h
eÎye kparýjoew rv Papfápæwv: rův èv yàp Iv-

f PR d k] ` 3 lA ` 3? 7y
Qiav avikņnrov aùròv &vouarévar, rv È’ ”Appwva
gvykeywpnkévar Tv ardons tis ys èéovoíav.

94. Opôv è roùs orparwras raîs ovveyéot
OTPATEÍALS KATATMETOVNUÉVOUS kal OYEÕÒV ÖKTAETÑ
xpõvov v móvoiş kal kwvõúvois TeETaÀıTwpyKóTas

td M a
ùrédapev avaykaîov elvari Tà nmÀýðn roîs ápuótovo
Àó LA 4 bi k ASN. ` +
oyois mporpépaohar mpòs Tùv èni roùs lavõðapiðas
t ` ~ ~

ortpateiav. modà) èv yàp phopa TÔv orpariwrôv
? ld a

éyeyóveri kal Àŭcıs oùðeula TÔv Toàépwv hÀribero'

` ~ A
kai TÕv pèv Înmtwv à Tùy ovvéyerav rijs óðorropias

A L ÀQ e m 8 F. ~ ` e
Tas onàas Ónorerpîphai ovvéßaiwe, rv è ôrìwv

h a
Tà nmàcîora kareġávłat kai ròv pèv ‘Eìàyvikòv
e ~ x
tuatıopov ekàcÀoimévai, ovvavaykáteoba:i Sè Bap-

a 2 m ~
Papıxoîs úġdouacı xpĵobai, ovvreuóvras tà tôv
> a QYZ a
Ivôðv mepipàńpara. karà róyņv Šè kal yeruôves
y / 349 eè L4 e Z `
aypiot kateppaynoav è$’ huépas éßBðouńkovra rat

x A
Ppovrat ovveyeîs kal kepavvol karéornarov.

a b ld 3 ~ A

A ò) AoyıiÇóuevos vavrioðobaı raîs llas èm-

a [d 4 + a td [d
Poñaîs uiav elyev eìriða rûs èmðvuias,? eè roòs

LA N A

oTpaTóras ÑA Tis eùepyeoias els eĞvorav peydànv
lA 2 a a
4 mpoayayorro. Öıómep Àcnàareîv uèv aùroîs ovve-

1 mpwrevaw codd. ; corrected by Rhodoman.
390

BOOK XVII. 93. 4—94. 4

daridae would not be easy, but he was not discouraged. 826/5 s.c.

He had confidence in the fighting qualities of his
Macedonians, as well as in the oracles which he had
received, and expected that he would be victorious.
He remembered that the Pythia had called him
“ unconquerable,” and Ammon had given him the rule
of the whole world.1

94. Alexander observed that his soldiers were ex-
hausted with their constant campaigns.? They had
spent almost eight years among toils and dangers,
and it was necessary to raise their spirits by an effec-
tive appeal if they were to undertake the expedition
against the Gandaridae. There had been many
losses among the soldiers, and no relief from fighting
wasin sight. The hooves of the horses had been worn
thin by steady marching. The arms and armour were
wearing out, and Greek clothing was quite gone.
They had to clothe themselves in foreign materials,
recutting the garments of the Indians.? This was the
season also, as luck would have it, of the heavy rains.
These had been going on for seventy days, to the
accompaniment of continuous thunder and lightning.

All this he accounted adverse to his project, and he
saw only one hope of gaining his wish, if he might
gain the soldiers’ great goodwill through gratitude.
Accordingly he allowed them to ravage the enemy’s

1 For the consultation of Ammon cp. chap. 51 above. The
Pythian story is mentioned otherwise only by Plutarch, Aleg-
ander, 14. 4.

2 Curtius, 9. 2. 8-11. This reflection on the sad state of his
soldiers is lacking in Arrian.

3 Curtius, 9. 3. 10; Arrian, Indica, 6. 5.

2 Fischer adds rvyeĉ, which certainly makes the passage
read more easily.

391

DIODORUS OF SICILY

xöpnoe tTův moàepiav' ywpav, yéuovoav mavroias
wpedeias: év ais © ýuépas ý úvapıs mept TÙv
mpovouùv Noyoàeîro, ovvayayæv ràs yvvaîkas Tv
otTpatwTÕv kal TOÙS eÉ aùrðv yeyovóras maias
Taúraıs èv ovveorýoaTo karta piva &óvai oîrov,
Toîs è marolv êmihpopàs Taypatıkàs anéverue kaTà
5 roùs TÕv matépwv ovàdoyiouovs. œs © èravĝàbov
ot otparrðrar nov nàñlos dyaððv èk rÎs
npovopijs cúpņkóres ovvĵye mávras eis èkkàņoiav.
drebon Õè Aóyov meppovriouévov mepi Tis èri roùs
Tavðapiðas orpareias rat rv Mareðóvwv oŭðauðs
ovykarabeuévwv dréorn ris èmpodñs.

95. Kpivas & emi raúrns troùs povs éobar rôs
orpateias npõrTov pèv TÔv wðeka lev Bwpuovs
mevrýkovtra myyĝðv wkoðóunoev, nera tTprÀaciav
Ts mpoïümapyoðons orparoreðeiav mepißaàéuevos
wpvée ráħpov Tò èv mÀdrTos mevrýkovra moðôv,
TÒ è Pálos reocoapdrovra: rův © åvaßoàùv èv-
tòs Ts Táhpov owpeúoas Teîyos déóàoyov wkoðd-
noe. mpooérače ðè roîs èv meos karacknvooes
ékdorw Õvo orıfdðas mevrarýyeis yoúoas? oiko-
Souhoar, roîs È inmeot nmpòs raúrais kal úo
párvas tv eihiouévwv iràacias, åkoàoúbðws Sè

maparorauiav F ; this is corrected by a later hand.
2 êxovsas supplied by Fischer.

7 It is not clear what this country can have been. The
kingdom of Phegeus was friendly. The reading of one
manuscript (see note 1 above) would avoid this logical
difficulty, but it is hard to think that Alexander allowed his
soldiers to plunder Phegeus’s cities. Similar instances of
plunder for the sake of loot occur below, chaps. 102. 6 and

392

BOOK XVII. 94. 4—95. 2

country, which was full of every good thing.! During 826/5 s.c.

these days when the army was busy foraging, he
called together the wives of the soldiers and their chil-
dren ; to the wives he undertook to give a monthly
ration, to the children he distributed a service bonus
in proportion to the military records of their fathers.?
When the soldiers returned laden with wealth from
their expedition, he brought them together to a
meeting. He delivered a carefully prepared speech
about the expedition against the Gandaridae but the
Macedonians did not accept it, and he gave up the
undertaking.?

95. Thinking how best to mark the limits of his
campaign at this point, he first erected altars of the
twelve gods each fifty cubits high + and then traced
the circuit of a camp thrice the size of the existing
one. Here he dug a ditch fifty feet wide and forty
feet deep, and throwing up the earth on the inside,
constructed out of it a substantial wall. He directed
the infantry to construct huts each containing two
beds five cubits long, and the cavalry, in addition to
this, to build two mangers twice the normal size. Īn

104. 5-7. It was certainly only too often what generals did
to please their soldiers.

2 This is only one possible translation. The meaning of ém-
ġopàs rayparıxás and ovňoyiopoŭs in this connection is quite
unknown. Justin (12. 4. 2-11) alone, of the other Alexander
historians, mentions this proposal to provide for the depen-
dants of soldiers. Plutarch, Alexander, T1. 5, tells the same
story in a later connection, after the mutiny at Opis. Cp.
also Arrian, 7. 12. 1-2.

3 This is all that Diodorus has to say about the famous
mutiny (except for the mention in chap. 108. 3). Cp. Curtius,
9. 2. 12-3. 19; Justin, 12. 8. 10-17 ; Plutarch, Alexander,
62; Arrian, 5. 25-28.

4 Curtius, 9. 3. 19; Plutarch, Alexander, 62. 4; Arrian,
5. 29. 1. Fifty cubits would be seventy-five feet.

393

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kal TàÀÀa Tà karadeinmeobari éàovra Toîs peyébe-
ow aùčoa. rara è mpárrew ùuedÀev, dua pèv
hpwihv Povàóuevos morýoacðat orparoreðeiav, dpa
Sè roîs eêyywpiois dmoùmeîv ouea peydàwv dv-
õpõv, aro$aivovra popas owpdrwv úreppveîs.

Anò è roúrwv yevóuevos perà mádons tis
Ôvváuews raîs aùraîs óðoîs mopevleis dvékappev
êri ròv 'Akeoiwvnv norauóv: karañaßpàov è rà
okdon vevavnryyņuéva kal rata karapricas čTepa
4 npooevavrnyýoaro. karà è roñrov Tov ypővov
kov èk tis ‘EàMdõos oúuuayor kai pobohópor ià
TÕv otparnyðv Nyuévot, mečol pèv mÀelovs Tpio-
pupiwv, inneîs & où moù Àelmovres rôv éćakıo-
xAiwv, ekopiolnoav Sè kai mavoràiat Sianpereîs
meķoîs èv Õıouvpiois kal mevrakioyiÀlois, hap-
pákæov © iatpikðv ékaròv ráňavra. rara uèv
5oŭv Õéðwke roîðs orpatuðrais. ris Sè vavricts
mapaockevis ovvredeolĝeilons kal diakociww uèv a-
ppáktTwv ĤTorpacpévwv, ôkrakociwv È ÚnnperikÂv
TàS puèv smapà Tòv noray kriobeicas móàes
wvóuaoe Tův pèv ià TÒ TÔ moàéuw kparijoat
Nikarav, ùv ẹ darò roô reeurhoavros {mrov karà
Tv mpòs Iôpov uáynv Bovrepdàav.

96. Aùròs è pera rv piàwv eußàs eis tràs
vas Tòv tà TOÔ morao mÀoðv éri rov 'Qkeavòv
TÒV KATA peonuppiav èrowîro. rò Sè moù uépos

1 Curtius, 9. 3. 19; Plutarch, Alexander, 62. 4.
2? Nicaea and Bucephala lay on what should be called the
Hydaspes, but this river (the Jhelum) became the Acesines
after its confluence with the Sandabal and the Hyarotis. Be-
low, however (chap. 96. 1) Diodorus mentions the confluence
of the Acesines and Hydaspes, as if they were different. Or

394

BOOK XVII. 95. 2—96. 1

the same way, everything else which would be left 326/5 s.c.

behind was exaggerated in size. His idea in this
was to make a camp of heroic proportions and to leave
to the natives evidence of men of huge stature, dis-
playing the strength of giants.

After all this had been done, Alexander marched
back with all his army to the Acesines River by the
same route by which he had come.? There he found
the ships built which he had ordered. He fitted these
out and built others. At this juncture there arrived
from Greece allied and mercenary troops under their
own commanders, more than thirty thousand infantry
and a little less than six thousand cavalry.? They
brought with them elegant suits of armour for twenty-
five thousand foot soldiers, and a hundred talents of
medical supplies. These he distributed to the soldiers.
Now the naval flotilla was ready ; he had prepared
two hundred open galleys and eight hundred service
ships. He gave names to the two cities which had
been founded on either side of the river, calling one
of them Nicaea in celebration of his victory in war,
and the other Bucephala in honour of his horse, who
had died in the battle against Porus.’

96. He himself embarked with his Friends, and
sailed down the river toward the southern Ocean.’
The bulk of his army marched along the bank of the

perhaps the Acesines is the Sandabal (Chenab) after all (as
Arrian, 6. 14. 5).

3 Curtius (9. 3. 21) mentions 7000 foot and 5000 horse,
with 25,000 sets of armour inlaid with gold and silver.

4 Arrian, 6. 2. 4: eighty triaconters and 2080 ships in all
(from Ptolemy). ,

5 Above, chap. 89. 6, and note. Arrian (5. 29. 5) states
that the cities had been partly destroyed by floods.

€ It was now the autumn of 326 s.c. (Strabo, 15. 1. 17.
691: “a few days before the setting of the Pleiades ”).

395

DIODORUS OF SICILY

~ LA
Tis Õuvduews mapa TÒV mOTapÒV WÕOLTÉpEL, mpo-
2 ~
nyovuévov Kparepoô kai ‘Hparoriwvos.
9Q ð PAO 2 A ` "A ’ b A. i LA
s ò Alov émi trv `Akecivov kal ‘Yõdorov
r ? a
ovußoàńv, ¿kßißdoas roùs orparuóras mpoñyev èm

2 roùs ovopağouévovs ŁXißovs.! roúrovs é aow

damoyóvovs eîvar rÕv peb ‘Hpakàéovs èm Tùv
"Aopvov nétTpav otTparevodvrwv kal Ths uèv Toop-
kias dnmotvyóvTwv, èv ToŬTw È TÔ TÓTW karoikı-
ohłévrwv ú% ‘Hpakàéovs. rto © ’AàÀcédvõpov
karactpatoneðeðoavros mÀnolov emipaveorárys
Tmóàcws mpoñÀlov oi één mpwrevovres TÔV mo-
TÕv. evruyövres è T Pacıde? kal thv ovyyéverav
davavewoduevoi návra morhoew ëpaoav merà mpo-
Îvuias ös äv ovyyeveîs övres kal pa mpooe-
kópoav peyaňonperi. ò è ’Adétavõpos arosećd-
pevos aùrÕv TÅv eùvorav kal Tàs módeis dmoðelćas
éàevlépas mpofjyev èri rà cvvopitovra rôv èbvôv.

Karadaßòv è roùs ðvopatouévovs `Ayadaocoeîs
Nôporkóras mečoùs uèv TETpakıouvpiovs, inmeîs ðè
TpioxiÀiovs, ovvdias aùroîŭs udxņv kal vikýoas
TOÙS puèv, TÀCloTOUS kaTtékopev, troùs è Àoiroùs
ovupvyóvras eis ràs mÀàņolov mées êkToMopkýoas

4 eġnvôparoðioaro. rv Sè Ààwv èyywplwv ovv-

alporoĝévrwav iopvpiovs uèv raraġvyóvras eis
móùv peyádiņv karà kpáros eîe, rôv © Irv
Ôradpatdvrwv Toùs orevwroùs kai ànò tTÂv oiktôv
payopévwv eùpworws Piatóuevos ånéßade rôv Ma-
keðóvæv oùk Aiyovs. Sià Sè rùv Spyiv èuTph-

1 ”Ifovs codd., but cp. Curtius, 9. 4. 1.

ree a a G a
1 Craterus was on the right bank, Hephaestion on the left

(Arrian, 6. 2. 2).
896

BOOK XVII. 96. 1-5

river, under the command of Craterus and Hephaes- 326/5 s.c,

tion.?

When they came to the junction of the Acesines
and the Hydaspes,? he disembarked his soldiers and
led them against the people called Sibians. They
say that these are the descendants of the soldiers who
came with Heracles to the rock of Aornus and were
unsuccessful in its siege, and then were settled in
this spot by him. Alexander encamped beside a very
fine city, and the leading notables of the citizens
came out to see him. They were brought before the
king, renewed their ties of kinship, and undertook to
help him enthusiastically in every way, as being his
relatives. They also brought him magnificent gifts.
Alexander accepted their goodwill, declared their
cities to be free, and marched on against the next
tribes.

He found that the Agalasseis, as they were called,
were drawn up in battle formation.t Their strength
was forty thousand infantry and three thousand ca-
valry. He engaged them and, conquering, cut down
most of them. Those who escaped into the neigh-
bouring cities he besieged, captured, and sold as
slaves. Other groups of natives had collected also. He
took by storm a large city in which twenty thousand
persons had taken refuge. The Indians barricaded
the streets and fought stoutly from the houses, and
he lost not a few Macedonians in pressing his victory
home. This made him angry. He set fire to the city

2 Cp. p. 394, note 2, for the river names. o.

3 Cp. chap. 85 above. For the story, which is lacking in
Arrian, cp. Curtius, 9. 4. 1-3; Justin, 12. 9. 2. ,

4 Curtius, 9. 4. 5 (who calls them simply “‘ another nation ”
but mentions their 40,000 troops); Justin, 12. 9. 2 (“ Agen-
sones ”’).

397

DIODORUS OF SICILY

cas Tv mów ovykarékavoe Toùs mÀelorovs' tÔv
© eyxwpiwv rv óroňenouévwv eis TpLogtÀlovsS
avupvyóvras eis Tùv arpóroùv kal meb’ ikeTnpiðv
õenhévras aréàvoev.

97. Aùros è mdv perà rõôv hiàwv èußàs eis
Tàs vaĝs ıd TOÔ morapot Tòv mÀov enowîro uéypi
Ths ovupoñs TÕv mpoepnuévwv norapðv kal toô
Ivðoð. peyáddwv è peibpwv els va térov ovp-
pattóvrwv iÀryyes moal kal $oßepal ovvioravro
kai Tà okán ovorpéhpovoai Šıédlepov. Trs ðè
ToÔ peúuaros Pías òfcias kai ofoðpâs oðons kal
Tis Tôv rvpepvnrõv TÉXVNS kaTtıoyvopévns Šýo uèv
pakpa vaûs karéðvoav, rTÔv è dwy màolwv oùk
òÀiya mpòs Tiv yiv èééneoe. ris §è vavapyiðos
katappákTy peyáw mepinecoðons ó Baciňeùs eis
TOv éoyatov ÑAÂe kivõvvov. iò kal roð bavdrov
npò òfphaňuðv övros ó pèv ’AÀétavðpos drobé-
pevos Tù cobra YYY TÔ că aTi Ts evôeyo-
pevns avteiyeTo Ronbeias, ot 8è pidor mapevýyovro,
oneúðovres úroðéčaoðat TEPLITpETOLÉVNS TS veðs
TOv Paoidéa. moààñs Sè rapayñs mepi TV vav
ovons katl Tôv èv dvôpõv åvrirartouévwv TÑ ToD
pevuaTos Pig, To è morapoô karıoyúovros nâcav
dvðpwrivyv èrivordv re kal Sóvapuv uóyis ð AÀ-
éavðpos perà trÔv vev els Tv yiv èċéreoev.
cwheis Sè mapaðótws roîs bcoîs čBvoev s peyi-

1 yvuvòs F.
s A a a
1 Curtius, 9. 4. 6-7, stating that the Indians burned them-

selves up to avoid subjection.
398

BOOK XVII. 96. 5—97. 3

and burned up most of the inhabitants with it. The 326/5 s.c.

remaining natives to the number of three thousand
had fled to the citadel, whence they appealed for
mercy with suppliant branches. Alexander pardoned
them.

97. Again he embarked with his Friends upon the
ships and continued his voyage down the river until
he came to the confluence of the rivers named above
with the ĮIndus.? As these mighty streams flowed
together, many dangerous eddies were created and
these, making the ships collide with each other,
caused much damage. The current was swift and
violent and overcame the skill of the helmsmen. Two
of the galleys were sunk and not a few of the other
vessels ran aground. The flagship was swept into
a great cataract and the king was brought into ex-
treme danger. With death staring him in the face,
Alexander flung off his clothing and leaping into the
water naked saved himself as best he could.* His
Friends swam with him, concerned to help the king to
safety now that his ship was foundering. Aboard
the ship itself there was wild confusion. The crew
struggled against the might of the water but the river
was superior to all human skill and power. Never-
theless, Alexander and the ships * with him got safely
ashore with difficulty. Thus narrowly escaping, he
sacrificed to the gods as having come through mortal

2 Both Curtius (9. 4. 8-14) and Arrian (6. 4. 4—5. 4) speak
of the confluence of the Hydaspes and the Acesines, rightly.
The Indus joins the system much further to the south.

3 Plutarch, Alexander, 58. 4, reported that Alexander
could not swim.

4 This is the manuscript reading, possibly a mistake for
véwv, “ young men,” or veóvræv, “ swimmers.” This last is
the suggestion of Professor Post.

399

DIODORUS OF SICILY

arous êknmepevyws kwðúvovs kal mpòs morTapòv
ópoiws AxıAe? raywviodpevos.

98. Merà è rara orpareúoas èri Zvðpdkas'
` ` 3 lA z s !
kai Toùs ovopaouévouvs Madàovs, éðvy moàváv-
Opwra rai udyıua, karéàaße roùs èyywpiovs ù-
Opoixóras meğčovs uèv màeciovs rÕv òktTakıouvpiwv,
inneîs è uvpiovs, åpuara È énmrtakóoia. oĝrTot
mpò pèv ris ’Adeédvõpov mapovoias èroàéuovv
adÀńàois, os © ó Bacieùs hyyioe TÅ xópa, ovv-
ceppóvnoav kal uvpias maphévovs Šóvres ral Àa-
2 Bóvres ià ris êmiyauias raúrņns Šiààdynoav. où
uv ovykaréßņoav eis mapdračw, àd mdàw
oracidoavres Únèp TÑS yepovias eis tràs oúveyyvs

TÖÀELS ATEXOPNOEAV.

O © Adééavðpos tÅ mpóry móe mÀnoidoas
3 e£ èpóðov ĉievoeîro modoprev raúryv. ëvða ù
TÕv TepaTookóTwv Tis Anuopôv voya mposeàbàv
aùT® id Twwv oiwvõv ëpn npoðnàoĉohar t® Ba-
cià? uéyav kivõvvov èk Tpaúparos cópevov èv 7i
moMopkig. Öiómep ŅÉlov ròv `Aééavðpov åġeîvar
Lèv raútnv TNV móÀw èri roô mapóvros, é$’ érépas
4è mpdéeis èmpdàdew ròv vov. ó Sè Bacıňeds
Toútw èv èrénànéev ós éunosiovri? tv åperiv
TÕV aywviopévwv, QAÙTÒS ðe ðlardčas TA mep TAV
moopkiav npôTos ýyeîro mpòs rùv mów, io-
Tipoúpevos aùriv õià ris Bias yepõcachðai. tÔv
òè unyavrıkðv òpydvwv vorepoúvrwv mpõros ĝia-

P a codd. ; corrected by Fischer. Cp. Curtius,

2 éunoðav yiwvouévw npòs E.
-imago oaao A Aa a a a
1 Iliad, 21. 228-382. Cp. Curtius, 9. 4. 14: “ cum amne
bellum fuisse crederes ” ; Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute
400

BOOK XVII. 97. 3—98. 4

danger, reflecting that he, like Achilles, had done 326/5 x o.

battle with a river.!

98. Next Alexander undertook a campaign against
the Sydracae ? and the people known as Mallians,
populous and warlike tribes. He found them mobi-
lized in force, eighty thousand infantry, ten thousand
cavalry, and seven hundred chariots. Before the
arrival of Alexander they had been at war with each
other ; but as he approached, they patched up their
quarrel and made peace, giving and receiving ten
thousand young women to establish a friendly re-
lationship through marriage.? Even so they did not
come out to fight together but fell into a dispute over
the command and retired into the neighbouring cities.

Alexander neared the first city and thought to take
it by storm, but one of the seers, named Demophon,*
came to him and reported that there had been re-
vealed to him by numerous portents a great danger
which would come to the king from a wound in the
course of the operation. He begged Alexander to
leave that city alone for the present and to turn his
mind to other activities. The king scolded him for
dampening the enthusiasm of the soldiers, and then,
disposing his army for the attack, led the way in per-

` son to the city, eager to reduce it by force. The en-

gines of war were slow to come up, but he broke open

Alexandri, 2. 9. 340E: Baárrav payouéynv čmàcvoe. Curtius,
like Arrian (6. 5. 1-4), says that Alexander was not wrecked.

2 This name appears variously as “ Sydracae ” (Strabo,
15. 1. 8. 687), ‘“ Sudracae ” (Curtius, 9. 4. 15), “ Sugambri $
(Justin, 12. 9. 3), and “ Oxydracae ” (Arrian, 6. 4. 3). Their
strength is given by Curtius as 90,000 infantry, 10,000
cavalry, and 900 chariots ; by Justin as 80,000 infantry and
60,000 cavalry. The ethnic Sydracae recalls the name of the
Hindu warrior caste, the Kshatriyas (so L. A. Post).

3 Curtius, 9. 4. 15. 4 Curtius, 9. 4. 27-29.

401

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kóßas mvàíða kal maperoneo®v eis TÅ)v TAW TOÀ-
Àoùs uèv karéßaàe, roùs è Àorroùs Tpepáuevos
ovveðiwéev els TAV AkpóToOÀW.

5 Tôrv è Makeðóvwv mepi Tv Teiyopayiav éri ða-
tpBóvrwv áprdoas kàiuaka rail roîs tis drpas
relyeoti mpooepeicas kai Thv mMEÀATNV ÚTmèp TS Ke-
pafs xwv rpocavéßawe. ris è karà Tùv èêvép-
yerav očúrņnros ġlavoúoņs roùs mpopayopévovs

6 7v Papßpápwv rayéws ènéßn T Teixet. rTÕv
'Ivðôr cis yeîpas èv Eàbeîv où roàuóvrwv, êk ĝia-
arýpartos ð dkovtióvrwv kal Točevóvræwv ð pėv
Bacideùs úno roô màńlovs rv Pedðv kareroveîro,
ot òè Makéðóves úo kàipakas mpoohévres ià Tov-
Twv nmpocavéßawov afĝpõot kat ovvrpißercôv appo-
Tépwv ènt thv yiv karnvéyðnoav.

99. “O è Bacıdceùs épnpwbeis maons Bonbeias
eTóàpNqoev erireàéoai mpõéw mapdðoćov kal pvýuNņsS
aġíav. TÒ yàp drò tToÔ Teiyovs amele anpakrtov
mpos roùs iðiovs dváčiov kpivas úrápyxew tís iðias
cùnpačías kabĵýàato perà TÕv ÖTAwV uóvos eis TV

2 mów. oyvðpauóvrwuv © er aùròv rõv `Ivððv
únéorn Telappnkórws tův trv Bapßdpwv èrmıhopáv:
npoßañàóuevos & êk rÕv ĝefrðv Sévðpov tri map’
aùŭTo` TÒ Teîyos éppitwpuévov, èk 8è rÔv eðwvýópwv
aùrò TÒ Teîyos, Nuúvero rovs `Ivõovs,? oŬrw? TÔ
OuuÂ mapaoras ós dv tis Pacideds TALkovræwv jòn
aneipyacpévwv dvòpayaðýoew, Tův èoyaryv rto
Biou karaorpopiv eùkàecoráryv yevéoðar dido-

3 TıuoŬpevos. ToàÀds èv yàp cis TÒ kpávos èàdu-
Pave mànyds, oùk ðàiyas Šè eis Tùv méàrnv eðéyero'

1 évõpov ô ĝv mapa F.
2 tos ò’ 'Ivrõoùs karérìnée F.
402

BOOK XVII. 98. 4—99. 3

a postern gate and was the first to burst into the city.1 326/5 s.c.

He struck down many defenders and, driving the
others before him, pursued them to the citadel.

The Macedonians were still busy fighting along
the wall. Alexander seized a ladder, leaned it against
the walls of the citadel, and clambered up holding
a light shield above his head. So quick was he to act
that he reached the top of the wall before the de-
fenders could forestall him. The Indians did not dare
to come within his reach, but flung javelins and shot
arrows at him from a distance. He was staggering
under the weight of their blows when the Macedo-
nians raised two ladders and swarmed up in a mass,
but both broke and the soldiers tumbled back upon
the ground.

99. Thus the king was left alone, and boldly took
a step which was as little expected as it is worthy of
mention. It seemed to him out of keeping with his
tradition of success to descend from the wall to his
troops without accomplishing anything. In stead, he
leapt down with his armour alone inside the city.
As the Indians thronged about him, he withstood
their attack undismayed. He protected himself on
the right by a tree ? which grew close by the wall and
on the left by the wall itself and kept the Indians off,
displaying such courage as you would expect from a
king who had his record of achievement. He was
eager to make this, if it were the last feat of his life,
a supremely glorious one. He took many blows upon
the helmet, not a few upon the shield. At length he

1 Curtius, 9. 4. 30-5. 20; Justin, 12. 9. 5-13; Plutarch,
Alexander, 63; Arrian, 6. 9. 1-11. 8.
2 Curtius, 9. 5. 4; Justin, 12. 9. 9.

3 roúrw codd. ; corrected by Fischer.
403

DIODORUS OF SICILY

, ` oe n ` u y 9 ,
Téàos Òe ročevleis Úmo Tòv uacTòv ETeoev ets yovv,
karıoyvleis únò trs nmàņnyñs. eùbù © ó pèv To-
écúcas `Ivõòs karaġpovýoas mpooéðpaue kat kata-

fA 3 ~ $ LARE À [A Ld [4 A
pépovros aùroð mànyùv ó Adééavðpos únébnke TÅ
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e b3 tA pa e ` 4
paros ó pèv Pappapos ëmeoev, ð è fPacideùs
emiaßóuevos toô nmàņoiov kàdôðov kai iavacràs
mpoekaàeîro rõrv `Irôðv roùs Povàouévovs ĝiaywvi-
caoba.

N ` a~ ` , / R PS

Kara ðè Torov ròv ypóvov Ilevkéorns, ceis rõv
únaocmiotT®v, Š? érépas kàipakos npocavaßàs mtpô-
Tos Únephomıoe TOv Bacidéa' perà ðè roôrov éTepor

+
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2 “~
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únėp TOÔ Paciéws Ouuòv mdavras Toùs nepiruyóvras
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avýpovv kat TV TAV vekpðv TÀàńpwoav.

5 E ` AÀ ` ò ~ e Ld A À F 3
mi moàààs è uépas roð Bacıidéws doyoàn-
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Oévros nepil Tùv Oepareiav oi karà thv Barrpiaviv
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KATA TIV ELS OÎKOV AVAKOMLÔNV TOÀÀA TOVÝOAVTES,
e e ` ji
vortepov nrò rv Makeðóvwv karekónyoav perà

43 EJ 2 ld
Tv ` Adeédvõpov redevrhýv.

A A E e e

1 An arrow three feet long (Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Vir-
tute Alexandri, 2. 9. 341 c). 2 Curtius, 9. 5. 11-13.

° There is general agreement that Peucestas deserves the
credit for saving Alexander’s life at this time. Curtius (9. 5.
14-18) reports that Timaeus, Leonnatus, and Aristonus were
present also. Plutarch (4lewvander, 63) names Limnaeus ;
404

BOOK XVII. 99. 3-6

was struck by an arrow t below the breast and fell 326/5 ».c.

upon one knee, overborne by the blow. Straightway
the Indian who had shot him, thinking that he was
helpless, ran up and struck at him ; Alexander thrust
his sword up into the man’s side, inflicting a mortal
wound. The Indian fell, and the king caught hold
of a branch close by and getting on his feet, defied
the Indians to come forward and fight with him.?

At this point Peucestes, one of the guards, who had
mounted another ladder, was the first to cover the
king with his shield. After him a good many ap-
peared together, which frightened the natives and
saved Alexander. The city was taken by storm.
In a fury at the injury to their king, the Macedonians
killed all whom they met and filled the city with
corpses.

For many days the king lay helpless under his
treatment,* and the Greeks who had been settled in
Bactria and Sogdiana, who had long borne unhappily
their sojourn among peoples of another race and now
received word that the king had died of his wounds,
revolted against the Macedonians. They formed a
band of three thousand men and underwent great
hardship on their homeward route. Later they were
massacred by the Macedonians after Alexander’s
death.5
Arrian (6. 10-11), Leonnatus and Abreas. According to
Cleitarchus, Ptolemy was present also, but Ptolemy denied
this (Curtius, 9. 5. 21; Arrian, 6. 11. 8). He is named only
by Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1. 2. 327 B,
and 2. 13. 343 D-345 (naming also Limnaeus and Leonnatus,
but omitting Peucestas). 4 Curtius, 9. 5. 22-30.

5 Curtius, 9. 7. 1-11, who reports that they all eventually
made good their escape. Diodorus is thinking of the 20,000
foot and 3000 horse killed by the soldiers of Pithon (Book 18.
4.8; 7. 1-9).

405

DIODORUS OF SICILY

100. ʻO è `Adéfavðpos Sıaowðheis êk roô tpaŭ-
patos kai Îúóoas roîs Âeoîs owrýpia peyádas
eoridoeis Tv piÀwv enoieîro. mapa è ròv mórov

2 óv rı ovvéßy yevéoðar kal pvýpns čérov. èv yàp
Toîs éTaipos mapaàngbeis tıs Makxeĝwv, òvoua
Kópayos, póun cwparos ĝiadépwv kat moÀdkis
ev Tais payas hvôpayaðnkøs, mapotuvÂeis rò ris
pébns Tpoekadésato povopayĵjoar Arwénrov Tòv
Abyvaîov, abÀnThv ävõpa kat raîs èmpaveorádrais

3 vikas éotepavwuévov. tÔv è mapakekànuévwv
emi ròv mórov, œs eèkós, ovvemiaßouévwv rtis
pidoTipias kal roô uèv Arwéinrov ovykataÎeuévov,
TOÔ è Paoidéws Åuépav rås uáyns ráćavros, ©s &
Ts povopayias xpóvos kev, modal uvpidões

4 dvõðpõðv ovvýxðnoav mi rův Oéav. ral rôv uèv
Maxeðóvwv ópoceðvôv čvrwv Tr Kopáyw kal toô
Paciàéws ovugidotiuovuévov, tôv 8è ‘EMMúvov TÕ
Arwginty ovvaywvóvTwv mpoñÀbev eis ròv åyôva
ð êv Mareðòv moàureàéow ómÀois kekoocunuévos,

’Augporépwv è th Te roô owuaTos po t TA

_Apgortépa T uN Kal rÅ
TiS AAs ùrepoxi Bavuačouévæwv oiovel ris Oeo-
payia péàovoa yiveobai mpoceðorýðn: ó èv yàp
Maxeðav id re tv púow roô COUATOS Kal TÙV
Àaurpórnra trôv õrmÀàwv peydàņv èmipépwv kard-
TmÀnéw "Apei mapeudepis Úreàaußdávero, ó 8è Aid-
EimTos Önepéywv Te TÑ poun kal &ià thv èk tis
aoews pedéryv, éri Sè Sià Tiv mepi rò põrañov
iÖLóTNTa TÙY Tpócow ‘Hpardewrihv eÎyev.

406

BOOK XVII. 100. 1—5

100. Alexander recovered from his wound, sacri- 326/5 s.c.

ficed to the gods, and held a great banquet for his
Friends. In the course of the drinking a curious
event occurred which is worth mention.! Among the
king’s companions there was a Macedonian named
Coragus, strong in body, who had distinguished him-
self many times in battle. His temper was sharpened
by the drink, and he challenged to single combat
Dioxippus the Athenian, an athlete who had won a
crown in the foremost games. As you would expect,
the guests at the banquet egged them on and Diox-
ippus accepted. The king set a day for the contest,
and when the time came, many myriads of men
gathered to see the spectacle. The Macedonians
and Alexander backed Coragus because he was one
of them, while the Greeks favoured Dioxippus. The
two advanced to the field of honour, the Macedonian
clad in his expensive armour but the Athenian naked,
his body oiled, carrying a well-balanced club.

Both men were fine to look upon with their magni-
ficent physiques and their ardour for combat. Every-
one looked forward, as it were, to a battle of gods.
By his carriage and the brilliance of his arms, the
Macedonian inspired terror as if he were Ares, while
Dioxippus excelled in sheer strength and condition ;
still more because of his club he bore a certain re-
semblance to Heracles.

1 The story of Coragus and Dioxippus is otherwise told
only by Curtius, 9. 7. 16-26 (calling the Macedonian ‘“* Cor-
ratas °). Dioxippus had won the victory in boxing at
Olympia, probably in 336 s.c. (Berve, Alewanderreich, 2, no.
284). See Addenda.

1 aîàov codd. ; corrected by Hemsterhuys. Cp. sect. 5,
below.
407

DIODORUS OF SICILY

6 “Qs & énfyov dààńàois, ð uèv Makeðwv èk ovu-
péTtpov čaorýuaTos ÀAðyx%qv Nkóvrioev, ð & Tepos
Bpaxò mapeyràivas rùv èêmipepopévyv mànyùv èé-
évevoev. O ó uèv rw Makreðovkiv odpioav
mpoßePànuévos éreropevero, ò © èyyioavros aùroô

7 TÔ pordàw mardéas Tùv odpioav anéðpavoev. ó ðè
Òvoiv edatTóp agi mepireowv mi Tv anò toô Éi-
ovs uáyņv karńývryoev. péààovros ò’ aùroð onâ-
aĝo TV páyapav éġßace nporņðńoas kat TÅ pèv
cùwvýpw karédaße trův čàkovoav TÒ Ċiġos xeîpa,
Ti è àn Kwýoas ék tis Pdoews tròv dvrinañov

8 Únéovpe Ta okéàn. pipévros È ènmi yiv èmpàs èri
TÒV Tpdxnàov T@© most kal TÒ póraàov dvarewd-
pevos avépàeypev mpòs Troùs Îewuévovs.

101. `Avaßońoavros ðè ro màńlovs ıd Te Tò
mapáðočov kal Tùv úneppoàiw ris dvpayaðías ó
pev Paoideùs mpocéraćev aġeîvari kal ùv béav ĝia-
Aúoas annààdyn, ðvodopðv èni t roô Makreðé-

2 vos TTN. ó òè Arwéinros adeis Tov mentrwkóra
kai mepipBónTov virny dTeveykáuevos dme Taw-
oúpevos úno TÕv óuopúňwv, OS kowhv mÂot Toîs
EMno: mapeoynuévos eùðogiav. où uiv ģ TÚXN ye
celacev émi moàùv ypõvov kavxýoaoľat ròv dvõpa
TÅ viy.

3 “O TE yàp Paoideùs AÀdoTpróTEpov aiel crerébn
mpòs aùróv, oi re pidor To `Adeédvðpov kal
mavtes ot nepi Tv abÀàùv Marxeõóves, fhovoðvres
aŬToÎ TH aperi, Emeirav pèv ròv èri tijs Šiaxovias
terayuévov úmoßadeîv Ýrò rò mpookepdàarov ypv-
coðv morýpiov, aùrol è kar rtòv ééñs mórov
katuTiaodpevot KÀomTùv kat motýpiov eúpnkévat
npoonolévres eis aioyúvņyv kai dðoćiav yayov
408

BOOK XVII. 100. 6—101. 3

As they approached each other, the Macedonian 326/5 s.c.

flung his javelin from a proper distance, but the other
inclined his body slightly and avoided its impact.
Then the Macedonian poised his long lance and
charged, but the Greek, when he came within reach,
struck the spear with his club and shattered it. After
these two defeats, Coragus was reduced to continuing
the battle with his sword, but as he reached for it,
the other leaped upon him and seized his swordhand
with his left, while with his right hand the Greek upset
the Macedonian’s balance and made him lose his
footing. As he fell to the earth, Dioxippus placed
his foot upon his neck and, holding his club aloft,
looked to the spectators.

101. The crowd was in an uproar because of the
stunning quickness and superiority of the man’s skill,
and the king signed to let Coragus go, then broke
up the gathering and left. He was plainly annoyed
at the defeat of the Macedonian. Dioxippus released
his fallen opponent, and left the field winner of a re-
sounding victory and bedecked with ribands by his
compatriots, as having brought a common glory to
all Greeks. Fortune, however, did not allow him to
boast of his victory for long.

The king continued more and more hostile to him,
and Alexander’s friends and all the other Macedoni-
ans about the court, jealous of the accomplishment,
persuaded one of the butlers to secrete a golden cup
under his pillow +; then in the course of the next
symposium they accused him of theft, and pretending
to find the cup, placed Dioxippus in a shameful and

1 That is to say, the pillow upon his banqueting couch.
409

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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410

BOOK XVII. 101. 3—102. 3

embarrassing position. He saw that the Macedoni- 326/5 s.c.

ans were in league against him and left the banquet.
After a little he came to his own quarters, wrote
Alexander a letter about the trick that had been
played on him, gave this to his servants to take to the
king, and then took his own life. He had been ill-
advised to undertake the single combat, but he was
much more foolish to make an end of himself in this
way. Hence many of those who reviled him, mocking
his folly, said that it was a hard fate to have great
strength of body but little sense.

The king read the letter and was very angry at the
man’s death. He often mourned his good qualities,
and the man whom he had neglected when he was
alive, he regretted when he was dead. After it was
no longer of use, he discovered the excellence of Dio-
xippus by contrast with the vileness of his accusers.

102. Alexander gave orders to the army to march
beside the river and escort the ships, while he resumed
his river voyage in the direction of the ocean and
sailed down to the country of the people called Sam-
bastae.! These, in numbers of men and in good quali-
ties, were inferior to none of the Indian peoples.
They lived in cities governed in a democratic manner,
and learning of the coming of the Macedonians as-
sembled sixty thousand infantry, six thousand cavalry,
and five hundred armoured chariots.

When the fleet put in to them, they were amazed

1 They are called Sabarcae in the manuscripts of Curtius.
For the story cp. Curtius, 9. 8. 4-7. Arrian (6. 15. 1-4) gives
completely different names and events, and it is impossible to
reconcile the two accounts.

1 èni codd. ; corrected by Hertlein.
2 mÀéovros codd. ; corrected by Dindorf.
411

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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ras mÀeloras nóñeis éfavðpanoðioduevos kal kara-

—_—ŘŘaaaaa

1 Curtius, 9. 8. 8, merely says “ another nation.” The
oe Sodrae recalls the name of the lowest Hindu caste, the
udras.

412

BOOK XVII. 102. 3-6

at the strange and unanticipated manner of its arrival 326/5 s c.

and trembled at the great reputation of the Macedo-
nians. Besides, their own older men advised them not
to risk a fight, so they sent out fifty of their leading
citizens as envoys, begging Alexander to treat them
kindly. The king praised them and agreed to a peace,
and was showered with large gifts and heroic honours
by them.

Next Alexander received the submission of those
who dwelt on either side of the river; they were
called Sodrae and Massani. Here he built a city
Alexandria by the river, and selected for it ten
thousand inhabitants.? Next he came to the country
of King Musicanus ; getting him into his hands he
killed him and made the country subject.? Then he
invaded the kingdom of Porticanus,* took two cities
by storm, allowed the soldiers to plunder the houses,
and then set themon fire. Porticanus himself escaped
to a stronghold, but Alexander captured it and slew
him, still fighting. Then he proceeded to take all of
the other cities of his kingdom and destroyed them,
and spread the terror of his name throughout the
whole region.

Next he ravaged the kingdom of Sambus.5 He
enslaved the population of most of the cities and,

2 Curtius, 9. 8. 8; Arrian, 6. 15. 2 (at the junction of the
Acesines and the Indus).

3 Arrian, 6. 15. 5-7. He revolted later, Arrian, 6. 17. 1-2.
Curtius speaks of a people called Musicani (9. 8. 8-10) and
mentions this revolt (9. 8. 16). Onesicritus is the source of
anecdotes about this kingdom (Strabo, 15. 1. 384; Jacoby,
Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 134, F 24).

4 Curtius, 9. 8. 11-12; Arrian, 6. 16. 1-2 (calling him
“ Oxycanus ”).

5 Curtius, 9. 8. 13-16 ; Plutarch, Alexander, 64. 1 (Sabbas ;
Strabo, 15. 1. 33, has Sabus); Arrian, 6. 16. 3-4.

413

DIODORUS OF SICILY

okdfpas karékoe rôv Bappápwv órèp tràs ökrà

7 pvpidðas. TÒ èv oĝv člvos rÕv õvopačopévwv
Bpayudávwv Toraúrais mepiéneoe ovuhopaîs: rôv Šè
ÀAorrðv peb’ ikernpiðv õenhévrwv roùs altrwrárovs
koàdgas roùs Àormoùs anéàvoe' rôv eykànudrwv.
ó è Paoideds Ldupos perà rpidrovra eìepávrwv
puya eis Thv mépav roô Ivot yøpav Siépvye ròv
kivðvvov.

103. Ths © eoxárns rôv Bpayuávæv nóňews, ĝv
òvouáčovow ‘Apuarýa, meġpovņnuariouévns èr
dvõpeig kat’ Svoywpiais aréoreidev dàlyovs rÕv pe-
Àv, npoordéas éédrreoðar TÔv moàeuiwv kal èàv

2 èneiwow* Ýrodeúyew. oôrTot èv oĝv õvres mevra-
kóciot kal mpoopayóuevot Toîs Telyect katehpový-
Onoav. enegeàbóvrwv & èr ris nóňcws orparrwrôv
TpioxiAiwv npoorombévres karaneràñybar mpòs pv-

3 yv öpunoav. ó è Pacideùs uer’ dàiyov órooràs
Toùs Õwkovras TÕv Pappápwv ral páx KApTEpàv
ovorņnoduevos oŬs pèv dnékreiwe TÂv Bapßápæv,
oùs © ekøypyoe.

Tôv è perà roô Baoıiàéws oùe óàlyot Tpwbévres

4 eis Toùs êoydárovs ÑAÂov rwðúvovs’ ó yàp tôv Bap-
Bápwv oiðnpos* keypiouévos ĝv apuárov Îavaci-
pov ðvváuet, Ñ meroióres karéßnoav eis Tv Õtà
Tis uáxns kpiow. rareokeúaoro è ý roô hap-

1 > # 3 3 2 3 i
Je an e H simývn dġeis XQ.
pp P., however, chap. 108. 8.
3 kai & F.
OPONE Üneéiwow X.
enei kal ò év rois Béieor olônpos F.

4
5

4l4

BOOK XVII. 102. 6—103. 4

after destroying the cities, killed more than eighty 8326/5 s.o.

thousand of the natives. He inflicted a similar
disaster upon the tribe of the Brahmins, as they are
called; the survivors came supplicating him with
branches in their hands, and punishing the most
guilty he forgave the rest. King Sambus fled with
thirty elephants into the country beyond the Indus
and escaped.

103. The last city of the Brahmins, called Harma-
telia, was proud of the valour of its inhabitants and
of the strength of its location. Thither he sent a
small force of mobile troops with orders to engage
the enemy and retire if they came out against them.
These were five hundred in number, and were de-
spised when they attacked the walls.? Some three
thousand soldiers issued out of the city, whereupon
Alexander’s task force pretended to be frightened
and fled. Presently the king launched an unexpected
attack against the pursuing natives and charging
them furiously killed some of the natives, and cap-
tured others.

A number of the king’s forces were wounded, and
these met a new and serious danger.t The Brahmins
had smeared their weapons with a drug of mortal
effect ; that was their source of confidence when they
joined the issue of battle. The power of the drug

2+ According to Curtius (9. 8. 15), this was the figure given
by Cleitarchus.

2 The name appears also as Harmata (Stephen of By-
zantium). Cp. note 2 on the opposite page.

3 Curtius, 9. 8. 17-19 (“ at the extremity of the realm of
Sambus ”); Arrian, 6. 16. 5. The same figures are given
by Curtius, who identifies the ““ five hundred ” as Agriani.

4 Curtius, 9. 8. 20-28 ; Justin, 12. 10. 1-3 (in the realms of
King Ambus).

415

DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVII. 103. 4-8

£ ~
udárkov úvapus ëk trwwv öpewv Inpevouévwv rat

was derived from certain snakes which were caught 326/5 s.c.
? e m [A ~ * <3
5 roúrwv eis Tòv ŅArov vekpõv Tileuévwv. TÕS Ò €K

and killed and left in the sun. The heat melted the

ToĵÔ kaúparos Îeppacias TNkoúons TYV TS capkòs
púow ipôðras ékrintrew ovuvéßaiwe kal ða Ts
voriðos ovvekkpiveohai! ròv rv Onpiwv ióv. rò
kal To trpwbévros eùlùs évdpka Tò oôpa kat per
òàlyov ogeîaı ovvykooðlovv oðúvai kai oracuòs
kal Tpőuos TÒ ov õykov rareîyev, Ò TE XPS
puypòs Kral meùMðvos? éyivero kal ðA TÕv èpéTwV
etémimrTev Yod, mpòs è TOÚTOLS ATÒ TOD TPAŬÚLATOS
édas dġpòs dréppet kal oņymeðwv yevvârTo. aŭry
ÒE yevopévN TAXÉWS ÊTMÉTPEXE TOTS KUPOLS TÖTOLS
ToÔ cwparos kal ğewoùs Oavdrovs anerpydéero.
6 rð ovvéßaiwe Tà ioa toîs ueyda Tpaŭúpar eàn-
ġóot kal Toîs mikpàv kai Tv Tvyoðosav dp pvyův
avaĝečauévois.

Toraúrn © arwàecig trv tTpwhévrwv dmTmoÀvué-
væv ml èv Toîs &àdois oùy oŭrws ð Bacideùs
eàvnrýân, èmi òè Iroàeuaiw TÖ vorepov uèv Ba-
oi\eúcavti, Tote ÕèÈ dyarwpévw peydàws hyhéobN.
WDiov yáp Te kal mapdõoćov ovvéßn yevéoðat mepi
ròv Ilroàcuaîov, ô rwes eis Qeðv mpóvorav &véreu-
mov. ayarmópuevos yàp Ý$ dndvrwv ĝid TE TÙV
àperùv kal úneppoàńv ts eis mavras eùepyecias,
oikeias tis piàavbpăórov Bonbeias ërvyev. ó yà
Baoiñcds lev yiv karà ròv önvov, kab’ Hv čðoev
ópâv ðpárovra Borávnv èv TÔ orTópartı kpareîv kal
õeTéar raúrns tùv púow kat rhv úvauıw kal tTòv
8 rómov êv ®© púerar. èyepheis oĝv ó ’Aàééavõpos
kal Tùv Porávyv dvağnrýcas kal rpkbjas tó re

1 êkkpivechðar RX.
2 meos XQ.

416

substance of the flesh and drops of moisture formed ;
in this moisture the poison of the animals was secreted.
When a man was wounded, the body became numb
immediately and then sharp pains followed, and con-
vulsions and shivering shook the whole frame. The
skin became cold and livid and bile appeared in the
vomit, while a black froth was exuded from the
wound and gangrene set in. As this spread quickly
and overran to the vital parts of the body, it brought
a horrible death to the victim. The same result oc-
curred to those who had received large wounds and
to those whose wounds were small, or even a mere
scratch.

So the wounded were dying in this fashion, and for
the rest Alexander was not so much concerned, but
he was deeply distressed for Ptolemy, the future
king, who was much beloved by him. An interesting
and quite extraordinary event occurred in the case
of Ptolemy, which some attributed to divine Provi-
dence. He was loved by all because of his character
and his kindnesses to all, and he obtained a succour
appropriate to his good deeds. The king saw a vision
in his sleep. It seemed to him that a snake appeared
carrying a plant in its mouth, and showed him its
nature and efficacy and the place where it grew.
When Alexander awoke, he sought out the plant, and
grinding it up plastered it on Ptolemy’s body. He

VOL. VIII P 417

DIODORUS OF SICILY

côua roô Iiroàcuaiov karénràaoce kat meîv oùs
ÚV KATÉOTNOE.

Ivwobeions Sè rtis eùypnorias kai oi Àoimot
Tuxóvres tis uolas Îepareias eowbnoav. TÙùv
òè nów trv ‘Apparnàiwv, osav èyvupàv kal
peyáànv, éneßáero pèv modopkeiv, rôv È èyxyw-
piwv dravrnodvrwv peĝ’ ikernpiðv kal mapaĝóv-
Twv éavroùs ATéÀvoev aÙToùs THS Ttuwpias.

104. Aùròs ðè kararàcúcas ecis rov 'Qkeavòv
perà rÕv hiiwv kai Svo výoovs évraðla karıiðæov
éhvoev èv aùraîs roîs Îeoîs! peyadorperðs ral
TOÀÀd èv êkmópara kai peyda ypvoĝ? kareróv-
Tie taîs orovõðaîs ovvahieis, BPwpoùs Sè TnOúos
kal 'Qkeavoô karackevdoas Únédafev Tereàevrh-
kévat TùV mpokeyeipiopévny ortpareiav. àvačeúćas
© evreblev eis roùniow Sià To morao mapé-
2 màevoev eis Idrada,? mów èrionpov. aŭry õè
Tùy noùpelav eye iarerayuévyv ópoiws rÂ
Zrndápry' ånò úo yàp oikwv èv aùr} Sıcðéyovro
úo Pacideîs, aici rÕv karà módepov ýyoðuevot
TmpatTTouévæwv, TÒ è rÕÔv yepővrwv åpyeîov rv
SÀwv mpoeorhket.

1 eúpwv êv aùraîs ¿luceev toîs beoîs F.

2 kal peydàa èv kal moààà eknopara ypvoâ RX.

3 eis rà aña R; els raúaàa X; ès réßaña F (raúaàa added in
the margin by a second hand).

4 7ò supplied by Fischer.

1 Arriaņ’s failure to mention this incident, favourable as it
is to Ptolemy, raises some question as to whether Ptolemy

included it in his history. It is mentioned also by Strabo,
15. 2. 7. 723.

418

BOOK XVII. 103. 8—104. 2

also prepared an infusion of the plant and gave 326/5 ».c.

Ptolemy a drink of it. This restored him to health.1

Now that the value of the remedy had been demon-
strated, all the other wounded received the same
therapy and became well. Then Alexander prepared
to attack and capture the city of Harmatelia, which
was large and strongly fortified, but the inhabitants
came to him with suppliant branches and handed
themselves over. He spared them any punishment.

104. Now he resumed his voyage down the river
and sailed out into the Ocean with his Friends.?
There he discovered two islands è and on them per-
formed rich sacrifices.t He threw many large cups
of gold into the sea following the libations which he
poured from them. He erected altars to Tethys and
Oceanus ë and judged that his projected campaign
was at an end. Setting sail from there, he proceeded
back up the river to Patala, a fine city.* It had a
government organized very much like that of Sparta.
Two kings descended from two houses inherited their
office from their fathers. They had charge of all
arrangements concerning war, while the council of
elders was the principal administrative body.?

2 According to Plutarch, Alexander, 66. 1, the voyage had
taken seven months. It was now the summer of 325 B.c.
(Strabo, 15. 1. 17).

3 One was in the river, one outside (Arrian, 6. 19. 3-4).
Plutarch, Alexander, 66. 1, mentions only one island.

4 To Poseidon and to the gods whom Ammon had desig-
nated (Arrian, 6. 19. 4-5). No gods named (Curtius, 9. 9. 27 ;
Justin, 12. 10. 4; Plutarċh, Alexander, 66. 1).

5 Justin (12. 10. 6) mentions *‘ aras.”

€ Arrian, 6. 20. 1. This was about the rising of the Dog
Star, or mid-July 325 (Strabo, 15. 1. 17. 692).

7 Only Arrian (6. 20. 2-5) at this point mentions Alex-
ander’s voyage down to the Rann of Kutch.

419

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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6 òevrépov Aeovvdrov, kai Tùv uèv mapabadarriav
Acnàareîv mpocéraġe Ilroàepaîov, tùv peoóyeiov
ðe karacôpai Aeovvdrov, Tùv Ò Úmæperav kal TÙV
b €
opewhv aùròs érópôņcev. dua © ú% éva kal ròv
3o sN A 2
aùròv kapòv moÀñs yøwpas novuévys ëyeue mâs
l4 A ~
TómTos mupòs kal iaprayñis kal moàðv póvwv.
2 e la ~
7 ÕóTep Taxéws ot pèv orpariÔrTat moÀñs Àeclas
b4 m~
êkvpicvoav, rTÔv Ò davarpebévrwv owudrwv dpiðpòs
1 ’ABpíras R; ‘Abpiras X ; °`Apbpiras F.
2 Newrepiðas RX ; Newreplðos F ; corrected by Wesseling

from other authors and the mention of the °Qpeîraı, below, in
chap. 105.

1 Curtius, 9. 10. 4.

2 Plutarch, Alexander, 66. 2; Arrian, 6. 21. 1-3. Accord-
ing to Curtius, Nearchus was ordered to explore the Ocean
and then rejoin Alexander, either via the Indus or by way
of the Euphrates (9. 10. 3). Curtius states that the fleet was

420

BOOK XVII. 104. 3-7

Alexander burned such of his boats as were 326/5 s.c.

damaged.: The rest of the fleet he turned over to
Nearchus and others of his Friends with orders to
coast along through the Ocean and, having observed
everything, to meet him at the mouth of the Eu-
phrates River.? He set his army in motion and tra-
versed much territory and defeated his opponents,
while those who submitted were received kindly.* He
brought over without fighting the so-called Abritae *
and the tribesmen of Cedrosia. Then he marched
through a long stretch of waterless and largely desert
country as far as the frontiers of Oreitis. There he
divided his force into three divisions and named as
commander of the first, Ptolemy, and of the second,
Leonnatus. He ordered Ptolemy to plunder the dis-
trict by the sea and Leonnatus to lay waste the in-
terior. He himself devastated the upper country and
the hills. At one and the same time much country
was wasted, so that every spot was filled with fire and
devastation and great slaughter. The soldiers soon
became possessed of much booty, and the number of

commanded by Nearcbus and Onesicritus, Plutarch that
Onesicritus was only the chief pilot, and Arrian (from
Nearchus ; cp. 8. 20. 5) that Nearchus had sole command.
The fleet waited until the end of the monsoons and sailed in
the autumn (on the 20th of Boedromion, according to Arrian,
Indica, 21. 1; but Arrian gives the wrong year) or about
20 September 325 B.c.

3 An anticipation of Vergil’s parcere subiectis et debellare
superbos (Aen. 6. 853); like the Romans, Alexander did not
accept neutrality. l

4 They are called Arabitae in Curtius (9. 10. 5) and Arrian

6. 21. 4).

f 5 A 9. 10. 5-7, who also uses the term “ Cedrosii ”
for the usual Gadrosia (Arrian, 6. 22. 1). He does, however,
use the variant term “ Horitae ” (9. 10. 6). This expedition
is sketched by Strabo, 15. 2. 1-8. 720-723.

421

DIODORUS OF SICILY

eyévero Toàðv uupidðwv. tH è rv ébvõv rov-
Twv amwàeig nmdvres ot nÀnoiywpoi nepipoßor
yevóuevoi Tpoceywpnoav T© Baciàe?.

8 O ®© ’Aàéfavðpos mapa Odàarrav èpidoriuhin
krisar móÀAvV kat Àpéva pèv eópàov drÀvorov,
mÀnoiov © aùroô rórov eùŭberov črTioev èv aùrôÔ
nóv °’ Aàefdvõperav.

105. Eis ðè riv rôv 'Qperrðr? yøpav ĝia rv
mapõðwv maperoeàbav rtayéws dmacav Únmýkoov
enmorýoaro. oi è Qpeîra? rà pèv dàda rapa-
nào roîs 'Ivõoîs čyovow, êv ðè éénàaypuévov

2 kal mavtTeÀðs dmoTtov. TÖV yàp TEÀEUTNOÍVTWV
map aèroîŭs rà oópara èkpépovow* oi ovyyeveîs
yvuvoi Àóyyas éyovres, eis è roùs rl tis yøpas
Ôpupoùs Îévres Tò cðpa ròv èv mepikeiuevov TÔ
vekp® kóopov Tepiarpoðvrar, TÒ è oôpa rToÔ
Tereàeurnkóros karañeinovoti Bopàv* roîs Onpiois’
ràs È eohñras Sıeàduevor Oúovot roîs karà yñv
pwt kal rÕv oikelwv Ýnoĝoyyv moroðvrar.

3 Merà ðè rað’ ó ’Aňékavðpos mpoñyev èml tùv
Keõpwoiav, mapa Odàarrav Tùv mopelav mToroŭŬ-
pevos, kal katrývryoev eis čðvos déevov kal mav-

4 reàðs Ünpiðões. rovs re yàp övvyas oi The

?
1 kai added by Fischer.
? Newpirôv R; Newpnrâv X; Newpeirôv FE.
3? Newpiru RX ; Newpeîrai F.

Pae 4 ekpépovow Fischer ; ġépovow codd.
B y
eis Bopav X. 8 Tepwociav F.

1 Curtius, 9. 10.7 ; Arrian, 6. 21. 5. It was built by Leon-
natus (Arrian, 6. 22. 3).

422

BOOK XVII. 104. 71—105. 4

persons killed reached many myriads. By the de- 326/5 s c.

struction of these tribes, all their neighbours were
terrified and submitted to the king.

Alexander wanted to found a city by the sea. He
found a sheltered harbour with suitable terrain near
by, and established there a city called Alexandria.

105. He advanced into the country of the Oreitae
through the passes and quickly brought it all into
submission.? These Oreitae have the same customs
as the Indians in other respects, but have one practice
which is strange and quite unbelievable. The bodies
of the dead are carried out by their relatives, who
strip themselves naked and carry spears. They place
the bodies in the thickets which exist in the country
and remove the clothing from them, leaving them to
be the prey of wild beasts. They divide up the cloth-
ing of the dead, sacrifice to the heroes of the nether
world, and give a banquet to their friends.”

Next Alexander advanced into Cedrosia, marching
near the sea, and encountered a people unfriendly and
utterly brutish. Those who dwelt here let the nails

2 Arrian, 6. 22. 1-2. Bare mention in Plutarch, Alexander,
66. 2.

3 This story is not otherwise told in this connection, but is
of a type which is located in northern Iran. Onesicritus
(Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 134,
F5; Strabo, 11. 11. 3) told that the Bactrians and Sogdians
threw out their sick and elderly to be devoured by dogs, but
that Alexander stopped the practice. Plutarch twice refers
to this institution. Ín De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1.
5. 328 c, he says that Sogdians kill their parents, while the
Scythians eat them. In Can Vice Cause Unhappiness? 3.
499 n, he reports that the dead were devoured by dogs among
the Hyrcanians, and by birds among the Bactrians (also
Cicero, Disp. Tusc. 1. 45. 108). For other instances cp.
Strabo, 11. 11. 3. 517 ; 8. 520; 15. 1. 56. 710; 62. 714.

4 Curtius, 9. 10. 8-10; Arrian, 6. 23. 1-3.

423

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kaToikoûvtes ék yevers aŭćovot péypi yýpws kal
TÒ Tpixwua nemiAwpévov oL, TÒ è ypðpa’ Õıà
Tw To Hàlov Îepuóryra rarakekavpévov čyovo
5 kal opas Onpiwv mepipéßànvrai. oiroðvrai è rà
ekBadàóueva kýtT) capkoĥayoðvres kal tràs oikń-
oes kaTagkeváčovot TOS èv Toiyovs . . . dvor-
koðopoðvres, tràs È opo$ås k rÕv To kýrovs
mÀcupõv, éé Öv ôkrwraðekanńýyeis okol karnpri-
ovro' avri è rÕv kepápwv rais podici rÕv Eøwv
TAS OTÉYAS KATEKÁÀAUTTOV.

“O ðe 'Aàééavðpos Seebàv roro rò ëlvos èm-
mõvæşs d omávw rtpopis èvéßadev eis yópav
épnpov rail nádvrwv TÕv eis TÒ Civ xpnoipaowv oravi-
Covoav. moðv Sè Sià rùv ëvõerav Siapherpo-
pévov Ñ re Šúvaus tÔv Mareðóvwv jhúunoev kal
ó 'Aàéfavôpos événmeoev oùk els rùv tvyoôoav
Àónyv re kai ppovriða’ Seiwòv yàp èfaivero roùs
aperi kat roîs ömÀàois dravras neppadouévovs èv
puw xópg návrwv oravitovras åkìeðs åmód\v-
obar. Öıómep eùtævovs ävõpas ètérempev eis tùv
IHaphvaiav kai Apayyiwv)v xal °Apiar? kal tàs Àdas
tàs mÀncioxwpovs TÅ puw, nporrádčas tayéws
dyayeîv mi tràs èupodàs ris Kappavias ŝpoudsas
kapýàovs kat Tà vwropopeîv elwbóra tv ¢op-

1 tpixwpa RX.
424

BOOK XVII. 105. 4-7

of their fingers and toes grow from birth to old age. 326/5 s.c.

They also let their hair remain matted like felt. Their
colour is burned black by the heat of the sun, and
they clothe themselves in the skins of beasts. They
subsist by eating the flesh of stranded whales. They
build up the walls of their houses from . . .! and con-
struct roofs with whale’s ribs, which furnish them
rafters eighteen cubits in length.? In the place of
tiles, they covered their roofs with the scales of these
beasts.’

Alexander passed through this territory with diffi-
culty because of the shortage of provisions and en-
tered a region which was desert, and lacking in
everything which could be used to sustain life.‘
Many died of hunger. The army of the Macedonians
was disheartened, and Alexander sank into no ordi-
nary grief and anxiety. It seemed a dreadful thing
that they who had excelled all in fighting ability and
in equipment for war should perish ingloriously from
lack of food in a desert country. He determined,
therefore, to send out swift messengers into Par-
thyaea and Dranginê and Areia and the other areas
bordering on the desert, ordering these to bring
quickly to the gates of Carmania racing camels and
other animals trained to carry burdens, loading them

1 Arrian’s account (6. 23. 3) states that the walls were made
of shells (critical note 2), but Diodorus seems to be thinking
only of materials secured from whales. All of these anecdotes
probably derive from Nearchus (cp. Strabo, 15. 2. 2. 720).

2 Twenty-seven feet. Cp. Arrian, Indica, 30. 8.

3 Whales, of course, do not have scales.

4 Curtius, 9. 10. 8-17 ; Justin, 12. 10. T; Arrian, 6. 23.
4—26. 5; Strabo, 15. 2. 5-6. 121-722.

2 Fischer suggests èx kóyxæv ; cp. Arrian, 6. 23. 3.
3 peled ’Apeía in chap. 78. 1.
425

DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVII. 105. 7—106. 2

with food and other necessities. These messengers 326/5 s.c.

Tiwv, yeuicavras cirov kal rÕv AAÀ\wv enmiryõeiwv.
hurried to the satraps of these provinces and caused

z 2 ~ ? A 3 ’
TpaTras TOoVTwV TÕV enapyı®ðv emoinoav mapakopt-
8A AÀ) > A ? ` N e lA ’ e
olivat Tov ayopav mi ròv œpiouévov TóTov. ó
AER + Áj Ea
ðe Aàééavõpos Tò èv mpôrov Sia Tùv aßohônrTov
s ô AÀ k Ea > ld À Ca ~ A
evòerav moÀoùs anéßaàe rv otparıwtÕv, erà
A m~ A A mM “~
òè rara Kard Ttùv mopeiav òvros aùroô TÔV
> m~ 3 + ~
Qperrðv riwes êmbéuevor Toîs mepi ròv Aecovvárov
[A 4
TeTraypévois kal ovyvoùs katraßaàðvres aréġvyov
kJ ` € m~
eis TNV éavrÕv ywpav.
, ` 2 `y ©
106. Móyıs ðè mepdoas tův čpņnpov rev eis
7 -i ld ` l ~
xæpav oikovuévyv kal mávTrow TÖV yPpNoipwv
3 Pa kJ Pd ` ~ A 2
cúnmopoĝoav. év rary ðè mpocavadaßov tùv &ú-
ka T N. ` ` e ld 2 ~
vapuv è’ énTà èv huépas mpoet KEKOOUNUÉVN TÅ
lA A “~
Ôvvdpet mavnyvpikôs kat Aiovóow kôpov yyayev
e€ , ITA 1 ` :
éoptTdgwv ‘kal péby kal móTos ypóuevos? kaTà Tv
e
óðorropiav.
3 4 Z ` 7
Arò Toúrwv ĝe yevóuevos, åkoðoas őri Tool
~ ’ $ ~ m
TÕv Piaiws kai ófpiorikôs keypnuévwv raîs èé-
# z Ea ~
OVOLUS TAPAVEVOUNKAOL, TOAÀAOÙS TÕV TE oaTparÂv
1 This word does not make sense, and must be corrupt.
Since after camels we should expect mules to be mentioned,
Fischer’s suggestion of ópexôv is attractive. L. A. Post
suggests ġopßdðwv.
2 ypúópevos ġv F.
zeo a a a e a a A
1 Curtius, 9. 10. 17; Plutarch, Alexander, 66. 3. Arrian
does not mention this, and all of these districts are so far

from Carmania that they can hardly have sent help in time
to be of any use. This tradition may be connected with the

426

supplies to be transported in large quantities to the
specified place. Alexander lost many of his soldiers,
nevertheless, first because of shortages that were not
relieved, and then at a later stage of this march, when
some of the Oreitae attacked Leonnatus’s division
and inflicted severe losses, after which they escaped
to their own territory.?

106. So with great diffculty Alexander passed
through the desert and came into a well-populated
country provided with everything needful.? Here he
rested his army, and for seven days proceeded with
his troops in festive dress. He himself led a Diony-
siac comus, feasting and drinking as he travelled.t

After this celebration was over, Alexander learned
that many of his officials who had used their powers
arbitrarily and selfishly had committed serious offen-
ces, and he punished a number of his satraps and

subsequent execution or removal of the satraps of Gedrosia,
Susianê, and Paraetacenê as evidence for Alexander’s attempt
to find scapegoats for his ill-planned march through the
desert (E. Badian, Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 147-150).

2 Curtius, 9. 10. 19. Leonnatus was later crowned for a
victory on this occasion (Arrian, 7. 5. 5).

3 This was Gedrosia ; Curtius, 9. 10. 18; Plutarch, Ælex-
ander, 66.3; 67.4; Arrian, 6. 27. 1.

4 This was in Carmania. Curtius (9. 10. 22-28) gives a
lurid account of this celebration ; so also Plutarch, Alexander,
67. 1-3. Arrian (6. 28. 1-2) states that this story was not told
by Ptolemy or Aristobulus, and that he himself did not
believe it. It may be connected, however, with the tradition
of dramatic and athletic games held at this time in celebra-
tion of the safe return of both army and fleet (E. Badian,
Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 152). But both Philip (Book
16. 87. 1) and Alexander (chap. 72 5) were fond of the comus
in general. See Addenda.

427

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Kal orparnyðv Tiuwpias ŅÉiwoev. rhs È’ eis troùs
mapavevonrkóras ńyeuóvas pmoonrovnpias Siaßon-
Oeions mooi rv orparņnyðv ovveiðóres éavrtots
Ùßpeis kal mapavouias eis póßov èvéminmrov Kal
Twès pèv puohodópovs čyovres aßioravro roô ßa-
ciÀéws, Tiwès è ypuara ovokevasduevot pac-
3 oùs émoroĝvro. raîra è mvvÂavópevos ò Bacıňeùs
mpos mdávras Toùs kaTà Tùv `Aciav orparqyoùs kal
oatrpáras čypaev, êneðav avayvôot Tùv morto-
Àńv, mapaypua mávraşs roùs pobopópovs àro-
Afoa.

Kara è TroôrTov Tòv kapòv To Paoıiàéws iarpi-
Povros év mii mapabañarriw róàei vopatouévn
Zaduoĝrri kal okyrixoùs dyðvas èv TÔ bedrpw
ToroÎvros katénàevoav oi Ôe 'OQkeavoô màe Tùv
nmapaladdrriov dmeoraduévot kal mapaypua eis
TÒ Îéarpov mapedlbóvres róv re `AàéÉavðpov hond-
5 cavTo Kal mepi TÕv nenpaypévwv ànýyyeiav. oi
ðe Makxeðóves holévres t nmapovoiq rÂv dvõpôv
kpótw peyádňw TÒ yeyovòs énreoņnuývavro kal nâv
rò Qéarpov peoròv Ñv yapâs åvvnrepßàńrov.

Oi òè karameràevkóres amýyyeňov dumórTeS

1 The repetitious and turgid aspect of this sentence has

inclined the editors to emend it, but no suggestions have
proved very convincing.

e e a a a a Ea
1 For Alexander’s disciplinary measures at this time c
Curtius, 9. 10. 20-21; 10. 1. 1, 30-42; Justin, 12. 10. 5;
tutarch, Alexander, 68. 2-3; Arrian, 27. 1-5: 29- 2
dian, op. cit. 141-150). ' ARNAT

428

BOOK XVII. 106. 2—6

generals.! As the word spread of his righteous in- 326/5 ».o.

dignation against his offending subordinates, many
of the generals recalled acts of insolence or illegality
which they had performed and became alarmed.
Some who had mercenary troops revolted against the
king’s authority, and others got together sums of
money and fled. As news of this was brought to the
king, he wrote to all his generals and satraps in Asia,
ordering them, as soon as they had read his letter,
to disband all their mercenaries instantly.

At this juncture the king was resting in a seaside
city called Salmus and was holding a dramatic con-
test in the theatre, when into the harbour there sailed
the fleet which had been ordered to return by way
of the Ocean and to explore the coastal waters.? The
officers came immediately into the theatre, greeted
Alexander, and reported what they had done. The
Macedonians were delighted at their arrival and wel-
comed their safe return with loud applause, so that the
whole theatre was filled with the wildest rejoicing.

The mariners told how they had encountered as-

2 Nearchus gave an account of his joining Alexander on
two occasions, once, very dramatically, in Carmania (Arrian,
6. 28. 5-6 ; Indica, 33-36), and again after sailing up the
Pasitigris to Susa (Indica, 42). Curtius (10. 1. 10) and Plu-
tarch (Alexander, 68. 1) seem to refer only to the former meet-
ing. Neither meeting was on the coast. Salmus is not identi-
fied. Reference to the dramatic festival makes it likely that
Diodorus is here referring to the reunion at Susa (Pliny,
Naturalis Historia, 6. 100, with reference to Nearchus and
Onesicritus), but inserting it in the wrong place in his narra-
tive. Pliny states that the voyage of Nearchus took six
months, so the time would now be the spring of 324 s.c. B.
Niese, Geschichte der griechischen und makedonischen Staaten,
1 (1893), 153, note 5, calculated the length of the voyage as
about seventy-five days, which would bring the reunion
rather to December of 325.

429

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Tre kal nÀàńpas mapaðóčovs yíveoðĥðat karà ròv
'QOkeavòv kai katà èv tàs dunmórTes mapaðóćovs
výcovs te òpâcðat moňňàs ral peyddas êm ärpas
Tis mapaĵañarriov yæpas, karà è tràs mÀàńýpas
dmavraşs ToÙðs mpoepnuévovs rórovs karakÀúće-
obar, ToàÀo® kal Biaiov peúuaros pepouévov mpòs
TÙv xépoov, tijs © èmpaveias dpp TodÀĝ® evka-
voévys. Tò Čè mapaĝočórartov, kýTeoL TOÀÀoîs kai
Trò péyelos driotois ovykekvpneévar: rara Šè
poßnlévras aùðroùs rò uèv mpôrov dreàriocat rò
Civ òs aùrika uáàa perà rv okaġôv õıadhapn-
couévovs, perà è rara eÉ ánávrwv mâs pavis
ywopévns kal ĝia rv nràwv moo cvvredov-
pévov póßov, mpòs è roúros tôv oaàmiyywv
evepévwv T mapaðófw nronhivat trà npía kal
Svar mpòs Pvbóv.
107. ʻO ðè Paoıideds mepi roúrwv ŝiakovoas roîs
èv Ñyovpévois To oróìov nmaphyyeiev mè ròv
Eùgdpáryv karanàeñoar, aùròs Sè perà rûs vvd-
pews Toà xöpav eàbàv ovvie roîs Lovca-
voîs pois. mepi È roùs kapos Toúrovs Kápavos
ó 'Ivõós, êv diňocopia peydànv čywv mpokorhv kal
Tupwpevos r’ °`Aàeédvòpov, mapdõoćov ToýoaTo
2 Tùv ToÔ Biov karaorpophv. BeßBrwròs yàp ër Tpia
mpòs rToîs éßouńýkovra ral mávra ròv xpóvov
dmeipatos yeyovws dppworias ëkpiwev éavróv èk
TOÔ Çv peraorĝioar ós Tò réàciov Tis eùðaruovias
i 1 The manuscripts have nveúuaros, which may be right.

he current may have given the impression that it was caused
by an on-shore wind. We could perhaps translate: “as if

a strong wind was blowing toward the shore.” Th S
in the text is that of Eicher, si e reading

430

BOOK XVII. 106. 6—107. 2

tonishing ebbings and flowings in the Ocean.! In 326/5 s.c.

the former case, many large and unsuspected islands
appeared along the coast, but in the latter all such
places were flooded over as a copious and strong
current bore in towards the land, while the surface
of the water was white with much foam. But their
most remarkable experience was an encounter with
a large school of incredibly big whales.? The sailors
had been terrified and despaired of their lives, think-
ing that they would be dashed to pieces immediately
ships and all. But when they all shouted in unison,
beating upon their shields to make a great din, and
the trumpets were blown loudly in addition, the beasts
were alarmed by the strange noise and plunged into
the depths of the sea.

107. After this recital, the king ordered the officers
of the fleet to sail on to the Euphrates,’ while he con-
tinued on a great distance with the army, and came
to the frontier of Susianê. Here the Indian Cara-
nus, who had advanced far in philosophy and was
highly regarded by Alexander, put a remarkable end

‘to his life. He had lived for seventy-three years with-

out ever having experienced an illness, and now
decided to remove himself from life, since he had
received the utmost limit of happiness both from

1 Others described the ocean tides at the mouth of the
Indus (Curtius, 9. 9. 9-25; Arrian, 6. 19. 1).

2 Curtius, 10. 1. 11-12. The description is from Nearchus
(Arrian, Indica, 30. 4-5).

3 This order to Nearchus would have been better given in
Carmania than at Susa. Cp. Arrian, 6. 28. 6. At all events,
in the narrative of Diodorus Alexander is not yet in Susa.

4 Plutarch, Alexander, 69. 3-4; Arrian, 7. 2. 4—3. 6. The
name is usually given as Calanus (as Strabo, 15. 1. 64. 715 ;
68. 717). For the vogue of the story in antiquity cp. M.
Hadas, Hellenistic Culture (1959), 178 f.

431

DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVII. 107. 2—108. 2
nature and from Fortune. He had been taken ill and 326/5 s.c.

mapá tre Ts púoews kat ris tóyns dnenpos.
each day becoming more exhausted he asked the king

(azi

aiet p&ddov Papvvõpevos Ņéiwoe Tov Baoıňéa mvpàv
aùr peydàņyy katraokevádoat kal mpocavaßdvros
eri TaŬrņv aŭro npoordéat Toîs Únmnpérais nôp
eveîvat.

“O è ’Adéfarðpos Tò èv npôrov aùròv årorpé-
mew enmepâro raúrns ris èmpoiñs, ós & ovy
úmýkovoev, Óuoóynoe ovvreňéoew mepi ðv Ñéww-
kws v. Siayyedbeions è ris npdčews ý èv mupà
kaTteokevdoln, TÒ Sè nAÑÂos karývryoev émi Tùv
mapáðočov éav. ó è Kápavos åroňovðńoas roîs
iiois Ôóypacı Tebappnkórws ènéorn ri mup kal
perà raúrņns karaġàeyleis èreeúrnoev. rôv ĝè
mapõvrwv ot pèv paviav aùroô karéyvwcav, oi Sè
kevoðoćiav ml kaprepia, Tiwès Sè Tùv eùpuyiav kai
Tv TOÔ Bavárov karadpóvņow ébaúpacav.

“O ôè Pacıiàcùs roôrov pèv élakbe movreiðs,
aùros Õè mapeÀbàv eis Loôoa' rÅv èv mpeoßurépav
TÕV Aapeiov Ovyarépwv Xrdrepav ëynpev, ùv õè
vewTépav Hpauoriwv ovvýkioe Apurirw.? ëmeoe
ë kai roùs empaveorárovs trÕv hiiwv yîuat kal
ovvøkioev aùroîs rTàs eùyeveoráras maphévovs
Hepoiðas.

108. Kara roôrov ròv kaipòv rov eis tà Zoôoa
Tpopópiot Tôv Ilepoðv, véot pèv mavredâs rais
hàkiais, emiÀeÀeyuévot è raîs rtôv CWUATWV
2 eùmpereias Te kat pouas. karà Šé twas evroààs
ToÔ PaoiÀéws ŅOporopévor, ypóvov Íkavòv èmoráras

1 Zovoav RX. 2 Apuriry F.

SE a E E O a
| Curtius, 10. 3. 11-12; Justin, 12. 10. 9-10; Plutarch,
432

to erect for him a huge pyre and, after he had ascended
it, to order the attendants to ignite it.

At first Alexander tried to dissuade him from this
plan, but when he was unsuccessful, he agreed to do
what was asked. After the project had become
generally known, the pyre was erected, and every-
body came to see the remarkable sight. True to his
own creed, Caranus cheerfully mounted the pyre and
perished, consumed along with it. Some of those
who were present thought him mad, others vain-
glorious about his ability to bear pain, while others
simply marvelled at his fortitude and contempt for
death.

The king gave Caranus a magnificent funeral and
then proceeded to Susa, where he married Stateira,
the elder daughter of Dareius, and gave her younger
sister Drypetis as wife to Hephaestion. He prevailed
upon the most prominent of his Friends to take wives
also, and gave them in marriage the noblest Persian
ladies.!

108. Now there came to Susa at this time a body
of thirty thousand Persians, all very young and
selected for their bodily grace and strength.? They
had been enrolled in compliance with the king’s
Alexander, 10.2 ; Arrian, 7. 4. 4-8. There were one hundred
couples (Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1. '.
329 £). Justin and Plutarch report that Alexander married
Stateira; Arrian names Barsinê and Parysatis. This
marriage was described in detail by Chares, Alexander’s
minister of protocol (Athenaeus, 12. 538 b-539 a).

2 Arrian, 7. 6. 1; Plutarch, Alexander, T1. 1. Curtius (8.
5. 1) mentions the organization of this force in Bactria in
327; Plutarch (Alegander, 47. 3) places it in Hyrcania in

330.
433

DIODORUS OF SICILY

kal dackdàovs eoynkóres rÕv modepukõðv épywv,
návres è Makeðovikaîs mavoràiais ToÀvTeAðsS
kekocunuévoi, mapeppoàùv pèv èrmorýoavro mpò
Tis nmóňcws, êmðeÉduevor Sè TÖ Paoide? ryv év
Toîs ômàois dokqow Kal peàéryv èreuýíņoav ia-
3 depóvrws. rv yap Makeðóvæv mpos tův roô
Táyyov norapoð idac dvrermóvræwv ral Toà-
àdkis év raîs èkkàņnoias karapowvrwv ral Tùv éé
”Aupwvos yéveow aocvpórrwv Toĵro* TÒ oúorTnpa
kateokevaocev èk mâs èv HÀkias rôv Iepoôv kal
óuoias ovveornkós, ðvváduevov è dvríraypa yevé-
oĝai rå Mareðoviki pdàayyı.

Kai rà èv mepi ` Aàétavôpov èv roúrois ĝv.

“Aprados è rôv èv Bafvàðvı Oņyosavpõv kai rÕv
npocððwv Ttův ghvàakiv memoTevpévos, énmetði
ráyiora ò Pacideds cis tv Ivõikyv orpárevoev,
anéyvw tùv èrdvoðov aŭro, oùs Ò éavròv eis
Tpupiv kal nods xwpas droðederyuévos caTpËrns
TÒ èv mpõrTov cis ÜPpeis yuvarkðv kal mapavó ovs
épwras Bappápwv ¿éerpánn kal moààa ris yáins
dkrpareorárais ovais karaváňwoev, amò è TÅs
’Epvôpâs Qaàdoons moù Sıdornua rouibwv iybó-
wv nÀÑlos kal Siarrav moàvðdravov éeviordpevos

1 tovrwv F. 2 karņnváàwoev F.

1 The account of the mutiny at Opis is broken by Diodorus
into two sections; cp. chap. 109. 1 below. The full accounts
are Curtius, 10. 2. 8-4. 3; Justin, 12. 11. 5—12. 7; Plutarch,
Alexander, 11. 1-5; Arrian, 7. 8-11. “ Ganges ” is a slip
(chap. 94).

2 Justin, 12. 11. 6; Arrian, 7. 8. 3.

3 The Harpalus story was well known (Plutarch, Alex-
ander, 41. 4; Phocion, 21-22; Justin, 13. 5. 9), but was told

434

BOOK XVII. 108. 2—4

orders and had been under supervisors and teachers 326/5 s.c.

of the arts of war for as long as necessary. They were
splendidly equipped with the full Macedonian arma-
ment and encamped before the city, where they were
warmly commended by the king after demonstrating
their skill and discipline in the use of their weapons.
The Macedonians had not only mutinied when
ordered to cross the Ganges River but were fre-
quently unruly when called into an assembly + and
ridiculed Alexander’s pretence that Ammon was his
father.” For these reasons Alexander had formed
this unit from a single age-group of the Persians which
was capable of serving as a counter-balance to the
Macedonian phalanx.

These were the concerns of Alexander.

Harpalus had been given the custody of the trea-
sury in Babylon and of the revenues which accrued
to it, but as soon as the king had carried his campaign
into India, he assumed that Alexander would never
come back, and gave himself up to comfortable living.

Although he had been charged as satrap 4 with the

administration of a great country, he first occupied
himself with the abuse of women and illegitimate
amours with the natives and squandered much of the
treasure under his control on incontinent pleasure.
He fetched all the long way from the Red Sea a great
quantity of fish and introduced an extravagant way
of life, so that he came under general criticism.

here, in addition to Diodorus, only by Curtius. In the loss
of parts of that text, only the end of the story remains (10. 2.
1-3), told in a similar way to that here. The account of these
events in Plutarch, Demosthenes, 25-26, may plausibly be
ascribed to Theopompus, at least in part.

4 Harpalus was not actually a satrap, but director general
of the royal treasury.

435

DIODORUS OF SICILY

5 eBàaopnueîro. puera è rar èk trÂv 'Abnyrôv
Tv êmpaveordaryv rÕv érapôv voa Hubovirnv
peTenéuharo kai CÕodv te aùrhv Paciıkaîs w-
peaîs èriuņoe kai perañdaćaoav ¿bape modure-
ÀAÔs kal tdfov karà rùv `Arricùv kateokevace
moàvðdravov.

6 Merà è rara dÀàyv éraipav `Arricùv övopa
PAvképav perareppapevos èv úrepßpaňovon tpvoñ
kal moàvðardvw Õiarrýuarı Öretiyev: eis Sè rà
mapáňoya Tis TÚXNS karahvyàs mopıčóuevos evep-

yérei ròv TÕv ’Abnvaiwv Sĝpuov.

Tof è ’Adeédvõpov perà riv eé 'Ivõðv èrdvoðov
Todoùs TÕv carpanrâv karnyopnhévras åveňóvros
poßnleis trv tiuwpiav kal ovokevacduevos åp-
yvpíov pèv trddavra nevrakioyiàa, pobopópovs &’
dðpoívsas ééakioyiÀlovs dmĝpev èk ts °`Acias ka,
7 katénàevgev eis thv °Attikúv. ovðevòs è aùr
TpocéyovTos Toùs èv pobopópovs àréňire mepi
Taivapov ts Aarkwvhs, aùròs è uépos rôv
xPnpáTov avañaßpav ikérys èyévero toÔ òńuov.
efarroúuevos è úm’ °`Avrindrpov kal Oàvuridõos
kai ToÀÀà xpýpara Šaðoùs roîs órèp aùroô ôn-
pnyopoôor pýropot Štéðpa kal karñpev eis Taivapov
8 pòs Toùs pmolodópovs. èkeîhev Sè mÀeúoas eis
Kpńryv úno Oißpwvos évòs rôv piÀwv Eõodohovýðn.
oit Ò 'Abnvaîot Tv roô ‘Apráàov XPNLáTwv Àdyov

1 Ñ õvoua TÀvrépa RX.

1 She is mentioned by Athenaeus, 13. 58
; . 13. 586 c, wh
accounts of her by Theopompus and Cleitarchus. AE

436

BOOK XVII. 108. 4-8

Later, moreover, he sent and brought from Athens 326/5 s.c.

the most dazzling courtesan of the day, whose name
was Pythonicê.! As long as she lived he gave her
gifts worthy of a queen, and when she died, he gave
her a magnificent funeral and erected over her grave
a costly monument of the Attic type.

After that, he brought out a second Attic courtesan
named Glycera ? and kept her in exceeding luxury,
providing her with a way of life which was fantastically
expensive. At the same time, with an eye on the
uncertainties of fortune, he established himself a
place of refuge by benefactions to the Athenians.

When Alexander did come back from India and
put to death many of the satraps who had been
charged with neglect of duty, Harpalus became
alarmed at the punishment which might befall him.
He packedup five thousand talents of silver, enrolledsix
thousand mercenaries, departed from Asia and sailed
across to Attica. When no one there accepted him,
he shipped his troops off to Taenarum in Laconia, and
keeping some of the money with him threw himself

on the mercy of the Athenians. Antipater and

Olympias demanded his surrender, and although he
had distributed large sums of money to those persons
who spoke in his favour, he was compelled to slip
away and repaired to Taenarum and his mercenaries.
Subsequently he sailed over to Crete, where he was
murdered by Thibron, one of his Friends.’ At Athens,
an accounting was undertaken of the funds of Har-

2 Athenaeus, 13. 586 c. The considerable evidence on these
two is collected by Berve, Alezanderreich, 2, nos. 231 and

676.
3 Curtius, 10. 2. 1-3; Book 18. 19. 2. The collaboration

of Antipater and Olympias is odd, for they were ordinarily
hostile to each other.
437

DIODORUS OF SICILY

avatnroðvres Anuoohévyv kai ğAňovs trwàs TÔv
pnTópawv kareðikacav ws eiànpóras trÔv ‘Aprádàov
XPNpAáTWV.

109. “O è ’Adéfavðpos rôv 'Oùvuriwv övrwv
ekýpvćev èv °Oìùvuria roùs pvydõðas mávras els tràs
nartpiðas katiévai mÀ)v TÕv iepooóàwv kal povéwv.
aùròs ©’ emAéćas Toùs mpeoßvrárovs rôv moùrôv
daréàvoe tis orparelas, vras os uvupíovs. muv-
Oavóuevos è moods aùrôv evar karaĝaveiovs èv
pépa pĝ Tà ávera Bpaxòù Àcirovra rôv uvpiwv
raàdvrwv Šiéàvoev.

Tõv © darodeirouévav Makeóvæv ånrebovvrwv
kat kaŭTà Tùv èkkàņnoiav karaßosvræwv mapotvvôeis
katnyópņoev ačrðv rteĥappnkórws. kararàņéd-
pevos è Tò nàñbos éróňuņoev aùròs karaßàs àrò
To Pýpatos Toùðs aitwrárovs! rs rapayñs taîs
iðiais yepol mapaðoðvaı Toîs Úrnpéras Tpos TV
3 Tuuwpiav. eml moù è ris Sadopâs aùéavouévns
ó pèv Paoieùs èk rôv èrdedeyuéevov Hepoôv
Hyepóvas karéorņoe kal Toúrovs npoñyev èr} rò
npwretov: ot è Makeðóves peravońsavres ral

l1 alriovs RX.

m a a l o o a

1 Justin, 13. 5. 9.

2 Curtius, 10. 2. 4-7 ; Justin, 13. 5. 2-5. Diodorus refers
to this later with greater detail as one of the causes of the
Lamian War (Book 18. 8. 2-7). The time was midsummer
of Keb

is story appears in differing versions. Curtiu ;
2. 9-1 1) tells only of the payment of he debts, without TA
ing either the number or the identity of the beneficiaries :
10,000 talents were made available, and 130 were left over,
Justin (12. 11. 2-3) says that 20,000 talents were distributed,
438

BOOK XVII. 108. 83—109. 3

palus, and Demosthenes and certain other statesmen 326/5 s 0

were convicted of having accepted money from this
source.!

109. While the Olympic Games were being cele-
brated, Alexander had it proclaimed in Olympia that
all exiles should return to their cities, except those
who had been charged with sacrilege or murder.? He
selected the oldest of his soldiers who were Mace-
donians and released them from service ; there were
ten thousand of these. He learned that many of
them were in debt, and in a single day he paid their
obligations, which were little short of ten thousand
talents.?

The Macedonians who remained with him were
becoming insubordinate, and when he called them to
an assembly, they interrupted him by shouting.* In
a fury, he denounced them without regard to his own
personal risk; then, having cowed the throng, he
leaped down from the platform, seized the ring-
leaders of the tumult with his own hands, and handed
them over to his attendants for punishment.5 This
made the soldiers’ hostility even more acute, so that
the king appointed generals from specially selected
Persians and advanced them into positions of re-
sponsibility. At this, the Macedonians were repen-

an act equally welcome to debtors and creditors. Plutarch
(Alexander, T0. 2) uses the same total as Curtius (9870),
but says that these were the debts of the guests at the mass
marriage in Susa. Curtius expresses astonishment that the
soldiers were so in debt. (From whom, as a matter of fact,
would ten thousand soldiers borrow a talent each ?) At all
events, Arrian (7. 12. 1) states specifically that the soldiers
were Macedonian and each received a gift of a talent.
4 The mutiny at Opis, continued from chap. 108. 3.
5 Curtius, 10. 2. 30; Justin, 12. 11. 8. Arrian (7. 8. 3)
says that he merely pointed out the ringleaders.
439

DIODORUS OF SICILY

TOÀ perà cakpýwv ðenlévres uóyıis čmeoav Tòv
’Adéfavõpov aùroîs Siadayfvar.

110. Er’ pxovros & ’Abúvnow ’Avricàéovs
‘Pwpaioi karéornoav órdrovs Aeúkiov Kopvýňiov
kal Kówrov Ioriàov. eml Sè roúrwv ’Aàééav-
Ôpos eist ròv rv drodevuévæwv apiðuòv åveràńpw-
ocev èk trôv Ilepoðôv kal yıàíovs aùrôv eis rovs
mepi Tv avàùv čračev úracmioràs kal Trò oúvodov
où% Ñrrovs eis miorw trv Maxeóvwv úrédaßev.
kev è xarà roðrov ròv kupòv kal Ievkéorns
aywv Ilépoas ro¢óras kai oġevðovýras Štopvpíovs'
kartapigas è Troúrovs Toîs mpoŭrápyovot oTpatıó-
TAS TÑ kawórTrı TS kawortoplas kareokevaoe
Tv àv ðúvapıv kekpapévyv ral ápuóčtovoav rů
iiq mpoaipécet. l

Tõv ðè Maxeðóvwv ék rôv aiyuaàwriðwv yeyev-
vykórwv vioùs tòv åpiðpòv rÕv malðwv årppâs
eokéjaro, övrov © aùrâôv oyeðòv uvpiwv čmaoı
tàs áppoģoðoas mpòs tpoßġův edevbépiov ovvrádćes
dmoueploas ToŬTois pèv maevràs ènéornoe rToùs
SDdéovras Tùv dpuótovoav maðeiav.

Aùros è avadaßov råv õúvauw npoñĵyev èk rôv

1 The preposition has been deleted by editors, but cp.

SEG ?, 364. 61/2; Alexander’s army was filled *‘ to the
number of the losses.”

a ŘŮnaInOOU

1 Anticles was archon at Athens from July 325 to J
324 B.C. , L. Cornelius Lentulus and Q. Publikus Philo ai
consuls in 327 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 145). In his narrative,
Diodorus has reached, actually, the late summer of 324 B.c.
440

BOOK XVII. 109. 3—110. 3

tant. Weeping, they urgently petitioned Alexander
to forgive them, and with difficulty persuaded him to
take them back into favour.

110. In the archonship of Anticles at Athens, the
Romans installed as consuls Lucius Cornelius and
Quintus Popillius. In this year Alexander secured
replacements from the Persians equal to the number
of these soldiers whom he had released, and assigned
a thousand of them to the bodyguards ? stationed at
the court. In all respects he showed the same con-
fidence in them as in the Macedonians. At this time
Peucestes arrived with twenty thousand Persian bow-
men and slingers. Alexander placed these in units
with his other soldiers, and by the novelty of this in-
novation created a force blended and adjusted to his
own idea.?

Since there were by now sons of the Macedonians
born of captive women, he determined the exact
number of these. There were about ten thousand,
and he set aside for them revenues sufficient to pro-
vide them with an upbringing proper for freeborn
children, and set over them teachers to give them
their proper training.*

After this he marched with his army from Susa,

The narrative of Curtius is lost down to the story of Alex-
ander’s death.

2 Arrian (7. 6. 3) states that these thousand formed a fifth
squadron of the Companion Cavalry.

3 Peucestes had been rewarded with the satrapy of Persia
after saving Alexander’s life (chap. 99. 4). Of all Alexander’s
generals he showed the greatest willingness to conciliate the
Persians. Arrian has described these new units earlier
(1. 11. 3-4) but places this event a year later (7. 23. 1).

4 Plutarch, Álegander, 11. 5; Arrian, 7. 12 (stating that
these were the children of the veterans who returned to Mace-
donia); Justin, 12. 4. 6 (under 330 B.c.).

441

826/5 B.C.

825/4 B.C.

DIODORUS OF SICILY POEA TR
crossed the Tigris, and encamped in the villages 325/4 » c.
called Carae. Thence for four days he marched
through Sittacenê and came to the place called Sam-

ev hpépais TéTTapot Tv Xirrakıviv” ĝiavóoas kev
cis Tà kañoúueva Zdáppava. èévraðla Sè ueivas
huépas émrtrà kail npocavadaßàv rùv Šúvapv Tpi-
ratos eis roùs -Kéàwvas mpocayopevouévovs Îkev,
ev © uéypi võv Õiauévet yévos Bordriov, karà uèv
Tův Hép£ov otpareiav dváorartov yeyovós, mev-
5 pévov © éti TÕV TaTpilwV vóuwV' ÖVTES yàp oÔTOL
Ôipwvot t pèv érépg iadékrw èfwporóðnoav
Toîs êyywpiois, T Ò érépa mÀeloras rÔv ‘EAàq-
vikõðv Àéfewv Õierýpovv kal rv èmryõevudrwv
éva ÕepúdarrTov.

Tédos è mpoopeivas huépas . . ? àvétevée ral
mapeykàivas tùv úrokeipévyv óðòv Odas čvekev
ÑAGev eis tùv òvouatopévyv Bayıorávnv, Qeorpe-
neoráryv Te xæpav osav kal TÀÝpN kapripwv
Ôévõpwv xai rÕv Awv åndvrwv rv mpòs åmé-
6 Àavow dvnkóvrwv. perà è rara mapeàbàv els
Twa yøpav uvapévyv èkrpéhew dyéñas TAUTAN-
leis inno, êv Ĥ rò Tadaov épacav ékkalðeka
pvpidðas inmwv yeyovévar poppdðwv, karà Sè Tùv
Adeávðpov mapovoíav £ uóvar pvpidðes Npibuý-
Onoav, évraôla Sraueivas uépas tpiárovra éßðo-

1 irra RX ; Eirra F, but cp. chap. 65.2. The correction

was made by Wesseling.
2 A numeral has dropped out here.

l Diodorus’s topography is confused. His tradition (shared
by Curtius) does not place the mutiny at Opis, as does Arrian ;
hence Alexander is still at Susa. The “ Carian ” villages
were in Babylonia (Book 19. 12. 1) and so on the right bank
of the Tigris; Sittacenê was on the left bank (chap. 65. 2).
The location of Sambana is unknown. Perhaps Alexander

442

bana.! There he remained seven days and, proceed-
ing with the army, came on the third day to the
Celones, as they are called. There dwells here down
to our time a settlement of Boeotians who were moved
in the time of Xerxes’s campaign, but still have not
forgotten their ancestral customs. They are bilingual
and speak like the natives in the one language, while
in the other they preserve most of the Greek vocabu-
lary, and they maintain some Greek practices.?

After a stay of some days he resumed his march at
length and diverging from the main road ? for the
purpose of sight-seeing he entered the region called
Bagistanê, a magnificent country covered with fruit
trees and rich in everything which makes for good
living. Next he came to a land which could support
enormous herds of horses, where of old they say that
there were one hundred and sixty thousand horses
grazing, but at the time of Alexander’s visit there
were counted only sixty thousand.* After a stay of
thirty days he resumed the march and on the seventh
crossed the Tigris twice. By “‘ Tigris” in the text is not
meant the Pasitigris (chap. 67. 1), which was south-east of
Susa ; the city was on the Choaspes and Eulaeus Rivers
(Strabo, 15. 3. 4. 728).

2 These are probably the Eretrians whom Herodotus men-
tions (6. 119) as having been carried off by Xerxes, although
he places them nearer to Susa. The place is mentioned again,
Book 19. 19.2. In their tenacious Hellenism, they anticipated
the settlers of the Hellenistic period (cp. F. Grosso, Rivista di
Filologia Classica, 36 (1958), 350-375).

2 The age-old road from Baghdad to Hamadan, the main
route from Mesopotamia to Iran.

4 This was Nysa. Arrian (7. 13. 1) gives slightly different
figures : formerly 150,000 mares, now 50,000.

443

DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVII. 110. 6—111. 3
day came to Ecbatana of Media. They say that its 325/4 s.c.

A la 3 kd ’ ~ L LA
7 patos òiývvoev ELS Ekßárava TNS Mnôeias. TAUTNS circuit is two hundred and fifty stades. It contains

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vás Te Îvuedioùs noiet kal mórovs ovveyeîs TV
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pevos? kal mepirecœav dppworig tròv Biov eééMrev:

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444,

the palace which is the capital of all Media and store-
houses filled with great wealth.

Here he refreshed his army for some time and
staged a dramatic festival, accompanied by constant
drinking parties among his friends. In the course of
these, Hephaestion drank very much, fell ill, and died.
The king was intensely grieved at this ang entrusted
his body to Perdiccas to conduct to Babylon, where
he proposed to celebrate a magnificent funeral for
him.

111. During this period Greece was the scene of dis-
turbances and revolutionary movements from which
arose the war called Lamian.? The reason was this.
The king had ordered all his satraps to dissolve
their armies of mercenaries,’ and as they obeyed his
instructions, all Asia was overrun with soldiers re-
leased from service and supporting themselves by
plunder. Presently they began assembling from all
directions at Taenarum in Laconia, whither came
also such of the Persian satraps and generals as had
survived, bringing their funds and their soldiers, so
that they constituted a joint force. Ultimately they
chose as supreme commander the Athenian Leos-
thenes, who was a man of unusually brilliant mind,
and thoroughtly opposed to the cause of Alexander.

1 Justin, 12. 12. 11; Plutarch, Alexander, 12 ; Arrian, "7.
i Justin, 13. 5. 1-8. The war did not actually break out
until after Alexander’s death, and Diodorus gives an account

of it later (Book 18. 8 ff.) which repeats some of this material.
3 Cp. chap. 106. 3.

1 èv ols kapoîs TÔv piÀwv “Hoaoriwv pébas xpnodpevos RX.
2 åriparv F.

445

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Povàñ Siadexleis êv dmoppýrors mevrýkovra uèv

éÀape ráňavra mpòs rùv pmoboðociav, dràwv ŝè

TmAÑÂos ikavòv eis? ràs katereryoúsas ypelas, mpòs

ôe Airwàoùs ddotpiws ëyovras mpòs ròv Pacıàéa

mepi ovupayias cierpecßevoaro kai návra tà Tpos

TOv TóÀeuov mapeokeváćero.

4 Aewohévns pèv oĝv mpoopópevos trò uéyebos roô
moàéuov mepi rara Šrérpißev. ó © ’ AàéÉavõpos
rõv Koosaiwv anreiboúvrwv orpárevoev èr aùroùs
eùbovw Ti ðvvduet. roro è rò čðvos dÀkÑ ða-
þépov karoe? uèv ris Mnêeias rùv òpewńv, me-
mobos Sè t rv rómwv Õvoywpiqa kal traîs karà
móÀcpov dperaîs oùðérore Seonóryv émnÀvv mpoo-
còcðekTO, QÀÀQA kal karà thv Iepoôv Bacıàciav
Òéuewev avdìwrov kal rtóre Tebpovnuatiouévov
où kateràdyn thv trÔv Maresóvwv dperýv. ó ĝè
Pacideùs/mporarañaßóuevos tràs mapõðovs kal TÎs
Koooaias ùv mìeiornv nophýoas kal karà mdoas
TAS OVUTÀOKAS Tmporepåv roddods èv darnékrewe
trõv Papßpdpwv, moňìaràaciovs & etoyproev.

Oi è Kocoaîot mávry vikópevot kal Sià Tò
nÀflos rÕv éaňwkórwv yaňerôs pépovres Ñvayrd-
obnoav tis rv aiyuaàórtwv cwrTypias Tv Õovàelav
dàÀdéachar. Siò kal rà kab’ aóroùs enirpébavres
eróyxavov eipývns oùv TÔ morei rò NpOOTATTÖUEVOV
TO PaodeT. ó è `Adéfavõpos? èr’ Ñuépais Taîs
máoas Teocapádkovra kaTtatoàeuńoas Tò čĝvos kai

(e>

* mpòs RX, 2 Baoideùs F.
446

BOOK XVII. 111. 3-6

He conferred secretly with the council at Athens and 825/4 s.c.

was granted fifty talents to pay the troops and a stock
of weapons sufficient to meet pressing needs. He
sent off an embassy to the Aetolians, who were un-
friendly to the king, looking to the establishment of
an alliance with them, and otherwise made every
preparation for war.

So Leosthenes was occupied with such matters,
being in no doubt about the seriousness of the pro-
posed conflict, but Alexander launched a campaign
with a mobile force against the Cossaeans, for they
would not submit to him.! This is a people out-
standing in valour which occupied the mountains of
Media; and relying upon the ruggedness of their
country and their ability in war, they had never
accepted a foreign master, but had remained un-
conquered throughout the whole period of the Persian
kingdom, and now they were too proudly self-confi-
dent to be terrified of the Macedonian arms. The
king, nevertheless, seized the routes of access into
their country before they were aware of it, laid waste
most of Cossaea, was superior in every engagement,
and both slew many of the Cossaeans and captured
many times more.

So the Cossaeans were utterly defeated, and, dis-
tressed at the number of their captives, were con-
strained to buy their recovery at the price of national
submission. They placed themselves in Alexander’s
hands and were granted peace on condition that they
should do his bidding. In forty days at most, he had

1 Plutarch, Alexander, 12. 3; Arrian 7. 15. 1-3. This
activity took place in the winter of 324/3 s.c. and was intended
to solace Alexander’s grief for the death of Hephaestion.

3 êv omitted by F.
447

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Ld > Ld > a [a / 3
róàcis droàdyovs év raîs voywpiais rriosas dve-
Àdupave rv úvapw.*

x x x

112? '’A\éfavõðpos karameroàeunkæs rò TtÕv
Koosaiwv čðvos àvé%evće perà ris Švváuews kal
npofyev émi Bafvàðvos, del Sè karà tràs orTparo-
meðeias Õiadeimwv kal Tiv Šúvayv àvadaußávæv
2 Novyi nmpoñyev. aréyovros è aùroô tpiakociovs
oraðiovs rs Bafvàðvos ot KaňðaToi kaħoúpevos,
peyiotryv pèv óav év dorpoàoyig mepireromuévot,
Ôd ÒE Twos alwviov maparnphoews mpodéyew
eiwhóres rà péovra, mpoeyeipisavro pèv èé
éavrõv Tods mpeoßurárovs ral peyiornv èumeipiav
éxyovtas, Õtà è ris TÕv dorépwv pavreias yvóvres
Tův péňdovoav yiveobar roô Baciàéws TEÀEUTŮV év
Baßvàðvı mpocéraćav uņvõsar T Bacıiàeî? ròv kiv-
Ôvvov kai mapareàcúoacha? pnev? tpórw TÙV
3eis riv mów eigoðov mowoachar Súvaoðar Sè
aùròv ékpvyeðv ròv kivõvvov, àv dvaorýon ròv
kaðņpnuévov úrò Ilepoðv roô Býdov ráģov kal TÙV
Pepovàeuuévyv dõòv êmorýoas mapéàðy tův rów.

Tõv ðè dmooradévrwv Xañðaiwv ó mpokpibeis,
õvopa Bedepávrys, T® uèv Bacıide? ovvedberv els
Àóyovs oùk èróàunoe ià ròv péßov, Nedpyw &

1 The abrupt ending of this paragraph, where we should
expect at least the length of Alexander’s stay, and the asyn-
detical beginning of chap. 112 coincide with the intrusion

of an unwanted dating formula to indicate a lacuna in the
archetype.

A 2 The manuscripts begin this chapter with the words 'Er
čpxovros ò ’Abývnor . . . €v ‘Poun kareorábðnoav čraror Aecúrkios
Kopvýñtos Aévràos kal Kówros IlomiAMos. emi Sè rovræv. The
448

BOOK XVII. 111. 6—112. 8

conquered this people. He founded strong cities at 325/4 n.c.

strategic points and rested his army.

112. After the conclusion of his war with the Cos-
saeans, Alexander set his army in motion and marched
towards Babylon in easy stages, interrupting the
march frequently and resting the army.t While he
was still three hundred furlongs from the city, the
scholars called Chaldaeans, who have gained a great
reputation in astrology and are accustomed to pre-
dict future events by a method based on age-long
observations, chose from their number the eldest and
most experienced. By the configuration of the stars
they had learned of the coming death of the king in
Babylon, and they instructed their representatives to
report to the king the danger which threatened.
They told their envoys also to urge upon the king
that he must under no circumstances make his entry
into the city ; that he could escape the danger if he
re-erected the tomb of Belus which had been de-
molished by the Persians,? but he must abandon his
intended route and pass the city by.

The leader of the Chaldaean envoys, whose name
was Belephantes,? was not bold enough to address the
king directly but secured a private audience with

1 Justin, 12. 13. 3-5; Plutarch, Alexander, 13. 1-2; Ar-
rian, 7. 16. 5—18. 6.

2 Arrian (7. 17. 1-4) makes the reverse statement, that the
priests wanted to keep the revenues of the temple of Bel to
themselves. 3 The name is not otherwise reported.

archon’s name is missing and the consuls are repeated from
chap. 110. i

3 The manuscripts have mapaokevácacðar, which was cor-
rected by Dindorf.

VOL. VIII Q 449

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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4 Baoiàct. ó © 'Adéfavðpos akoúosaşs map ToÔ
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Nedpyov trv rv Xaàðaiwv mpóppnow katrenàdyn
kat pêààov del tv dyyxívorav rÕv dvðpõðv ral
A Ld
òóéav dvadoyičópevos raparrero Tùv uyýv. Tédos
A A A “~ $ 3 rA kd x
ðe roùs mooùs rv piwv drocreidas eis TÀv
: 3 4 , DPN > ` Àc 2 AN
nóv aùros eis &ÀAÀnv dtTparov perafadwv? maphà-
Aage tv Baßvàðva kai karaorparoneðevoas aro
oraðiwv ðiakociwv hovyiav elyev.
$: ` 2 KA ` ? ` KA
Havræv è avuatóvrwv kov mpòs aùròv dAdo
re mÀelovs trôv ‘EdMývwv kal rv diùocóġwv oi
A ` > A D hi a 4 TARR j
5 mepi ròv `Aváéapyov. ofroi è pabóvres Tùv airiav
kal Toîs Ek þhiùooopias ypnodpevoi Àdyois vepyôs
Tocoĵrov perélykav aùròv wore karappovĝoat uèv
náons avriks, pádùiora òè tis mapà Xadðaiois
mpotiuwpévns. Šiórep ó Pacidevs, orepel Terpw-
2 hi ` ` a A z e A
pévos Tù puxhv kal toîs rÕv hiàoocódwv úyiacbeis
Àóyois,? eis riv Bafpvàðva perà ris Svváduews
6 cioĵAlev. rÕv È eyywpiwv, kabdrep kai mpórepov,
piàavlpórws úroðeyopévwv Toùs orparibras åmav-
Tes Öppnoav mpòs dveow kal tpupýv, moñs TÔv
emiryòciwv nmapeokevacuévys Ŝapiicias.
Tara uèv ov ènpdyðn rarà torov ròv èv-
avróv.
1 $é rvi F.
2 eis ei A drpanòv maphàaćte RX; els Anv årparòv pera-

Tmaphàaće ome participle such as peraßaàdv (Fischer)
had apparently been lost.

3 úmaybeis àdyors RX ; àdyors úyiaobeis F.
450

BOOK XVII. 112. 3-6

Nearchus, one of Alexander’s Friends, and told him 325/4 B.C.

everything in detail, requesting him to make it known
to the king. When Alexander, accordingly, learned
from Nearchus + about the Chaldaeans’ prophecy, he
was alarmed and more and more disturbed, the more
he reflected upon the ability and high reputation of
these people. After some hesitation, he sent most of
his Friends into Babylon, but altered his own route
so as to avoid the city and set up his headquarters in
a camp at a distance of two hundred furlongs.?

This act caused general astonishment and many
of the Greeks came to see him, notably among the
philosophers Anaxarchus.* When they discovered the
reason for his action, they plied him with arguments
drawn from philosophy and changed him to the
degree that he came to despise all prophetic arts,
and especially that which was held in high regard by
the Chaldaeans.t It was as if the king had been
wounded in his soul and then healed by the words
of the philosophers, so that he now entered Babylon
with his army. As on the previous occasion,’ the
population received the troops hospitably, and all
turned their attention to relaxation and pleasure,
since everything necessary was available in profusion.

These were the events of this year.

1 Plutarch, Alexander, 13. 1.

2 Arrian does not think that Alexander heeded the warn-
ings of the Chaldeans, but quotes Aristobulus (7. 17. 5-6) to
the effect that Alexander did wish to avoid the city, but could
not pass it because of the swamps.

3 Justin, 12. 13. 5. This was the celebrated philosopher of
Abdera, of the school of Democritus. He had been with
Alexander throughout the campaign.

2 That is, astrology. Itis odd that Diodorus should speak
so well of Greek rationalism, when in this case the Chaldaeans
knew better. 5 Cp. chap. 64. 4.

451

DIODORUS OF SICILY

113. Er’ dpyovros © ’`Abývyow ’Ayyoiov ‘Pw-
aîot karéorņnoav úrárovs Fdiov lIóràov ral
IHaripiov, oÀvumias È hxOn rTerdápry mpòs raîs
e ` ` [A > a ADN i E: lA
ekaròv kal Õéka, kab? Ñv evika ordðieov Mirivas
‘Póðios. rara è roôrov ròv ypóvov è áånrdáonņs
oyeðov ris oikovuévys kov mpéoßeis, ot pèv ovy-
xaípovres èm roîs karopfwuaocw, oi Sè oreha-

a EA ` ` l ` t A
voĝvres, AAÀol è diàlas ral ovuuayias rihéuevot,
Tool Òè Öwpeas peyadormpenreîs kouibovres, Tivès
2 è órèp rÕv éyrañovuévwv amoňoyoúuevor. ywpis
yàp rv ano ris Acias èĝvôv kal móàewv, ëri ðè
ðuvacrðv, Tool kal trv èk ts Eùpórmys rai
ABúns karývryoav, èk èv Ains Kapynõóvior xal
Apvupoivixes kal mávres ot Tv mapáňov oikoûvres

[g ~ ‘H À ld AĜ 3 * la 3 A
expt Tv Hpardeiwv ornàðrv, ek ðè ris Eùpórns
at re rÔv ‘Edúvav móde etéreppav kal Maxe-
ò Lg s ò ` >TIAÀ ` ` ~ ` ` kd ld

Öves, étt Õe upiot kat TÕv Tepi TÒv °` Aĝplav
oikoóvræwv ot mÀelovs, td te Opdkia yévy kai TÔv
mànowxøpwv Tadarôv, v róre mpôrov rò yévos
3 “~ €
eyvócby mapà roîs “Edànow.
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3 “O 8è ’Aàééavspos droypadiv Àaßàv tôv mpéo-

Pewv diérage roîs uèv mpærois Stdvar ràs årorpi-
ges kat Toîs és draci. kal mpõórois èv èypn-

2 m m~ ~
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[A a Ca ~ € m
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` A > 3
è roîs dupıoßnrýoes ëyovot mpòs Toùs öuőpovs,
eo a A a

1 Hegesias (as the name appears in the Attic inscriptions)
was archon from July 324 to June 323 s.c. The consuls of
326 B.c. were C. Poetelius Libo Visolus and L. Papirius
Cursor (Broughton, 1. 146). The Olympic Games were held
in the summer of 324 s.c. (chap. 109. 1). The name of the

victor is given as Macinnas by Eusebius. The time was
actually the spring of 323 s.c.

452

BOOK XVII. 113. 1-3

113. When Agesias was archon at Athens, the 824/3 B.C.

Romans installed as consuls Gaius Publius and Pa-
pirius, and the one hundred and fourteenth celebra-
tion of the Olympic Games took place, in which
Micinas of Rhodes won the foot race. Now from
practically all the inhabited world came envoys on
various missions, some congratulating Alexander on
his victories, some bringing him crowns, others con-
cluding treaties of friendship and alliance, many
bringing handsome presents, and some prepared to
defend themselves against accusations. Apart from
the tribes and cities as well as the local rulers of Asia,
many of their counterparts in Europe and Libya put
in an appearance ; from Libya, Carthaginians and
Libyphoenicians and all those who inhabit the coast
as far as the Pillars of Heracles ; from Europe, the
Greek cities and the Macedonians also sent embas-
sies, as well as the Illyrians and most of those who
dwell about the Adriatic Sea, the Thracian peoples
and even those of their neighbours the Gauls, whose
people became known then first in the Greek world.?

Alexander drew up a list of the embassies and
arranged a schedule of those to whom first he would
give his reply and then the others in sequence.’ First
he heard those who came on matters concerning re-
ligion ; second, those who brought gifts ; next, those
who had disputes with their neighbours ; fourth,

2 Justin, 12. 13. 1-2 ; Arrian, 7. 15. 4-6 (embassies from
the west); 19. 1-2 (embassies from the Greeks). Arrian
(7. 15. 5-6) expresses doubt about the embassy from Rome,
reported among others by Cleitarchus (Jacoby, Fragmente
der griechischen Historiker, no. 137, F 31; from Pliny,
Naturalis Historia, 3. 57). `

3 These ingenious and methodical arrangements of Alex-
ander’s court are not otherwise reported.

453

DIODORUS OF SICILY

TETÁpTOLS È TOTS MEPL TÕV LÕLWTIKÕV ÚKOVOL, TÉL-
mTois Òe Tois dvridéyovot mepi Ts kabóðov rv
4 pvydðwv. roîs èv ov `Hàelors mpõrois èypn-
paricev, era °Aupwvieioi kal Aeàġoîs kat Kopi-
Olors, črt è 'Emðavpiois kal roîs dAdois, karà
Tùv dav rv iepôv nmpokpivwv rtas évrevées.
mdoas è raîs mpeofelars hiorieunbeis keyapıo-
pévas ovar TàS dTokpioeis edapeorovuévas åné-
Àvoec karà TO Ôuvaróv.

114. ’Aroàŭúoas è tràs mpeoßeias mepi Tùv ra-
pův èyivero roô ‘Hgpawriwvos. rTtoscaúrņyv ŝè
anovðùv èrorýoaro mpòs tùv rs ekdopâs èm-
péàceav oTe uù póvov tràs mpoyeyevnuévas mtap’
avôpúrois raġàs úrepßpaňéoßar, AAÀù Kal Tois èco-
pévois pyòepiav úrépłeow karaùıreîv. ral yàp
pyámnoev avròv udora! rv èv oropyi wv
Õočaouévwv kal erà Tùv Teàeurhv èriunoev aùròv
dvureppàńrws. CõÕvra uèv yàp mpoeriunoe mávrwv
TrÕv diwy, kainep Kparepoô diàlav ëyovros èvd-
2 pmàdov. êrnet ydp tis rÕv éraípwv eÎmev unèèv
karaðeéorepov ‘Hoaioriwvos ròv Kparepòv orépye-
ohłai, ênephéyćaro Kparepòv èv yàp evar dido-
Paoiàéa, ‘Hpaioriwva Sè piňaàéfavõpov. ris Sè
Aapeiov unTpòs katà Tùv mpærTnv čvrevěw ià Tùv
dyvorav mpookvvoúons tòv ‘Hoaiworiwva os övra
Bacia kal perà rùv enmiyvwow ĝiarperopévns
eînev, Mnåèv dpovrions, © urep: kal yàp oĝros
’AAétavõðpos.

Kadov yàp ó ‘'Hpawriwv rosaúrys ètovoías

1 udora Reiske; aùròv raîs rôv R; aùròv râôv XF.

454

BOOK XVII. 113. 3—114. 83

those who had problems concerning themselves alone; 324/3 s.o.

and fifth, those who wished to present arguments
against receiving back their exiles. He dealt with
the Eleians first, then with the Ammonians and the
Delphians and the Corinthians, as well as with the
Epidaurians and the rest, receiving their petitions in
the order of importance of the sanctuaries. In all
cases he made every effort to deliver replies which
would be gratifying, and sent everyone away content
so far as he was able. a

114. When the embassies had been dismissed,
Alexander threw himself into preparations for the
burial of Hephaestion. He showed such zeal about
the funeral that it not only surpassed all those pre-
viously celebrated on earth but also left no possibility
for anything greater in later ages. He had loved
Hephaestion most of the group of Friends who were
thought to have been high in his affections, and after
his death showed him superlative honour. In his life-
time, he had preferred him to all, although Craterus
had a rival claim to his love ; so, for example, that
when one of the companions said that Craterus was
loved no less than Hephaestion, Alexander had
answered that Craterus was king-loving, but Hephae-
stion was Alexander-loving.! At their first meeting
with Dareius’s mother, when she from ignorance had
bowed to Hephaestion supposing him to be the king
and was distressed when this was called to her atten-
tion, Alexander had said: “ Never mind, mother.
For actually he too is Alexander.” ?

As a matter of fact, Hephaestion enjoyed so much

1 That is, Craterus loved Alexander as the king, Hephaes-
tion loved Alexander for himself. On the relations between

Craterus and Hephaestion cp. Plutarch, Alexander, 47. 5-7.
2 Cp. chap. 37. 5-6.

455

DIODORUS OF SICILY

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kara úvauıv ovußdàdecchat mpos rov rs èkpopâs
d m a m
kóguov, nct ðè Toîs karà tTův `Aoclav oikoĝot
Lg a a
npocéračev Tò mapa Tots Ilépoais iepòv nõp kañoðv-
pevov emiueðs oféocar, péypi äv Treća tv èk-
? A m
dopáv: roro è ciwbaoiw oi Iépoai morõv karà
kJ “~ ~
5 ràs TÕv Pacidéwv reàevrás. Tò ðe mÀñÂos yaňeròv
3 a
oiwvòv èriĝero Tò npóorayua kat rò beîov Ýreàdu-
Bavov nmpooņnuaivew ròv roô Pacıiàéws Odvarov.
3 ld ` $ 3 ~ lA m“
eyévero è katl AÀda oneta mapdðoča mpoðnàoðvra
` AÀ , 5 À 7 a o v
Tv ` A\eẸdvòðpov redevrýv, mepi ðv pmrkpòv Čorepov
? “~ € K ` a ? m m
épopev, ótrav Tòv mepi Ts êkhopâs Àóyov aroðð-
uev.
~ ` e ? 4 ei
115. Tôv yàp hyepóvwv kai piiwv čkaoros oro-
lg A “~ [d >
xatóuevos Ts To Baciàéws dpeokreias kareokeða-
LÒ À Ò > À lA ` m~ ` ~ KA
tev eiðwda Òr! àéhavros kal ypvooô kai rv ÀAAwv
m # td
tTÕv lavpačouévwv map’ avhpænrois, aùròs Sè roùs
3 + 3 r Ca “~ ~
apxırékrTovas aðpoicas kal Aentrovpyðv màñÂos roô

1 Hephaestion’s usage here suggests the pluralis majestatis.
He can hardly mean anyone but himself.

456

BOOK XVII. 114. 3—115. 1

power and freedom of speech based on this friendship 324/3 v.c.

that when Olympias was estranged from him because
of jealousy and wrote sharp criticisms and threats
against him in her letters, he felt strong enough to
answer her reproachfully and ended his letter as
follows : “ Stop quarrelling with us and do not be
angry or menacing. If you persist, we t shall not be
much disturbed. You know that Alexander means
more to us than anything.”

As part of the preparations for the funeral, the king
ordered the cities of the region to contribute to its
splendour in accordance with their ability, and he
proclaimed to all the peoples of Asia that they should
sedulously quench what the Persians call the sacred
fire, until such time as the funeral should be ended.
This was the custom of the Persians when their kings
died, and people thought that the order was an ill
omen, and that heaven was foretelling the king’s own
death. There were also at this time other strange
signs pointing to the same event, as we shall relate
shortly, after we have finished the account of the
funeral.?

115. Each of the generals and Friends tried to meet
the king’s desires and made likenesses of Hephaestion
in ivory and gold and other materials which men hold
in high regard.? Alexander collected artisans and an
army of workmen and tore down the city wall to a

2 A similar account of Hephaestion’s funeral was probably
given by Curtius and is now lost from the manuscript of book
10. The references in Justin (12. 12. 12), Plutarch (Alexander,
72), and Arrian (7. 14) are briefer, and locate it before, not
after, the Cossaean campaign. See Addenda.

3 These were probably medallions or small images to be
worn in wreaths, as one wore images of the gods. It was a

common ancient practice, employed later in the case of the
Hellenistic kings and the Roman emperors.

457

DIODORUS OF SICILY

èv reiyovs kabeîev émi éka oraðiovs, thv &
ontùv mÀivhov dvaàeźduevos kat rov ĝeyóuevov TÅV
mupàv TÓTOV ÖQAÀAÖV KATAOKEVÁOAS WKOĞÖUNTE
TerpárÀcvpov mupáv, oraĝðiaias oÙŬonS ékáoTNs
2 mÀcupâs. eis rpidkovra è Öóuovs ĝreAduevos Tòv
tóTov kal karaorpúocas tàs poas dowikwv
oreàéyeot Terpádywvov eroiņoe nâv rò karacreú-
aspa. peTà Õe rara nmepieribei TÖ mepiPpóàw mavri
kóouov, of Tùv pèv kpnriða ypvoa? mevrypikal
mpõpar ovveràýpovv, osat Tòv dpiðpòv Õiaréoiat
Teooapákovta, émi ðè TÕv êmwrlòwv éyovoai úo
pèv Toģőtas eis yóvv rekalıkóras TETPATÝXELS,
davôpidvras è nmevrarýyeis kaĥðwnouévovs, Toùs
ðe perač rómrovs ġowiklðes averàńpovv mÀnTaí.
3 Órepdvw ðè roúrwv Tv evrépav èraveîyov yæpav
SGðes mevrekaiðekanýyeis, karà pèv tùy Àaßùv
Exovoar ypvooñs orehdvovs, karà è rv èkpàóyw-
ow deroùs Jiarenerakóras* TÀS mTÉpuyas kal káTW
veúovras, map Sè ràs Pdoeis pdrovras åpopôvras
Toùs deroús.? karà è trùv Tpirnv mepipopàv kare-
okeúaoTto Çwwv navroðarðv tilos kvvyyovuévwv.
4 emera Ú pev Terápry yæpa kevravpopayiav ypv-
ov eîyev, ġ è méunmty Àéovras kat rtaúpovs
évadÀdé ypvooðs. rò È dvørepov pépos èreràń-
pwro? Makeõovxôv kai Bapßpapıkðv ömiwv, v
pèv tàs åvpayalias, ðv è ràs rras onuawóvrwv.
eml nâo Õe èherorýkeoav Leipiives Sidrordor Kal
Svváuevar Aeànlórws Séfaohaı roùs èv aùraîs övras
kal &õovras émkýðiov Opvov TÔ rTeredevrykóri.

1 ianenrakóras RX.

458

py A 3
2 mepi roùs deroŭús F.

BOOK XVII. 115. 1-4

distance of ten furlongs. He collected the baked tiles 324/3 s.c.

and levelled off the place which was to receive the
pyre, and then constructed this square in shape, each
side being a furlong in length. He divided up the
area into thirty compartments and laying out the
roofs upon the trunks of palm trees wrought the
whole structure into a square shape.! Then he de-
corated all the exterior walls. Upon the foundation
course were golden prows of quinqueremes in close
order, two hundred and forty in all. Upon the cat-
heads each carried two kneeling archers four cubits
in height, and (on the deck) armed male figures five
cubits high, while the intervening spaces were occu-
pied by red banners fashioned out of felt. Above
these, on the second level, stood torches fifteen cubits
high with golden wreaths about their handles. At
their flaming ends perched eagles with outspread
wings looking downward, while about their bases were
serpents looking up at the eagles. On the third level
were carved a multitude of wild animals being pur-
sued by hunters. The fourth level carried a centauro-
machy rendered in gold, while the fifth showed lions
and bulls alternating, also in gold. The next higher
level was covered with Macedonian and Persian arms,
testifying to the prowess of the one people and to the
defeats of the other. On top of all stood Sirens, hol-
lowed out and able to conceal within them persons
who sang a lament in mourning for the dead. The

1 The brevity of Diodorus’s account leaves the meaning a
little obscure. Itis possible that the ground plan was divided
into thirty transverse compartments, each thus about 22 feet
wide and 220 yards long. Each of these could be roofed with
fiat timbers to support the next higher section of the pyre.

3 énìņpoôro X; drorenràýpwro F.

459

DIODORUS OF SICILY

570 Ò vos v ðàov ToÔ katraokevádouartos mýyeELS
TÀELOUS TÕV ÉKATÒV TPLÁKOVTA.

Kalódov è rv re hyepóvwv kat TÕv oTpatrıwrÂv
ámávrwv kal rv mpéoßewv, éri 8è TÕv èyywpiwv
hiàotriunhévrwv ecis ròv tis ekpopâs kóopov aci
Tò nàñlos rv dvaàwhévræv ypnuátræwv yeyovévat

6 mÀciw TÕv uvupiwv kal cioyiÀiwv TaÀdvrwv. dko-
Aoðbws Sè rary TÅ peyañonpenelg kal rv &AÀwv
yevopévwv karà Tùv èkhpopàv tiu®v TÒ TeÀevraîov
npocéraģev anacı búew ‘Hoawriwvi eÔ rap-
éòpw" kal yàp karà túóyņv kev eîs rôv piwv
Diùmros, xpnopòv fépwv map "Auuwvos Búew
Hgparoriwvi be. Sıórep yevópevos mepiyaps èr
TÕ kal Tòv Îeòv kekupwkévar Tùv aùroô yvöuny
npõTos Tv Îvoiav éneréàcoev kal Tò mÀñbos Àa-
mpõs Ýneðééaro, ópia rov apıðpðv Oóocas iepeîa
navrToðaTnd.

116. Merà sè TÙV érpopàv eis dvéoeis kal mAvN-
yvpixòv piov ÊKTpPATÉVTOS To Paoidéws, cokoûvros
ioxúew TÓTE mÀcîoTov kal páNoT ebðaruoveîv, Ù
menpwuévy ovvýpet rov úno tis púoews aùr®
avykeywpnpévov To iv ypővov. eùĝù è kal rò
Oeîov eońpawe tův reàevrův aùrtoô, moàðv kal
mapaðóéwv owvðv kal oņpelwv ovvreňovuévwv.

1 The manuscripts have mpoéspw, but cp. Lucian, Calum-
niae non temere credendum, 17. 148: éĝvov mapéðpw rai
dàefikárw ðe®. Editors have corrected accordingly. `

2 emi TÊ le® kuphoavti Tùv adro yvópyy X.

E a a

1 Justin (12. 12. 12) gives the same figure; Plutarch
(Alevander, 72. 3) and Arrian (7. 14. 8), 10,000 talents.

2? Lucian (Calumniae non temere credendum, 17) gives a
fuller account of Hephaestion’s deification; he received

460

BOOK XVII. 115. 5—116. 1

total height of the pyre was more than one hundred 324/3 s.c.

and thirty cubits.

All of the generals and the soldiers and the envoys
and even the natives rivalled one another in con-
tributing to the magnificence of the funeral, so, it is
said, that the total expense came to over twelve
thousand talents.! In keeping with this magnificence
and the other special marks of honour at the funeral,
Alexander ended by decreeing that all should sacrifice
to Hephaestion as god coadjutor.? As a matter of
fact, it happened just at this time that Philip, one of
the Friends, came bearing a response from Ammon
that Hephaestion should be worshipped as a god.
Alexander was delighted that the god had ratified his
own opinion, was himself the first to perform the sa-
crifice, and entertained everybody handsomely. The
sacrifice consisted of ten thousand victims of all sorts.

116. After the funeral, the king turned to amuse-
ments and festivals, but just when it seemed that he
was at the peak of his power and good fortune, Fate
cut off the time allowed him by nature to remain
alive. Straightway heaven also began to foretell his
death, and many strange portents and signs occurred.

temples and precincts in the cities, his name was used in the
most solemn of oaths, and he received sacrifice as a mdpeðpos
kal åìetíkakos ĝeós. No archaeological record of any of this
remains (C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum und griechische
Städte, 1956), and the ancient tradition was various. Justin
(12. 12. 12) reports, like Diodorus, that Alexander ordered
that Hephaestion was to be worshipped “ ut deum.” Plut-
arch (Alexander, 12. 2) states that Ammon recommended
that he should be honoured as a hero, and so did he also
according to Arrian (7. 23. 6), after first refusing to allow
him divine worship (7. 14. 7). The term mápeðpos is odd :
elsewhere it seems to mean a priest (G. E. Bean, Journal of
Hellenic Studies, 12 (1952), 118.

461

DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVII. 116. 2—4 -

7 g

2 T O / > , Ii pa a
o yap Pacidéws dàerpouévov ral tis Bacidris Once when the king was being rubbed with oil and 324/8 s.c.

eobñros kal ğaĝýuaros èri twos Opóvov relévros
Tõv eyxwpiwv Tis Ôeðeuévos EAúlN ràs réas aŭro-
paTws kal Aabłwv roùs púdaras SrhAbe Sià rÕv rhs
3 aùàñs Ovpôv dvemıkwàórws. mpooeàbàv Sè TÂ

the royal robe and diadem were lying on a chair, one
of the natives who was kept in bonds was spontane-
ously freed from his fetters, escaped his guards’
notice, and passed through the doors of the palace
with no one hindering. He went to the royal chair,

2 ` `
Opóvw kat Tv Paciùeùv evõvodpevos éobñra kai
2 3
Tò dönya meptbépevos èrdhioev mè ròv Opóvov
y z
rai Tùy havylav Ñye. yvwoleions” è rs mpádéews
A
ó Paces karamàayeis TÒ mapdõočov mpooñÀle
m~ ` `
a Opóvæw kal xwpis kararàńéews ovy ròv &v-
+ kal É
Ppwrov avékpive ris &v kal ri Bovàópevos tToôro
“~ b >
4 mpage. To è eimóvros unõèv arðs ywdorew
TOIS pavteot mpooavahépevos mept roô onuelov
ToÛTOov uèv karà Tùův èkei f Té
r P a Thv ékeivav kpiow ànékrtewev,
TWS TA onpawðueva Svoyeph) eis keîvov TpémNTatL
aùros è avadaßav rv ècbñ l ) i
a apay Thv éobira kal Îeoîs dmorpo-
n voas ev aywvig kabeorýret kal ris tÔv
2 ? i j
addarav mpopphoews épvnuóvevoe kal Toùs uèv troubled- He xecatled the predictior oE E Sina
lg j i
ovuneioavras pidooógovs rapeňbeî els 7 Jv Bafv- daeans and was angry with the philosophers who had
~ £ i
Ava? kareuéupero, thv è téyvnv rv Xadðalwv a a e pie
% * M > j i
K ~ > la i
at Tv TÕv avôpôðv åyyíivorav éhavuače, raðódov a N A

put on the royal dress and bound his head with the
diadem, then seated himself upon the chair and re-
mained quiet.? As soon as the king learned of this, he
was terrified at the odd event, but walked to the chair
and without showing his agitation asked the man
quietly who he was and what he meant by doing
this. When he made no reply whatsoever,? Alex-
ander referred the portent to the seers for interpreta-
tion and put the man to death in accordance with
their judgement, hoping that the trouble which was
forecast by his act might light upon the man’s own
head. He picked up the clothing and sacrificed to
the gods who avert evil, but continued to be seriously

menta, 1956, 109 f.), it was “ capital ” for anyone to sit on
the throne of the king of Persia.) Plutarch, Alexander, 13.
4, states that he was a Greek. It is possible that he did not
put on the royal garments, but merely held them. Later
references to the significance of the throne are Dio, 50. 10. 2 ;
56.29. 1; Script. Hist, Aug., Septimius Severus, 1. 9. See

1 yvwpiobeions F. 2 Baßfvàwwviav RX.

1! Plutarch, Alegander, 173. 3-4, says that the prisoner had

been miraculously freed by S is : :
Bebed not been hdd in bends o TR, Mge E athiat

2 The significance of the royal throne in the Orient has

appeared in chap. 66. 3- Addenda.

native, he may EA E note 2). Ifthe man was a 3 Either because he was too frightened to speak, or because
a place of refuge from the a nee] yroral least as he did not speak Greek. Plutarch makes him claim to have
account, they did not venture to n him oa ne Ba DaS bp aaanS i tug did not pete im tne

cause of some Persi ? i
tee Paka eer O 5 (According to the anecdote á Plutarch, Alexander, 14, 1, Arrian (T. 24. 3) reports
y O. Seel (Pompeius Trogus, Frag- only that he was tortured to make him explain his actions.

462 463

DIODORUS OF SICILY

è roùs raîs eúpnoroyiais karasogičouévovs Tùův
Súvauıv ris menrpwpévns eBàacphue.

5 Mer òàiyov õè dào onueîov aùr® mepi ris Ba-
oiÀeias* Tò Õaruóviov ènéornoe. Bovàouévov yàp
aŭro Bedoaohar Tv mepi thv Baßvàðva? Àiuvnyv
kal mÀéovros perà rÕv pi\wv ëv row årárois ep
ýpépas pév Twas drooyiobeions ris veds årò trôv
dwy okapôv erdavýðņ uóvos, ğore ral TV
6 owrnpiav anoyvõvar: čmera Šid Tiwos abÀâvos
oTevoĵ kal ovunervkacpévov Šévõpeot Siaràéovros
kal TÕv pèv Ýrepreruévwv, roô Šè Siaðńparos rò
ToúTwv aplévros rai máùw eis Thv Àluvyv nmeoóvros
cis rÕv perv’ nmpoovnéduevos kal ßBovàópevos
dopadôs cõca TÒ idna npocébero TÅ kepaàf
7 Kal TpooevýćaTo T® mÀoiw. rTpeîs è ýuépas kal
Tas toas vúrras ğıandavnleis Sieowbn kal rò Šid-
Ônua mepiléuevos dveàniorws mdv roîs LOVTEGL
npocavépepe mept TÔv mpoonpawouévwv.

117. Toúrwv è mapakeàcevouévwv* Âuolas èn-
redeîv roîs Qeoîs peyadonpenreîs perà TANS
amovõñs mapekàńðn mpós riwa rôv hiňwv Mýðiov
rov Oerrañðv èri kõôpov Mbe kke moàùdv

i , "i .
Possibly for redàevrâs, as Fischer, or roô Pacidéws reevrîs.

2? Baßvàwviav R, perhaps rightly ; th
well to the south of Babon: REEE a

3 únnperâðr F.
; z
4 máàw mapakeàevopévov X.

1 Or, perhaps, “ about his death ” ; ¢
; ; i ; cp. note 1 above.
i Arrian (7. 22) tells this story earlier than the one about
the throne, and gives various accounts about the incident of
464

BOOK XVII. 116. 4—117. 1

sight, and generally railed at those who used specious 324/3 s,c.

reasoning to argue away the power of Fate.

A little while later heaven sent him a second por-
tent about his kingship. He had conceived the desire
to see the great swamp of Babylonia and set sail with
his friends in a number of skiffs.” For some days his
boat became separated from the others and he was
lost and alone, fearing that he might never get out
alive. As his craft was proceeding through a narrow
channel where the reeds grew thickly and overhung
the water, his diadem was caught and lifted from his
head by one of them and then dropped into the swamp.
One of the oarsmen swam after it and, wishing to
return it safely, placed it on his head and so swam
back to the boat. After three days and nights of
wandering, Alexander found his way to safety just as
he had again put on his diadem when this seemed
beyond hope. Again he turned to the soothsayers
for the meaning of all this.

117. They bade him sacrifice to the gods on a grand
scale and with all speed, but he was then called away
by Medius, the Thessalian, one of his Friends, to take
part in a comus.? There he drank much unmixed

the lost diadem and its recovery ; it was the other boats
which became lost, but Alexander sent a pilot and rescued
them.

3 Justin, 12. 13. 7. These events are described from the
royal journal more circumstantially by Plutarch, Alexander,
75. 3, and Arrian, 7. 24. 4—25. 1. Medius belonged to a
noble family of Larisa and had accompanied Alexander as a
personal friend, not in a military capacity (Berve, Alexander-
reich, 2, no. 521). Aelian ( Varia Historia, 3. 23) gives a day-
by-day account of Alexander’s drinking and resting during
the last three weeks of his life, crediting this to Eumenes of
Cardia, the keeper of the journal, but gives the month
wrongly as Dius. See Addenda.

465

DIODORUS OF SICILY

y kd A kd ` ~ e + g
akpaTov éuphopnheis éri redeuris ‘Hparàéovs uéya
2 morýpiov mÀàņnpwcas eéémev. àdvw è ğonep ré
Twos nmàņnyis ioyvpôs menràņyuévos dveorévaćče
péya Pońoas kat úrò rv giňwv annàdártrero
xepaywyoðpevos. eùhùs ’ oi pèv nepi Tùv Qepa-
melav ekĝedpuevot karékùwav aùròv kal mpooń-
3 Òpevov émiueÀðs, ToD è mdlovs èmirelvovros kal
rÕv iarpõðv ovykànlévrwv Ponbĝoai uèv oùĝeis
eõuvýðn, moddoîs è móvois kai Šewaîs dàynõóoı
ovoyebleis, ene Tò Civ aréyrw, TEpPLEÀÓ HEVOS TÖV
4 ðakrúňiov éðwke Iepõikka. rôv è pidwv erepw-
Tóvrwv, Tivi rv Baoiàceiav àrodeireis; erev, Tô
kpatioTw, kal mpocephéyéaro, raúrnv rteàevralav
pwvhv mpoéuevos, ötri uéyav ayôva aèr èmrtágiov
ovotrýoovtrat mávres ot mpwTeúovres rv diiwv.
5 oôros pèv ov TÒv Tpoerpnuévov Tpórov reìeúrnoe
Pacidcúoas ër wðeka kal pvas érrTá, mpačes
Ôe peyioras kaTepyaodpevos où uóvov TÔv T pò
aŭro Paocidevodrrwv, aÀÀà Kal trÔv üorTepov ègo-
pévwv épi To kał ġuâs Blov.

1 Justin, 12. 13. 8-9. Arrian (7. 27. 2) gives this story of
the sudden stab of pain as a variant version, and Plutarch
(Alexander, 15. 3-4) specifically denies it. Diodorus here
explains the *“ cup of Heracles ” mentioned by Plutarch.
There was an annual festival of the death of Heracles on Mt.
Oeta, with which Medius, as a Thessalian, was familiar. Its
date has been unknown (M. P. Nilsson, Geschichte der
griechischen Religion, 1, 1941, p. 120), but this anecdote may
indicate that it occurred in the Macedonian month of Dae-
sius.

2? Curtius, 10. 5. 4; Justin, 12. 15. 12. Curtius’s narrative
resumes at this point.

3? So also in Arrian, 7. 26. 3. In Book 18. 1. 4, Diodorus
says “‘ To the best,” agreeing with the “ optimus ” of Cur-
tius, 10. 5. 5, and the “ dignissimus ” of Justin, 12. 15. 8.
466

BOOK XVII. 117. 1—5

wine in commemoration of the death of Heracles, and 324/8 Bc.

finally, filling a huge beaker, downed it at a gulp.
Instantly he shrieked aloud as if smitten by a violent
blow and was conducted by his Friends, who led him
by the hand back to his apartments.! His chamber-
lains put him to bed and attended him closely, but the
pain increased and the physicians were summoned.
No one was able to do anything helpful and Alex-
ander continued in great discomfort and acute suffer-
ing. When he, at length, despaired of life, he took
off his ring and handed it to Perdiccas.? His Friends
asked : ‘‘ To whom do you leave the kingdom ? ” and
he replied: “ To the strongest.” ®© He added, and
these were his last words, that all of his leading
Friends would stage a vast contest in honour of his
funeral.t This was how he died after a reign of twelve
years and seven months. He accomplished greater
deeds than any, not only of the kings who had lived
before him but also of those who were to come later
down to our time.

It is true, of course, that xpdrioros may mean “‘ best ” as well as
“ most powerful.”

4 Curtius, 10. 5. 5; Arrian, 7. 26. 3.

5 Alexander died on the 28th of Daesius (Plutarch, Alex-
ander, '16. 4, so also the Babylonian records, but Aristobulus
(Plutarch, Alexander, 15. 4) said the 30th ; it was a hollow
month, without any 29th, and Alexander died about sun-
down; this was the 10th of June), and it has been argued
above that the assassination of Philip and the accession of
Alexander must have taken place in the same month (p. 100,
note 1). This would give Alexander thirteen years of reign,
and tbis figure is actually given by the Oxyrhynchus Chrono-
loger (P. Oxy. 1. 12. v. 31-32). Since Daesius was the eighth
Macedonian month, the “ seven months ” of Diodorus and
the “ eight months ” of Arrian (7. 28. 1) represent exclusive
and inclusive counting from the first new year after Alexan-
der’s accession. Cp. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, 3. 2. 59.

467

; pe

DIODORUS OF SICILY

Enei é rives rÕv ovyypapéwv mepi Tis Tedevris
To Paoiàéws roúrov ðianepwvýkacw, ároßġawó-
pevot Sià ġappárov Îavacípov yeyovévar rTòv
fávarov, avaykaîov hyoúueða Sev uù) mapaùıreîv
aŭrðv Toùs Àdyovs.

118. Daci yàp `Avrimarpov èm ris Eùpørmns
otpatrqyòv óm’ -aŭro raradeiphévra ieveyhñvar
mpos Oñvumidõða TÙV uNTÉpa toô Baciàéws kal rò
èv mpõTov katapoveîv aùTs ðıà TO uù) mpooðéye-
abau Tv Añéčavðpov TAS kar’ aùroô Õiaßoàds,
voTepov ò alel Tis E€xbpas aùkouévns, To Baciàéws
òà TÒ TpÒS TÒ Oetov eùoeßès mávra Bovàopévov ri
pnTpi xapikeobar, Tods eupdocis Siðóva Tîs
mpos aùròv dÀdoTpiótTNTos: mpòs è roúrois Ts
lHappeviwvos kai Dwrov opayis pirn èurowov-
ans Toîs hiàois Sià ToÔ lÖiov vio Terayué l

NS TO ; yuévov mepi
rov kvaĥov ovar meîv Îavdoruov fáppakov TÔ
2 Paodet. pETà Sè TÅv TeÀevriv mÀeîorov loyúoavros
tv katà av Eùporyv kal perà rara Kacdvõpov
TOÔ vio ôraĝefauévov Tùv Pacideiav moods ovy-
ypageîs uN) Toàuâv ypdpar mept ris pappareias.
pavepòv è yeyovévaı Kácavðpov Š? ačrôv râv
Tpágewv dàdotTpörara Õıareipevov roîs ’A\eédv-
ŝpov Tpáypaot' Týv Te yàp 'Oàvumidõa poveúoavra.
ärtahov ppa kai tàs Ýr’ èkeivov karacrapeicas
Opas dvorxisai! perà modiis omovõĝs.

Merà ðe TÙV To Paoiéws redevriv Xiovyyau-
Pps ý Aapeiov HÝTNP, TOAÀù karabpyvýcaca TÚV
TE Adegdvõpov TeàeuTiv kat rùv éavrijs èpņuiav,
emi Ts éoxarns ToÎ Biov ypappñs èykaprephoaca

1 à 1 Fi h ? m 3
voixioai Fischer ; oikoa RX; olkioa F.

468

BOOK XVII. 117. 5—118. 3

Since some historians disagree about the death of 324/3 s.c.

Alexander, and state that this occurred in conse-
quence of a draught of poison, it seems necessary for
us to mention their account also.!

118. They say that Antipater, who had been left
by Alexander as viceroy in Europe, was at variance
with the king’s mother Olympias. At first he did
not take her seriously because Alexander did not heed
her complaints against him, but later, as their enmity
kept growing and the king showed an anxiety to
gratify his mother in everything out of piety, Antipater
gave many indications of his disaffection. This was
þad enough, but the murder of Parmenion and Philotas
struck terror into Antipater as into all of Alexander’s
Friends, so by the hand of his own son, who was the
king’s wine-pourer, he administered poison to the
king.? After Alexander’s death, Antipater held the
supreme authority in Europe and then his son Casander
took over the kingdom, so that many historians did not
dare write about the drug. Casander, however, is
plainly disclosed by his own actions as a bitter enemy
to Alexander’s policies. He murdered Olympias and
threw out her body without burial, and with great
enthusiasm restored Thebes, which had been des-
troyed by Alexander.”

After the king’s death Sisyngambris, Dareius’s
mother, mourned his passing and her own bereave-
ment, and coming to the limit of her life she refrained

1 Justin, 12. 13. 10; Arrian, 7. 27. 1. See Addenda.

2 Justin, 12. 14; Plutarch, Alexander, TY. 1-3; Arrian,
7.27. The son’s name was Iollas, but Justin associated with
him his brothers Philip and Casander, the later king. Curtius
does not mention this tradition. 3 Book 19. 49-51 ; 53.

2 Xeovyapßpis codd.
469

AAA

DIODORUS OF SICILY BOOK XVII. 118. 3—4

teese $å Be a T emÀúmws év, oùK from food and died on the fifth day, abandoning life 8324/3 s.c.
ocuévy rò hv. infully b inølori i
4 “Huete Sè eri ray’ j . s painfully but not ingloriously.
peis è emi rÅv ° Adeédvõpov reeuriv mapóvres Having reached the death of Alexander as we pro-

kaTa Tv èv apx Tis BiBàov nmpóheow rà f
; i TAS TÕV T

brasefauévwv mpages êv rtaîs abo uévais BiBois posed to do at the beginning of the book, we shall

meipacóuela ðiefrévar.” try to narrate the actions of the Successors in the

; R RX add a subscription, missing in F: Aosópov Xexe- books which follow.
MUTOV ISTUP E; 1 Curtius, 10. 5. 19-25.

470 471

ADDENDA

P. 4. The possibility should be mentioned that Dio-

dorus used the writings of Duris of Samos, since
he mentions him in Book 15. 60. 6 and cites him
in Book 21. 6. C. Dolce (Kokalos, 6, 1960, 124-
166) and E. Manni (ib. 167-173) argue that Dio-
dorus drew his account of Agathocles from Duris.

Pp. 7 f. The important book of L. Pearson, The Lost

Histories of Alexander the Great (1960), came into
my hands too late to be used in this discussion.

P. 13. My assumption that Curtius belongs to the

early Augustan period is supported by D. Kor-
zeniewski, Die Zeit des Quintus Curtius Rufus
(1959). Others have argued for a Flavian or
Hadrianic date, and C. A. Robinson, Jr. (American
Journal of Philology, 82, 1961, 316-319) would
date Curtius to the Severan period. None of
these later datings would affect my theory that
both Curtius and Diodorus drew their accounts
of Alexander from Trogus.

Pp. 81, 325, 427, 465. Three of the four komoi reported

by Diodorus were celebrations of important
successes, and it may be that the komos at which
Alexander became fatally ill, also, was not an
ordinary party but an event of some importance.
The komos in Carmania was in honour of Diony-
sus, that in Babylon, apparently, in honour of
Heracles.

473

ADDENDA

P. 159, n. 2. The same story of Leôs and Erechtheus
is mentioned by Cicero, De Natura Deorum, iii. 50.

P. 253. Straton may have been put to death by
Alexander; the historian Anaximenes described
his death as violent (Athen. xii. 531 d-e).

P. 267. I have argued in an article to appear in
Historia that the foundation date of Alexandria
given by Pseudo-Callisthenes, i. 32 : 25 Tybi =
8 April 331, may be accepted as correct, and that
it supports the report of Aristobulus that the city
was founded, formally at least, after the visit to
the Oasis of Siwah.

Pp. 306, n. 2, and 462, n. 2. To the discussions of the
significance of the throne should be added that
of P. Wolf-Windegg, Die Gekrönten; Sinn und
Sinnbilder des Königtums (1958), 159-166.

P. 407, n. 1. Dioxippus appears as a citizen of Athens
involved in a law, suit in Hypereides’s speech On
Behalf of Lycophron. Diodorus mentions (Book
16. 44. 3) another instance of a soldier garbed as
Heracles in the case of the Argive general Nicos-
tratus.

P. 427, n. 4. Carystius of Pergamum was probably
referring to this event when he described Alex-
ander as kwuáfov rì övov åpparTos (Athen. x.
434 f).

P. 457. The ultimate source of this description ma
have been Ephippus’s treatise On the Funeral (or
Death) of Alexander and Hephaestion (Jacoby, no.
126).

P. 469, n. 2. According to Pseudo-Plutarch, Lives of
the Ten Orators (Moralia, 849 F), Hypereides pro-
posed that the Athenians should honour Íolas
(Iollas) for having poisoned Alexander.

474

INDEX

ABRITAE, people of Gedrosia, 421

Abuleutes (Abulites), treasurer of
Dareius IFI at Susa, 305

Acamaniapa: Acarnanian, 125,

Acesines, river in India, 395, 397

Achaean cavalry with Alexander
ITI, 283 ; Achaean mercenaries
with Alexander III, 283

Achilles, 163, 401

Achradina, part of Syracuse, 33

Ada, ruler of Caria, 383, 45, 185

Aåmetus, Macedonian commander
(of battalion of Foot Guards ?),
killed at Tyre, 247

Adranum, Adranitae, city in Si-
cily, 31, 33

Adrestians, people of India, 383

Adriatic Sea, 453

Aeacides, Molossian, father of
Pyrrhus, 41

Aeacids, 121

Aegae, city of Macedonia, 91

Aemilius, Lucius, consul in 338/7
B.C., 71

Aemilius Mamercus, Tiberius, con-
sul in 336/5 B.0., 89

Aeschines, Athenian orator and
statesman, 129

Aetna, city in Sicily, 27, 67

Aetolians, 125, 447

Agalasseis, people of India, 397

Agamemnon, king of Mycenae, 81

Agathocles, despot (king) of Syra-
cuse, 71, 183

Agathon, Macedonian from Pyd-
na, commander of the citadel at
Babylon, 301

Agesias, Attic archon in 324/3 B.C.,
458

Agis III, son of Archidamus, king
of the Lacedaemonians, 85, 256,
297

Agrianians, in army of Alexander
IIL, 165

Agrigentum, city in Sicily, 55

Agyrium, city in Sicily, 67, 69, 71

Ajax, 163

Alcadas, see Callimenes

Alexander (Paris), son of Priam
king of Troy, 135

Alexander, sacrificant (probably
mistake for Aristander), 167

Alexander, son of Aeropus, prince
of Lyncestis, 207, 349

Alexander IIL, the Great, son of
Philip, king of the Macedonians,
45, 79, 103, 107-121, 125-185,
139, 141, 145, 151, 161-185, 189,
193, 195, 205-213, 221-2833, 237,
241, 245-261, 265-283, 289, 291,
295-301, 305, 309-389, 395-441,
445-457, 461-471

Alexander of Epirus, brother of
Olympias, husband of Cleo-
patra, king of the Molossians,
41, 91

Re city in Egypt, 267,
2

Alexandria, city in Gedrosia, 423

Alexandria, city of the Caucasus,
357, 359

Alexandria, city on the fndus
River, 413

Amazons, 109, 339, 341

Ambraciots, 125, 127

Ammon, 107, 259, 263, 391, 435,
461

Ammonians, of the Oasis of Si-
wah, 455

Amphictyons (Delphi), 127

Amphipolis, city of Macedonia, 301

Amyntas, son of Andromenes,
brother of Simmias, Attalus,
and Polemon, friend and general
of Alexander ITE, 249, 259

475

INDEX

Amyntas, son of Antiochus, Mace-
donian with Dareius III, 255,
257

Amyntas III, king of the Mace-
donians, father of Philip II, see
Philip II

Anaxarchus of Abdera, philoso-
pher with Alexander III, 451

Andromachus, tyrant of Taurome-
nium in Sicily, 31

Andromenes, father of Simmias,
Attalus, Polemon, and Amyn-
tas, 249

Anticles, Athenian, Olympic vic-
tor in 340 B.C., 53

Anticles, Attic archon in 3825/4
B.C., 441

Antigonus, son of Philip, general
of Alexander III, satrap of
Great Phrygia 333-323 B.O.
(probably named erroneously as
relative of Philotas instead of
Antipater), 349

Antipater, son of Iolaüs, of Pa-
liura in Macedonia, general and
viceroy of Alexander III, 107,
161, 167, 297, 303, 329, 437, 469

Antissa, city of Lesbos, 199

Antixyes, Persian noble killed at
Issus, 213

Aaris, fortress in Swat, 113, 365,

Aphrices, Indian general, 869

Apollo, 235, 237, 251

Apollo Philalexander, 251

Apollodorus of Amphipolis,
brother of Peithagoras, military
governor of Babylon with
Menes, responsibility as far as
Cilicia, 301

Apollonia, city in Sicily, 43

Apolloniades, tyrant of Agyrium
in Sicily, 67

Arachosia, province of eastern
Iran, 353

Araxes River, in Persis, 315

Arbela, city in Assyria, 107, 273,
295, 299, 301

Arcadians, 125, 139

Archelaüs, king of Macedonia
413-399 B.C., 163

Archidamus, king of the Lace-
daemonians, 85

Archons, Athenian, 23, 33, 37, 41,
45, 53, 65, 71, 85, 89, 121, 163,

476

199, 231, 257, 295, 329, 353,
373, 441, 453

Areia, province of Persia, 343,
353, 359, 425; Areii, 109, 111

Ares, 407

Argives, 125, 141

Arimaspians, called Benefactors,
people of Arachosia in eastern
Iran, 351, 353

Ariobarzanes, brother of Arta-
bazus, satrap of Persis under
Dareius III, 311, 315

Ariobarzanes, ruler of Cius in
Mysia, 87

Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia e.
388—361 B.C., 167

Aristarchus, persuaded Am-
braciots to expel Macedonian
garrison 336 B.O., 125

Aristolochus of Athens, Olympic
victor in 344 B.C., 33

Aristophanes, Attic archon in
331/0 B.C., 257

Aristophon, Attic archon in 330/
329 B.C., 295

Armenia, 301

Arsamenes (Arsames), satrap of
Cilicia under Dareius III, 171

Arsanes, father of Dareius ITI, 183

arses, king of Persia 338-336 B.C.,
1

Arsites, satrap of Hellespontine
Phrygia under Dareius III, 171

Artaxerxes II, king of Persia 405-
359 B.C., 183

Artaxerxes III, king of Persia 359-
338 B.C. (see also Ochus), 133

Arymbas, king of the Molossians,

Asia, Asiatic, 45, 47, 89, 91, 99,
107, 119, 123, 129, 131, 139,
161-165, 173, 201, 219, 221, 299,
819, 325, 329, 337, 341, 343,
429, 437, 445, 453, 457

Athena, 167, 177

Athens, Athenian, Athenians, 23,
33, 37, 41, 45, 51, 53, 65, 71-85,
89, 91, 115, 121, 123-129, 141,
159, 161, 163, 189, 199, 201,
231, 257, 295, 297, 327, 329,
353, 373, 407, 437, 441, 445,
447, 453; Athenian ships with
Alexander HII, 181

Atilius, Marcus, consul in 332/1
B.C., 231

INDEX

Atizyes, brother of Pharnaces and
of the queen to Dareius III, 177

Attalus, Macedonian noble,
general of Philip II, uncle of
Cleopatra, wife of Philip, son-
in-law of Parmenion, 89, 97,
123, 125, 129, 131

Attalus, son of Andromenes, of
Tymphaea in Macedonia, friend
and general of Alexander III,

101
Attica, Attic, 73, 75, 83, 115, 127,
325, 437

Babylon, 109, 115, 117, 203, 205,
227, 271, 301, 303, 321, 435,
445, 449, 451, 463; Babylonia,
309, 465

Bactra, city in Bactria, 327

Bactria, 301, 327, 329, 353, 359,
405; Baetriani, 111 ; Bactrian
cavalry at the Granicus, 171

Bagistanê, district in the Zagreus
Mountains, 443

Bagoas, eunuch and king-maker
at Persian court, 131, 133

Bagodaras, Persian in the service
of Bessus, defected to Alexan-
der II, 361

Balacrus, father of Philip, 281

Balonymus (Abdalonymus), made
king of Tyre (Sidon) by Alexan-
der III, 253

Barxaës (Barsaëntes),
noble with Bessus, 329

Basista, district in Sogdiana, 111

Belephantes, Chaldaean, 449

Belus, god in Babylon, 449

Benefactors, name given to the
Arimaspians, 351, 353

Bessus, satrap of Bactria, 109,
1i: 327, 329, 343, 345, 359,

Bitter Lake, in Libya, 261

Bodyguards, of Alexander II, 101,
295

Boeotia, Boeotians, 75-83, 127,
145, 443; Boeotian League, 75,
77

Brahmins, people of India, 415

Branchidae, people of Bactria, 111

Bruttium, in Italy, Bruttians, 65

Bucephala, city on the Acesines
River in India, 395

Byzantium, Byzantines, 47-53

Iranian

Cadmeia, citadel of Thebes, 125,
127, 139, 141, 153
Cadusians, people of northern
Mesopotamia, 133; Cadđusian
cavalry in the army of Dareius
Callas (properly Calas), son of
Harpalus, general of Alexander
III, satrap of Heliespontine
Taryel 334-c. 328 B.C., 137,
Callimenes, son of Alcadas, first
priest of Zeus Olympius at
Syracuse, 39
Callisthenes, philosopher and his-
torian with Alexander II, 111
Camarina, city in Sicily, 89
Campanians, 27, 67, 89
Cappadocians (troops of Dareius
III at the Granicus), 177
Carae, villages in Babylonia, 443
Caranus, Indian philosopher,
friend of Alexander III, 431, 433
Caria, Carians, 33, 45, 183, 185
Carmania, Gates of, 425
Carthage, Carthaginian, Cartha-
ginians, 25-35, 43, 45, 53-67,
183, 233, 251
Casander (properly Cassander),
son of Antipater, 469
Caspian Sea (see also Hyrcanian
Sea), 333
Cassander, general of Alexander
III, 165; see also Casander
Catania, city of Sicily, 35
Cathaeans, people of India, 385
Caucasus, mountain of eastern
Iran (Hindu-Kush), 357
Cebalinus, Macedonian, younger
brother of Nicomachus, at
headquarters of Alexander III
(not royal page), 347, 349
Cedrosians (Gedrosians), people of
eastern Iran, 353; Cedrosiaą,
421, 423
Celones, people of Babylonia, 443
Celts, mercenaries of Carthage,
45; Celtic dagger, 99
Centuripae, city in Sicily, 67
Cephalus of Corinth, legal adviser
of Timoleon at Syracuse, 69
Cephisophon, Attic archon in
829/8 B.C., 329
Cersobleptes, king of the Thra-
cians, 39

47T

INDEX

Chabrias, Athenian general, 77
Chaeroneia, city in Boeotia, 75,
85

Chalcis, city in Euboea, 231

Chaldaeans, scholars of Babylon,
117, 449, 451, 463

Chares, Athenian general, 75, 77

Charidemus, Athenian, at the
court of Dareius, 201, 203

harondo Attic archon in 838/7
B.C., 71

Chios, Chians, 41, 53, 199, 205

Chortacana (Artacoana), city of
Areia, 343

Chremes, Attic archon in 326/5
B.0., 373

Cilicia, 107, 195, 205, 221, 255, 257,

71, 301

Cithanran, mountain of Attica,

Cities of Ammon, in Libya, 261

Cleitarchus, tyrant of Eretria in
Euboea, 45

Cleitor, city of Arcadia, 89

Cleitus the Black, son of Dropidas,
commander of the Royal
Squadron of Companions under
Alexander JII, 111, 177, 281

Cleomantis of Cleitor, Olympic
victor 336 B.C., 89

Cleopatra, daughter of Philip II
and Olympias, sister of Alex-
ander III and wife of Alexander
of Epirus, 91

Cleopatra, niece of Attalus, last
wife of Philip II of Macedonia,
97, 123

Clodius, Marcus, consul in 329/8
B.C., 329

Coenus, son of Polemocrates,
brother of Oleander, general of
Alexander III (commander of
the battalion of the Macedonian
Ponlonz from Elimiotis), 281,
295

Comus, celebration in honour of
Dionysus, 81, 8325, 427; of
Heracles, 465

Consuls, Roman, 23, 33, 37, 41,
45, 53, 65, 71, 85, 89, 121, 163,
199, 231, 257, 295, 329, 353,
373, 441, 453

Coragus (Corratas), Macedonian,
friend of Alexander III, 407, 409

Corcyraeans, 23

478

Corinth, Corinthian, Corinthians,
23, 25, 29, 85, 37, 67, 69, 85,
87, 129, 329, 337, 455 ; League
of Corinth (see also Hellenic
League), 257

Cornelius, Aulus, consul in 340/39
B.C., 53 ; in 330/29 B.0., 295

Cornelius, Lucius, consul in 325/4
B.C., 441

Cornelius, Publius, consul in 326/5
B.O., 373

Cos, Coans, 53, 195

Cossaea, Cossaeans, people of the
Zagrus Mountains, 117, 447,
449; Cossaean troops in the
army of Dareius III, 287

Craterus, son of Alexander, com-
mander of a battalion of the
Macedonian phalanx, 283, 397,
455

Crete, Cretan, 255, 437; Cretan
archers with Alexander ITI, 283

Crimisus, river in Sicily, 59

Ctesicles, Attic archon in 334/3
B.C., 163

Cyclades Islands, 199

Cymê, city of the Aeolig, 51

Cyprus, 255

Cyrenê, 259

Cyrus, king of Persia 549-529 B.C.,
321, 351, 353

Cyzicus, city on the Hellespont,
135, 137

Dactyls, Idaean, 135

Damascus, city of Syria, 207

Danaüs, king of Egypt, 261

Dareius III, king of Persia 336-
330 B.C., 107, 109, 111, 133, 135,
173, 177, 181, 183, 199, 201,
205-215, 219-231, 253-257, 269,
273-279, 283, 287-295, 299, 305-
309, 327-337, 341, 343, 361, 433,
455, 469

Decius, F ubita, consul in 337/6
B.C.,

Delphi, Delphians, 55, 145, 455

Demades, Athenian orator and
statesman, 81, 83, 159, 161

Demaratus of Corinth, friend of
Alexander III, 337

Demeter, 25, 145

Demetrius, Syracusan herald, 87
emophon, seer with Alexander
TIT, 401

INDEX

Demosthenes, orator and states-
man at Athens, 73, 75, 77, 123,
127, 129, 141, 159, 439

Dimnus of Chaelestra in Mace-
donia, friend of Alexander III,

347, 349

Diocles, Syracusan lawgiver, 69

Dionysius, brother of Timotheüs,
tyrant of Heracleia-Pontica, 85

Dionysius I, the Elder, tyrant of
Syracuse, 41

Dionysius IJ, tyrant of Syracuse,
27, 29, 33, 37, 41

Dionysus, 111, 112, 325 ;
siac, 427

Dioxippus, Athenian boxer, Olym-
pic victor in 336 B.C. (?), friend
of Alexander III, 407-411

Dircê, fountain in Thebes, 145

Dium, city in Macedonia, 168

Diyllus of Athens, historian, 53

Dog Star, 187

Domitius, Gaius, consul in 330/29
B.C., 295

Dranginê (Drangianê), province of
Persia, 345, 351, 425

Drypetis, daughter of Dareius
III, wife of Hephaestion, 4833

Diony-

Bobatana, city in Media, 299, 351,

BeA, 107, 213, 231, 249, 255-
261, 267, 269

Elateia, city in Phocis, 73

Eleians, 125, 141, 455

a district of Macedonia,

Embisarus, Indian king,
called Sasibisares, 373

Engyum, city in Sicily, 43

Entella, city in Sicily, 27, 43

Ephialtes, Athenian, at Wali-
carnassus, 189-193

Ephorus of Cymê, historian, 51, 53

Epidaurians, 455

Epirus, &pirots, 91

Eressus, city of Lesbos, 199

Eretria in Euboea, 4

Erigyius, son of Larichus of Mity-
lenê, resident of Amphipolis,
general and friend of Alexander
IIE, commander of the allied
cavalry s at Gaugamela, 165, 283,
353, 359 i

Ethiopians, 261

also

Etruscans, 65

Euboea, 199

Bubulus, Attic archon in 8345/4
B.C., 23

Euphrates River, 271,278, 421,431

Europe, 101, 119, 163, 169, 201,
255, 299, 329, 53, 469

Euthycritus, Attic archon in 328/
327 B.C., 353

Evaenetus, Attic archon in 385/4
B.C., 121

Fabius, Marcus, consul in 345/4
B.C., 28

Fate, 461, 465

Fortunate Villages, in Hyrcania,
335

Fortune, 51, 81, 173, 199, 205,
219, 227, 249, 255, 289, 307,
817, 409, 433

Friends of Dareius III, 203, 217,
277; of Alexander III, 161,
163, 205, 207, 223, 229, 249,
255, 269, 273, 279, 281, 303,
347, 349, 395, 399; 407, 419,
421, 433, 451, 455, 457, 461,
465, 467, 469 ; of Mophis, 371 ;
of Harpalus, 437

Furius, Lucius, consul in 335/4
B.C., 121

Galeria, city in Sicily, 27

Gandara, Gandaridae, 113, 8383,
389-393

Ganges, river in India, 113, 389,
435

Gauls, 453

Gaza, city of Philistia, 257, 259

Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, 59

Qisco, son of Hanno, Carthagi-
nian general, 65

Glycera, Athenian courtesan in
service of Harpalus, 437

Granicus, river in Hellespontine
Phrygia, 107, 169, 183

Great Harbour, Syracuse, 33

Great King (of Persia), 143

Greece, Greek, Greeks, 35, 39, 41,
43, 51, 53, 59- 67, 71, 783, 83- 91,
103, 107-111, 117, 123- 129, 135,
139, 143-147, 151, 155, 157,

165, 185, 199, 201, 205,

255, 257, 295- 299, 309, 315,

325, 327, 8331, 337, 391, 395,

405-409, 443, 445, 451, 453

479

INDEX

Grylus of Chalcis, Olympic victor
in 332 B.C., 231 ,

Grynium, city of Aeolis, 137

Halicarnassus, Halicarnassians,
107, 183, 185

Hall of the Sixty Couches, on the
Island at Syracuse, 71

Halys River, 229, 273

Hanno, Carthaginian general, 27,
65

Harmatelia, city of the Brahmins
in India, 415, 419

Harpalus, father of Callas, 165

Harpalus, son of Machatas, of
Elimiotis in Macedonia, friend
and treasurer of Alexander III,
called satrap of Babylonia
(wrongly), 115, 435

Hecataeus, friend of Alexander,
murderer of Attalus, 123, 131

Hecatontapylus (Hecatompylus),
city of Hyrcania, 333

Helius (see also Spring of the Sun),
379

Hellenic League (see also Corinth,
League of), 329

Hellespont, Hellespontine, 39, 135,
163

Hellespontine Phrygia, 169

Hephaestion, son of Amyntor of
Pella, friend and general of
Alexander III, 117, 223, 225,
253, 295, 383, 387, 397, 433,
445, 455, 457, 461

Heracleia-Pontica, 85

Heracleidae, 51

Heracles, 121, 127, 365, 397, 407,

467 ; Heracles of Tyre, 231,
zat, 251; Pillars of Heracles,
453

Hermocrates, sophist, 99

Hicetas of Syracuse, tyrant of
Leontini, 27-35, 41, 43, 55, 67

Hiero, king of Syracuse, 71

Hyacinthus, honoured in Attic
mythology, 159

Hydaspes, river in India, 397

Hyphasis, river in India, 389

Hyrcania, province of Iran, 109,
333, 335, 839, 345; Hyrcanian
cavalry in the Persian army at
the Granicus, 171

Hyrcanian Sea (see also Caspian
Sea), 333

480

Iberians of Spain, mercenaries of
Carthage, 45

Ida, daughter of Melisseus, 135

Ida, mountain in the Troad, 135 ;
Idaean Dactyls, 135

Idrieus, ruler of Caria, 33

Illyria, Illyrian, Ilyrians, 35, 97,
139, 453 ; Illyrians, in army of
Alexander IIF, 165

India, Indians, 113, 367-381, 385-
391, 397, 403, 405, 411, 423,
431, 435, 437 ; Indian troops in
the army of Dareius III, 287

Indus River, 115, 367, 371, 389,
399, 415

Ionia, 171, 173

Ionian Gulf, 23

Iphicrates, Athenian general, 77

Iranian, Iranians (“ Barbarians’ $R
111, 329, 335, 359, 361

DAR at Syracuse, 29, 33, 37,

Issus, city in Cilicia, 107, 209, 221,
227-231, 255, 257

Isthmus (Corinth), 141 ; Isthmian
Games, 59

Italy, 25, 65, 83

Lacedaemonians (see also Sparta,
Ppartans), 85, 107, 125, 297, 299,

Laconia, 115, 437, 445

Lamian War, 445

Latins, 89

Leonnatus of Orestis in Macedo-
nia, friend and general of Alex-
ander III, 101, 223, 421, 427

neoan, city in Sicily, 29, 41, 43,

E eponymous hero at Athens,
159

Leosthenes, Athenian general,
117, 445, 447

Leptines, tyrant of Engyum, in
Sicily, 43

Lesbos, 199, 205

Leucadians, 23

Leuctra, city in Boeotia, 147, 151

Libya, Libyans, subjects of Car-
thage, 45, 63, 183, 263, 453

Libyan Sea, 63

Libyphoenicians, 453

Ligurians, mercenaries of Car-
thage, 45

Lilybaeum, city in Sicily, 63

INDEX

Little Harbour at Syracuse, 71

Locrians, people of Central Greece,
military force with Alexander
TII, 288

Lucanians, in Italy, 85

Lycia, Lycian, 195, 313

Lyciscus, Attic archon in 844/3
B.C., 33

Lycurgus, Athenian orator and
statesman, 83, 159

Lycus, river in Sicily, 67

Lydia, 179

Lynceestis (Lyncestae, Lynces-
tian), districtin Macedonia, 207,
281, 349

Lysicles, Athenian general, 75, 83

Lysimachides, Attic archon in
839/8 B.C., 65

Macedonia, Macedonian, Mace-
donians, 35, 39, 41, 49, 87, 91,
95, 113-117, 121, 125-131, 135-
139, 143, 149-153, 157, 161-165,
169-173, 177, 181, 187-195, 201-
205, 209-221, 233, 235, 239-251,
255, 259, 277, 279, 283-289, 293-
297, 301, 303, 311, 313, 319,
331, 337, 343, 845, 349, 351,

. 357, 359, 363, 365, 369, 871,
875-379, 3883, 387, 391, 393, 397,
403-413, 425, 429, 435, 439,
441, 447, 453, 459

Madetes, cousin of Dareius III,
general in the Uxian country,
309

Malis, district in northern Greece,
cavalry from, with Alexander,
283

Mallians, people of India, 401

Mamercus, tyrant of Catania, 33

Manius, Gaius, consul in 8335/4
R.O., 121

Manlius, Titus, consul in 343/2
B.O., 37

Manlius Torquatus, Titus, consul
in 341/0 B.O., 45 ; in 337/6 B.C.,
85; victor over Latins and
Campanians at Suessa, 89

Mantinea, city in Arcadia, 151

Marcius, Gaius, consul in 341/0
B.C., 45

Marcus (Mamercus), tyrant of Ca-
tania, 33

Mardi, people of the region south
of the Caspian, 109, 337;

VOL. VIII

Mardian troops in the army of
Dareius, 287

Mar paten people in Lycia, 195,

Massaca, city of India, 113

Massani, people of India, 413

Mazaeus, general of Dareius III,
277, 285-291

Medes, 171, 351 ; Media, 299, 351,
857, 445, 447

Medius, son of Oxynthemis of
Larisa in Thessaly, friend of
Alexander ITI, 465

Meleager, son of Neoptolemus,
commander of a battalion of the
Macedonian phalanx, 257

Melisseus, see Ida

Memnon of Rhodes, brother-in-
law and son-in-law of Artabazus
and husband of Barsinê, general
of Dareius III, 135, 137, 169, 171,
179, 183, 187-193, 197, 203, 205

Memnon, Macedonian governor of
Thrace, 295

Memphis, city in Egypt, 257

Menes, son of Dionysius of Pella,
military governor of Babylon
with Apollodorus; responsi-
bility as far as Cilicia, 301

Menidas, Macedonian cavalry
commander under Alexander
IH at Gaugamela, 295

Mesopotamia, 321

Messana, city of Sicily, 35

Metapontum, city in Southern
Italy, 25

Methymna, city of Lesbos, 199

Micinas of Rhodes, Olympic vic-
tor in 324 B.0., 453

Miletus, Milesians, 107, 181, 183

Mithridates, ruler of Cius in
Mysia, 87

Mithrines, satrap of Sardes under
Dareius III, 179; satrap of
Armenia, 303

Mithrobuzanes, commander of the
Cappadocians under Dareius
IIÍ at the Granicus, 177

Mitylenê, city of Lesbos, 199, 205,
283

Molossians, 41

Mophis, son of Taxiles, king in In-
dia, also called Taxiles, friend
of Alexander III, 371, 373

Mather of the Gods, 135

481

INDEX

Muses, 163
Musicanus, king in India, 413

Nabarnes (Nabarzanes), Iranian
noble with Bessus, $829

Nasamonians, people of Africa,
63 :

Nautices, people of Nautaca in
Sogdiana, 111

Neapolis, part of Leontini, in Si-
cily, 41

Neapolis, part of Syracuse, 33

Nearchus, son of Androtimus, of
Latô in Orete, citizen of Amphi-
polis, friend and admiral of
Alexander III, 421, 451

Neoptolemus, Athenian actor,
friend and agent of Philip II, 93

Neoptolemus, son of Arrhabaeus,
brother of Amyntas, killed at
Halicarnassus, 189

Nicaea, city on the Acesines River
in India, 395

Nicanor, son of Parmenion,
general of Alexander III, com-
mander of the Foot Guard at
Gaugamela, 281

Niceratus, Attic archon in 832/1
B.C., 231

Nicocrates, Attic archon in 838/2
B.C., 199

Nicodemus, tyrant of Centuripae
in Sicily, 67

Nicomachus, Attic archon in
341/0 B.C., 45

Nicomachus, Macedonian, brother
of Cebalinus; beloved by
Dimnus; at headquarters of
G II (not royal page),

Nineveh, city in Assyria, 273
Nysia, city of India, 113

Ocean, 115, 379, 395, 419, 421, 429,
431

Oceanus (deity), 419

Ochus (Artaxerxes III), king of
Persia 359-338 B.0., 131

Onr ians, in Alexander’s army,

Olympia in Elis, 439

Olympiad, Olympic @ames, 33,
53, 89, 231, 255, 439, 453

Olympias, daughter of Neoptole-
mus, wife of Philip II, mother

482

of Alexander III, 41, 91, 437,
457, 469

Olympieium, at Syracuse, 29, 71

Olympus, mountain in Thessaly,
Olympius (Zeus), 39

Onchestus, city in Boeotia, 145

Orchomenians (Boeotia), 155

Oreitis, district in Gedrosia, 421;
Oreitae, 423, 427

Orestis, district of Macedonia,
Orestae, 97, 281 ,

Ostanes, grandfather of Dareius
III, brother of Artaxerxes II,
133

Oxathres, brother of Dareius III,
211, 341

Oxyartes, Sogdian noble, father
of Roxanê, 111

Paeonia, Paeonians, 1389; Paeo-
nian prodromoi in army of
Alexander III, 165

Paphlagonia, 171

Papirius, consul in 324/3 B.C., 453

Papirius, Lucius, consul in 834/3
B.C., 163; in 333/2 B.O., 199;
in 328/7 B.0., 353

Parmenion, son of Philotas,
general of Philip II and Alex-
ander III, father-in-law of
Attalus and Coenus, father of
Philotas, Nicanor, Hector, 89,
109, 123, 131, 137, 161, 165, 173,
207, 275, 279, 281, 291, 293, 349,
351, 469

Paropanisadae, provinceofeastern
Iran, 109, 355

Earbpanieumn, Mt. (Hindu-Kush),

Parthyaea, province of Iran, 425

Patala, city of India, 419

Pausanias, beloved of Philip IT, 97

Pausanias, son of Cerastus, of
Orestis in Macedonia, Body-
guard of Philip II, and his
assassin, 95, 97-101

Pella, city of Macedonia, 301

Peloponnese, Peloponnesians, 37,
125, 141, 297, 303; Pelopon-
nesian cavalry with Alexander
TII, 283

Pelusium, city in Egypt, 255

Perdiccas, son of ÓÔrontes, of
Orestis in Macedonia, friend
and general of Alexander III,

INDEX

commander of the battalion of
the phalanx from Orestis and
Lyncestis, 101, 151, 189, 281,
295, 445, 467

Perinthus, "Perinthians, 45-51

Persephonê, 25

Persepolis, 109, 315, 819-323

Persia, Persian, Persians, 47, 85,
89, 93, 95, 109, 111, 115, 117,
129-133, 139, 143, 157, 169-189,
199-203, 207, 209-221, 231, 249,
255-259, 275, 279, 281, 287-295,
305, 309-315, 319, 321, 325, 327,
841, 343, 351, 433, 435, 439,
441, 445-449, 451, 459

Persis, 311, 327

Peucestes (Peucestas), son of
Alexander of Mieza, brother of
Amyntas, general and friend of
Alexander III, 117, 405, 441

Pharnaces, brother of Atizyes and
of the queen to Dareius III, 177

Pharos, island at Alexandria in
Egypt, 267

Phasis, river of the Caucasus, 339

Phegeus, Indian king, 387, 389

Philip, Acarnanian physician, 205

Philip, friend of Alexander,
brought message from Ammon
concerning Hephaestion, 461

Philip, son of Balacrus, com-
mander of a battalion of the
Macedonian phalanx, 281

Philip, son of Menelaüs, com-
mander of the Thessalian
cavalry at Gaugamela, 283

Philip II, son of Amyntas, king of
the Macedonians, 35, 39, 41, 45-
53, 71-77, 81, 85-103, 119, 123,
125, 129-135, 143, 193, 201, 267

Philotas, Macedonian garrison-
commander in the Cadmeia at
Thebes, 141

Philotas, son of Parmenion,
general of Alexander III, 109,
165, 281, 309, 347-351, 469

Phocian, Phocians, 55, 147;
Phocian contingent with Alex-
ander III, 283

Phocion, Athenian statesman, 45,
159

Phoenicia, Phoenician, Phoeni-
cians, 231, 237, 239, 245, 255

Phoenicians (Carthaginians), 27,
59, 61

Phrygia, 107, 167, 195; Helles-
pontine Phrygia, 169 °

Phrypichis, Attic archon in 337/6
B.C.,

Phthiotis, district in Thessaly,
cavalry with Alexander III, 283

Pillars of Heracles, 453

Pitanê, city of Aeolis, 137

Pizodarus, Tuler of Caria, 45

Plataeans (Boeotia), 155

Platius, Lucius, consul in 328/7
B.C., 353

Plautius, Gaius, consul in 343/2
B.C., 37 ; in 338/7 B.C., 71

Pleurias, king of the Illyrians, 97

Polyperchon, son of Simmias,
commander of the battalion of
the Macedonian phalanx from
Stymphalia at Gaugamela, 281

Popillius, Quintus, consul in 8325/4
B.C., 441

Porticanus, king in India, 413

Porus, cousin of Alexander’s
friend King Porus, Indian king,
fled and lost his kingdom, 383

Porus, Indian king, defeated foe
and friend of Alexander III,
113, 373-383, 389, 395

Poseidon, 63, 233, 235

Postumius, Aulus, consul in 326/5
B.C., 373

Postumius, Etruscan pirate, 65

Postumius, Spurius, consul in
331/0 B.C., 257

Prometheus, 357

Providence, 93, 259, 417

Ptolemy, son of Lagus, of Eordeia
in Macedonia, friend and general
of Alexander III, 417-421

Publius, Gaius, consul in 324/3
B.C., 453

Publius, Marcus, consul in 344/3
B.C., 33; M. Gnaeus Publius,
consul in 342/1 B.C., 41

Publius, Quintus, consul in 336/5
B.C., 89

Pydna, city of Macedonia, 301

Pylae (Thermopylae), 127

Pyrrha, city of Lesbos, 199

Pyrrhus, Molossian, 41

Pythia at Delphi, Pythian Oracle,
89, 95, 391

Pytho of Byzantium, orator and
fdipiomst in service of Philip IJ,

483

INDEX

Pythodorus, Attic archon in 336/5
B.C., 89
Pythodotus, Attic archon in 343/2

B.O.,
Pythonicê, Athenian courtesan,
in service of Harpalus, 437

Red Sea (Persian Gulf), 435

Rhegium, Rhegians, 25, 29

Rheomithres, general of Dareius
III, 171

Rheomithres, Persian noble killed
at Issus, 213

Rhodes, Rhodians, 53, 135, 169,
171, 453

Rhoetium, cape in the Troad, 139

Rhosaces, Persian noble, brother
of Spithridates, 175, 177

Rock, name of various places in
Asia: in Lycia, 195, 197; in
Hyrcania, 333; in Areia, 109;
in the Caucasus, 357; in Sog-
diana, 111; in Swat (Aornus),
113, 365-369

Rome, Romans, 23, 33, 37, 39, 41,
45, 53, 65, 35, 89, 121, 163, 199,
y 257, 295, 329, 353, 3873, 441,

Roxanê, daughter of Oxyartes of
eua wife of Alexander III,
11

Royal Relatives (Persian), 173,
177, 203, 217

Rutilius, Marcus, consul in 8339/8
B.0., 65

Sacred Battalion, corps d'élite of
the Carthaginian army, 61
Salmus, city in Carmania, 429
Sambana, city in Sittacenê, 443
Sambastae, people of India, 411
Sambus, king in India, 413, 415
Sardes (Sardians), city in Asia
Minor, 179, 303
Sasibisares (Abisares), also called
Embisarus, Indian king, 381
Satibarzanes, satrap of Areia
under Dareius III, 343, 353, 359
Scythians, 111 ;_Seythian cavalry
with: Dareius III, 287, 289
Servilius, Quintus, consul in 339/8
B.O., 65
Sibians, people of India, 397
Sicanians, 48
Siceliot Greeks, 69, 87

484

Sicels, 43

Sicily, Sicilian, Sicilians, 23-27,
33, 39-45, 53, 65, 69, 71, 81

Sirens, on Hephaestion’s catafal-
que, 459 ,

Sisyngambris, mother of Dareius
IIT, 223, 225, 289, 469

Sittacenê, district on the lower
Tigris, 303, 443

Sodrae, people of India, 413,

Sogdiana, 371, 405 ; Sogdiani, 111

Sopeithes, Indian king, friend of
Alexander, 113, 385

Sosigenes, Attic archon in 342/1
B.O., 41

Sparta, Spartans (see also Lace-
daemonians), 419; Spartiates,
199, 255, 299, 329

Spithrobates, satrap of Ionia
under Dareius III, son-in-law of
Dareius and brother of Rho-
saces, 171, 173

Spring of the Sun, at the Oasis of
Siwah, 263

Stasanor, of Soloi in Cyprus,
general and satrap of Areia
under Alexander III, 353

Stateira, daughter of Dareius III,
wife of Alexander III, 433

Stiboeites, river of Hyrcania, 333

Straton, king of Sidon, 253

Stymphaeans, people of Macedo-
nia, 281

Successors, kings after Alexander
III, 471

amema (Arunca), city of Latium,

Sulpicius, Gaius, consul in 334/3
B.C., 163

Sulpicius, Servius, consul in 345/4
B.C., 23

Susa, 109, 309, 321, 433, 441 H
Susianê, 305, 431

atu Gates, 109 ; Susian Rocks,

Sydracae, people of India, 401

Syracuse, Syracusan, Syracusans,
23, 27-35, 39, 43, 55, 57, 63-71,
87, 183

Syria, 207, 269

(Syrian) Gates, 207

Tabraesians, people of India, 389
Taenarum, promontory in Laco-
nia, 115, 437, 445

INDEX

Tarentum, city in South Italy, 85

Tasiaces, Persian satrap of Egypt,
killed at Issus, 213

Tauromenium, city in Sicily, 31

Taxiles, Indian king, father of
Mophis, who was also called
Taxiles, friend of Alexander III,
113, 371

Tethys, 419

Thaïs, Athenian courtesan, with
Alexander III at Persepolis,
325, 327 -

Thalestris, queen of the Amazons,
109, 339, 341

Thebes, Theban, Thebans, 73, 75,
83, 107, 125, 189-161, 469

Theophrastus, Attic archon in
340/39 B.C., 53

Fhroporopus of Chios, historian,

Thermodon, river of eastern Asia
Minor, 339

Thersites, character in the Iliad, 81

Thespians (Boeotia), 155

Thessaly, Thessalian, Thessalians,
35, 37, 125, 465; Thessalian
cavalry in the army of Alex-
ander IIJ, 165, 173, 179, 209,
283, 291, 293; Thessalian
League, 127

Thibron, friend and murderer of
Harpalus, 437

Thrace, Thracian, Thracians, 39,
41, 139, 141, 295, 297, 453;
Thracians in the army of Alex-
ander III, 165, 303

Thrasius, mercenary leader with
Timoleon, 55, 57, 65

Thrasybulus, Athenian, at Hali-
carnassus, 189

Tigris River, 271, 277, 443

Tigris River (Pasitigris), river of
the Susianê, 309

Timaenetus, see Timoleon

Timoleon, son of Timaenetus, of
Corinth, 23, 25, 29-37, 41, 43, 55-
65, 69, 87

Timotheüs, Athenian general, 77

Timotheüs, tyrant of Heracleia-
Pontica, 85

Tiridates, commander of the cita-
del of Persepolis under Darcius
III, 315

Tiridates, governor of Arimaspia
and Gedrosia under Alexander
III, 3853

Trallians, people of Thrace, serv-
ing with Alexander III, 303

Triballians, in the army of Alex-
ander III, 165

Tripolis, city of Phoenicia, 255

Troad, 139, 163, 167

Tyndaritae, city in Sicily, 33

Tyre, city in Phoenicia; Tyrian,
Tyrians, 107, 231-243, 247-253 ;
Old Tyre, 233

Uxianê, 311 ; Uxii; Uxian, people
of the lower Zagreus, 309, 811

Valerius, Caeso, consul in 8333/2
B.C., 199

Valerius, Ģ@aius, consul in 329/8
B.C., 329

Valerius, Marcus, consul in 344/3
B.C., 33; in 342/1 B.C., 41; in
340/39 B.C., 58; in 332/1 B.C.,
231

Veturius, Titus, consul in 331/0
B.C., 257

Xandrames, king of the Gan-
daridae in India, 389

Xerxes, king of Persia 485-464
B.C., 157, 327, 443

Zeus, 163; Zeus Olympius, 39

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Craupias. M. Platnauer. 2 Vols.

CorumeELLA : De Re Rustica ; Dr Argorwus. H. B. Ash,
E. S. Forster, E. Heffner. 3 Vols.

Curtius, Q. : HısToRY oF ALEXANDER. J.C. Rolfe. 2 Vols.

Frorus. E. S. Forster: and CorxreLus Neros. J.C. Rolfe.

FRONTINUS: STRATAGEMS AND AavEDucTs. C. E. Bennett
and M. B. McElwain.

Froxnro: Corrrsroxpexce. C. R. Haines. 2 Vols.

Grruius. J. C. Rolfe. 3 Vols.

Horace: Opes anp Eropes. C. E. Bennett.

Horace : Sarires, ErisrLes, Ars Poerica. H.R. Fairclough.

Jerome: Serect Lerrers. F. A. Wright.

Juvexar asp Persius. G. G. Ramsay.

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Lıvy. B. O. Foster, F. G. Moore, Evan T. Sage, A. C~
Schlesinger and R. M. Geer (General Index). 14 Vols.

Lucan. J. D. Duff.

Lucretrius. W. H. D. Rouse.

Martuar. W.C. A. Ker. 2 Vols.

Mıxor Larıx Poers: from PusuLius Syrus to RuTILIUS
NamartIraxus, including GraTTIUsS, CALPURNIUS SICULUS,
NemeEsranus, Avranus, with “ Aetna,” “ Phoenix ” and
other poems. J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff.

Ovo: Tuar Arr or Love anD oruER Porms. J. H. Mozley.

Ovo: Fasrtı. Sir James G. Frazer.

Ovo: Herorpes ann Amores. Grant Showerman.

Ovıp: MeETamorrnoses. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols.

Ovın: Tristia ann Ex Poxro. A. L. Wheeler.

Perroxius. M. Heseltine: SENECA: APOCOLOCYNTOSIS.
W. H. D. Rouse.

Praurus. Paul Nixon. 5 Vols.

Prrny: LerTeERrs. Melmoth’s translation revised by W. M. L.
Hutchinson. 2 Vols.

Priny: Narurar Hisrory. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V and IX.
H. Rackham. Vols. VI-VIII. W. H. S. Jones. Vol.
X. D. E. Eichholz.

Propertius. H. E. Butler.

Prupextius. H. J. Thomson. 2 Vols.

Qurxtitax. H. E. Butler. 4 Vols.

Remains or Orp Larix. E. H. Warmington. & Vols.
Vol. I (Ennius and Caecilius). Vol, II (Livius, Naevius,
Pacuvius, Accius). Vol. III (Lucilius, Laws of the XII
Tables). Vol. IV (Archaic Inscriptions).

Sarrust. J. C. Rolfe.

GcrirtTorEs Hisrorrar Aueusrtar. D. Magie. 3 Vols.

SENECA : APOCoLOCYNTOSIS. Cf. PErTRoxNIvs.

Geneca : ErrsruLar Moraes. R. M. Gummere. 3 Vols.

Seneca : Morar Essays. J. W. Basore. 3 Vols.

Seneca : Tracepwes. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols.

Sipoxrus: Poems ann Lerrers. W. B. Anderson. 2 Vols.

Sıtrus Irarrcus. J. D. Duff. 2 Vols.

Srarrus. J. H. Mozley. 2 Vols.

Surroxius. J. C. Rolfe. 2 Vols.

Tacırus: Draroeus. Sir Wm. Peterson : and AGRICOLA
anD Germania. Maurice Hutton.

Tacrrus: Haisrories ann Axxwars. C. H. Moore and J.
Jackson. 4 Vols. i

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Terexce. John Sargeaunt. 2 Vols.

TERTULLIAN : AroLocIa anD De Srectracuus., T.R. Glover;
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Vareriws Fraccus. J. H. Mozley.

Varro: De Liıncua Larina. R. G. Kent. 2 Vols.

VELLEIUS PareRrcuLUs anp Res Gesrar Dirvi Avcusri. F, W.
Shipley.

Virc. H. R. Fairclough. 2 Vols.

Vrrruvius: De Arcarrecrura. F. Granger. 2 Vols.

GREEK AUTHORS

AcĦILLES Tatius. S. Gaselee.

Arrian: On tHE Nature oF Animaus. A. F. Scholfeld.
8 Vols.

AENEAS TAcTICUS, ASCLEPIODOTUS AND ỌONASANDER. The
IHinois Greek Club.

AEscHINES. C. D. Adams.

ArscuyLus. H. Weir Smyth. 2 Vols.

ÅLCIPHRON, ÂÅELIAN AND PHILOSTRATUS: LETTERS. A. R.
Benner and F. H. Fobes.

AroLLODORUS. Sir James G. Frazer. 2 Vols.

AroLLoxNius Ruopius. R. C. Seaton.

Tur Arosrorıc Farners. Kirsopp Lake. 2 Vols.

Aprriaxn’s Roman Hisrory. Horace White. 4 Vols.

AraTUS. Cf. CALLIMACHUS.

ArısToPHANES. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. 3 Vols. Verse
trans.

ARISTOTLE: ART of RueTorc. J. H. Freese.

ARISTOTLE; ÅÂTHENIAN CONSTITUTION, EUDEMIAN Ertu1cs,
VırTUES anD Vices. H. Rackham.

ARISTOTLE: GENERATION OF ÂNIMALS. A. L. Peck.

ARISTOTLE: MeEraPuysics. H. Tredennick. 2 Vols.

ARISTOTLE: METEOROLOGICA. H. D. P. Lee.

ARISTOTLE: Mınor Worxs. W. S. Hett. “ On Colours,”
“ On Things Heard,” “ Physiognomics,” “ On Plants,”
“ On Marvellous Things Heard,” Mechanical Problems,”
“On Indivisible Lines,” “ Situations and Names of
Winds,” “ On Melissus, Xenophanes, and Gorgias.”

ARISTOTLE: Nıcomacuean Ernies. H. Rackham.

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ARISTOTLE: Oercowomica anD Maexa Moraria., G. C.
Armstrong. (With Metaphysics, Vol. II.)

ARISTOTLE: Ovn TuE Heavens. W. K. C. Guthrie.

ARISTOTLE: ON THE SOUL, Parva NATURALIA, On BREATH.
W. S. Hett.

ARISTOTLE: Tuae Carecorws. On InrTERPRETATION. H.P.
Cooke; Prior Axaryrtics. H. Tredennick.

ARISTOTLE: Posrerror Anaryrtics. H. Tredennick ;. Torrcs.
E. S. Forster.

ARISTOTLE: ŞSOPHISTICAL REFUTATIONS. COMING-TO-BE AND
Passıne-away. ÈE. S. Forster. On Tue Cosmos. D.J.
Furley.

ARISTOTLE: PARTS OF ANIMALS. A. L, Peck; MOTION AND
Procression or Animais. E. S. Forster.

ArısrorLe: Puysics. Rev. P. Wicksteed and F. M. Corn-
ford. 2 Vols.

ÅRISTOTLE: PorrIīcs; LONGINUS ON THE Susme. W.
Hamilton Fyfe; Demetrius ox Styre. W. Rhys Roberts.

ARISTOTLE: Porrmics. H. Rackham.

ARISTOTLE: Progrrems. W. S. Hett. 2 Vols.

ARISTOTLE: RHETORICA AD ÂLEXANDRUM. H. Rackham.
(With Problems, Vol. II.)

ARRIAN: HISTORY OF ALEXANDER AND INDICA. Rev. E.
Iliffe Robson. 2 Vols.

ATHENAEUS: DerrxosornIsTaE. C. B. Gulick. 7 Vols.

Sr. Bası: Lærrers. R. J. Deferrari. 4 Vols.

CaLrLimacnus: Fracmenrs. C. A. Trypanis.

CALLIMACHUS: Hymns anD EPIGRAMS, AND LYCOPHRON.
A. W. Mair; Aratus. G. R. Mair.

CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. Rev. G. W. Butterworth.

CoLLUTHUS. Cf. OPPIAN.

DaPrnynis anD CurLor. Cf. Loneus.

DEMOSTHENES I: OLYNTHIACS, PHILIPPICS AND Mıxor ORA-
rroxs: I-XVII anp XX. J. H. Vince.

DemostHENEs II: De Corowa anD DE Farsa LEGATIONE.
C. A. Vince and J. H. Vince.

Demostenes ILI: MEIDIAS, ÂNDROTION, A RISTOCRATES,
TIMOCRATES, ÅRISTOGEITON. J. H. Vince.

DemosTHExNES IV-VI: PRIVATE ORATIONS AND In NEAERAM.
A. T. Murray.

DemostHENES VII: FUNERAL SPEECH, Erotic Essay, Ex-
oRDIA AND Lerrers. N. W. and N. J. DeWitt.

Dro Cassius: Romax Hisrory. E. Cary. 9 Vols.

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Dio Curysosrom. 5 Vols. Vols. I and II. J. W. Cohoon.
Vol III. J. W. Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. Vols. IV
and V. H. Lamar Crosby.

Dıroporus Srcurus. 12 Vols. Vols. I-VI. C. H. Oldfather.
Vol. VII. C. L. Sherman. Vol. VIII. C. B. Welles.
Vols. IX and X. Russel M. Geer. Vol. XI. F.R. Walton.

Drocexrs Larrrius. R. D. Hicks. 2 Vols.

Dıroxysrus orf HALICARNASsUS: ROMAN ÅNTIQUITIES. Spel-
man’s translation revised by E. Cary. 7 Vols,

Erıcrerus. W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols.

Evurmrines. A. S. Way. 4 Vols. Verse trans.

Evsesgtus: EccresrasticaL Hiısrory. Kirsopp Lake and
J. E. L. Oulton. 2 Vols.

Garen: On tHe Narurar Facurties. A. J. Brock.

TuE Greek AnrtHoLocy. W. R. Paton. 5 Vols.

Tur Grerk Bucoric PoETS (TurocriTUus, Brox, Moscuvus).
J. M. Edmonds.

GREEK ELEGY AND [AMBUS WITH THE ANACREONTEAa. J. M.
Edmonds. 2 Vols.

Greek MaruemaricaL Works. Ivor Thomas. 2 Vols.

Herones. Cf. THEOPHRASTUS: CHARACTERS.

Heropotus. A. D. Godley. 4 Vols.

Hesron and rue Homeric Hymys. H. G. Evelyn White.

HirrocraTES AND rue Fracmenxrs or Heracross., W. H.S,
Jones and E. T. Withington. 4 Vols.

Homer: Irta. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols.

Homer: Opyssey. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols.

Isarus. E. S. Forster.

Isocrates. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols.

Sr. Jous Damascene : BarLaam ann loasarn. Rev. G. R.
Woodward and Harold Mattingly.

Josernus. 9 Vols. Vols. I-IV. H. St. J. Thackeray. Vol.
V. H. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus. Vols. VI
and VII. Ralph Marcus. Vol. VIII. Ralph Marcus and
Allen Wikgren.

Jurian. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols.

Loxncus: DAPHNIS AND CHLOE. Thornley’s translation re-
vised by J. M. Edmonds; and PartTuENIus. S, Gaselee.

Luciraw. ` 8 Vols. Vols. I-V. A. M. Harmon; Vol. VI.
K. Kilburn; Vol. VII. M. D. Macleod.

Lycornrox. Cf. CALLIMACHUS.

Lyra Graeca. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols.

Lysras. W. R. M. Lamb.

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Maxeruo. W.G. Waddell. Proremy : Terrasigsros. F. E.
Robbins.

Marcus AvurrLIUsS. C. R. Haines.

Mexaxnper. F. G. Allinson.

Miīixor ArTIC Orarors. 2 Vols. K. J. Maidment and
J. O. Burtt.

Noxļnxos: Droxysiaca. W. H. D. Rouse. 3 Vols.

Orrian, CoLLUTHUS, Tryruroporus. A. W. Mair.

Paryri. Non-Lrrerary SeLrcrions. A. S. Hunt and C. C.
Edgar. 2 Vols. Lrrerary Serecrioxs (Poetry). D. L.
Page.

PARTHENIUS. Cf. Loncus.

Pausanias: Descrirerriox or Greece. W. H. S. Jones. 5
Vols. and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley.

Purto. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V. F. H. Colson and Rev. G. H.
Whitaker; Vols. VI-X. F. H. Colson; General Index.
Rev. J. W. Earp.

Two Supplementary Vols. Translation only from an
Armenian Text. Ralph Marcus.

PHILOSTRATUS: IMAGINES: CALLISTRATUS: DESCRIPTIONS.
A. Fairbanks.

PurLostRaTUS: Tue Lire or AroLLoNIUus oF Tyaxa. F.C.
Conybeare. 2 Vols.

PHILOSTRATUS AND Euxaprrius; LIVES OF THE SOPHISTS.
Wilmer Cave Wright.

Prnpar. Sir J. E. Sandys.

PLATO: CHARMIDES, ÂLCIBIA DES, HIPPARCHUS, THE LovERS,
Turaces, Mrwos ann Errnyomis. W. R. M. Lamb.

PLATO: CRATYLUS, PARMENIDES, GREATER HIPPIAS, LESSER
Hirrrras. H. N. Fowler.

PLATO: EUTHYPHRO, APOLOGY, CRITO, PHAEDO, PHAEDRUS.
H. N. Fowler.

Praro: Lacmes, Proracoras, MeENo, EUTHYDEMUS.
W. R. M. Lamb.

Praro: Laws. Rev. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols.

Praro: Lysis, SYMPOSIUM, GORGIAS. W. R. M. Lamb.

Praro: Repusic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols.

Praro: SraresmaN. Pmregus. H. N. Fowler: iov.
W. R. M. Lamb.

PLATO: THEAETETUS AND SOPHIST. H. N. Fowler.

Praro: TIMAEUS, CRITIAS, CLITOPHO, MerexeExENUS, Err-
sruraE. Rev. R. G. Bury.

Puurarcu: Morata. 15 Vols. Vols. I-V. F.C. Babbitt;

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Vol. VI. W.C. Helmbold; Vol. VII. P.H. De Lacy and
B. Einarson; Vol. IX. E. L. Minar, Jr., F. H. Sandbach,
W. C. Helmbold; Vol. X. H. N. Fowler; Vol. XII. H.
Cherniss and W. C. Helmbold.

Prurarcu: Tar PARALLEL Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols.

Porysrus. W. R. Paton. 6 Vols.

Procorrus: Hiısrory oF rue Wars. H.B. Dewing. 7 Vols.

ProLemy: TerrasBLos. Cf. MANETHO.

Quintus SmyrxaEUs. A.S. Way. Verse trans.

Sexrus Emrrricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols.

Sornocres. F. Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans.

STRABO: GrEocraruy. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols.

TueornRasrus: Cuaracrers. J. M. Edmonds; Heroes,
ete. A. D. Knox.

TurEoPHRAsTUS: EwgurirRY inTO Prants. Sir Arthur Hort.
2 Vols.

Tuucyprines. C. F. Smith. 4 Vols.

TryPHIoporus. Cf. OpPraN.

XrĒxornon : Cyrorarpra. Walter Miller. 2 Vols.

XENOPHON: HELLENICA, ÂNABASIS, APOLOGY, AND SYmMPo-
sıuĪ. C. iL. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 3 Vols.

Xexnornon: MemorasgiLIa anb Orcoļwomicus. E.C. Mar-
chant.

XrNnorHon: Scripra Minora. E. C. Marchant.

VOLUMES IN PREPARATION

ArıstToTLE: Historia AnmaLrum (Greek). A. L. Peck.
Basrius (Greek) anD PHAEDRUS (Latin). B. E. Perry.
Prormwus (Greek). A. H. Armstrong.

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